Notes

Abbreviations

AdsD

Archiv der sozialen Demokratie

AE

Allgemeine Erlaßsammlung

AEKIR

Archiv der Evangelischen Kirche im Rheinland, Düsseldorf

AEL

Arbeitserziehungslager (Work Education Camp[s])

AfS

Archiv für Sozialgeschichte

AG

Amtsgericht

AGFl

Archiv der KZ-Gedenkstätte Flossenbürg

AGN

Archiv der KZ-Gedenkstätte Neuengamme

AHR

The American Historical Review

AM

Archiv der KZ-Gedenkstätte Mauthausen

APMO

Archiwum Państwowe Muzeum w Oświęcimiu

AS

Archiv der Gedenkstätte Sachsenhausen

ASL

Archiv der Stadt Linz

BArchB

Bundesarchiv Berlin

BArchF

Bundesarchiv Filmarchiv

BArchK

Bundesarchiv Koblenz

BArchL

Bundesarchiv Ludwigsburg

BayHStA

Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv

BDC

Berlin Document Center

BGVN

Beiträge zur Geschichte der nationalsozialistischen Verfolgung in Norddeutschland

Bl.

Blatt (folio)

BLA

Bayerisches Landesentschädigungsamt

BLHA

Brandenburgisches Landeshauptarchiv

BoA

Boder Archive online

BPP

Bayerische Politische Polizei

BStU

Behörde des Bundesbeauftragten für die Unterlagen des Staatssicherheitsdienstes der ehemaligen DDR

BwA

Archiv der Gedenkstätte Buchenwald

CEH

Central European History

CoEH

Contemporary European History

CSDIC

Combined Services Detailed Interrogation Centre

DaA

Archiv der Gedenkstätte Dachau

DAP

Der Auschwitz-Prozeß (DVD-Rom)

DAW

Deutsche Ausrüstungswerke GmbH (German Equipment Works)

DESt

Deutsche Erd- und Steinwerke GmbH (German Earth and Stone Works)

DH

Dachauer Hefte

DJAO

Deputy Judge Advocate’s Office

DM

Deutsche Mark

DöW

Stiftung Dokumentationsarchiv des österreichischen Widerstandes

DP

Displaced Person

DV

Dienstvorschrift

EE

Eidesstattliche Erklärung

EHQ

European History Quarterly

ERH

European Review of History

EV

Einstellungsverfügung

FZH

Forschungsstelle für Zeitgeschichte, Hamburg

GDR

German Democratic Republic

Gestapa

Geheimes Staatspolizeiamt (Secret State Police Office)

Gestapo

Geheime Staatspolizei (Secret State Police)

GH

German History

GHI

German Historical Institute

GPD

German Police Decodes

GStA

Generalstaatsanwalt

GStA PK

Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz

HGS

Holocaust and Genocide Studies

HHStAW

Hessisches Hauptstaatsarchiv

HIA

Hoover Institution Archives

HIS

Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung

HLSL

Harvard Law School Library, Nuremberg Trials Project

HSSPF

Höhere SS und Polizeiführer (Higher SS and police leader[s])

HStAD

Landesarchiv NRW, Abteilung Rheinland

HvA

Hefte von Auschwitz

ICRC

International Committee of the Red Cross

IfZ

Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich

IKL

Inspektion der Konzentrationslager (Inspectorate of Concentration Camps)

IMT

Trial of the Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal

ITS

International Tracing Service

JAO

Judge Advocate’s Office

JCH

Journal of Contemporary History

JfA

Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung

JMH

The Journal of Modern History

JNV

Justiz und NS-Verbrechen, Rüter and de Mildt (eds.)

JVL

Jewish Virtual Library online

KB

Kommandanturbefehl

KE

Kleine Erwerbungen

KL

Konzentrationslager (Concentration Camp[s])

KOK

Kriminaloberkommissar

KPD

Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands (German Communist Party)

Kripo

Kriminalpolizei (Criminal Police)

KTI

Kriminaltechnisches Institut (Criminal Technical Institute)

LaB

Landesarchiv Berlin

LBIJMB

Leo Baeck Institute Archives, Berlin

LBIYB

Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook

LG

Landgericht

LHASA

Landeshauptarchiv Sachsen-Anhalt

LK

Lagerkommandant(en) (Camp commandant[s])

LKA

Landeskriminalamt

LSW

Landesgericht für Strafsachen, Wien

LULVR

Lund University Library, Voices from Ravensbrück online

MdI

Minister/Ministerium des Innern (Minister/Ministry of the Interior)

MG

Manuscript Group

MPr

Ministerpräsident (Minister president)

MSchKrim

Monatsschrift für Kriminalpsychologie und Strafrechtsreform

NAL

National Archives, London

NARA

National Archives, Washington, D.C.

NCA

Nazi Conspiracy, Office of U.S. Chief Counsel (ed.)

NCC

The Nazi Concentration Camps, Wachsmann and Goeschel (eds.)

NCO

Noncommissioned Officer

n.d.

no date

ND

Nuremberg Document

NGC

New German Critique

NKVD

People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs

NLA-StAO

Niedersächsisches Landesarchiv, Staatsarchiv Oldenburg

NLHStA

Niedersächsisches Hauptstaatsarchiv

NMGB

Nationale Mahn- und Gedenkstätte Buchenwald

NN

Nacht und Nebel (Night and Fog)

NRW

Nordrhein-Westfalen

NYPL

New York Public Library

ODNB

Oxford Dictionary of National Biography

OdT

Ort des Terrors, Benz and Distel (eds.)

OKW

Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (High Command of the Wehrmacht)

ORR

Oberregierungsrat

OStA

Oberstaatsanwalt

OT

Organisation Todt

PAdAA

Politisches Archiv des Auswärtigen Amtes

PMI

Prussian Minister of the Interior

POW

Prisoner of War

Publ.

Published

RaR

Review and Recommendations

RdI

Reichsministerium des Innern (Reich Ministry of the Interior)

RJM

Reichsministerium der Justiz (Reich Ministry of Justice)

RKPA

Reichskriminalpolizeiamt (Reich Criminal Police Office)

RM

Reichsmark

RMi

Reichsminister

RSHA

Reichssicherheitshauptamt (Reich Security Main Office)

SD

Sicherheitsdienst (Security Service)

SED

Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands (German Socialist Unity Party)

Sipo

Sicherheitspolizei (Security Police)

Sk

Staatskanzlei (State Chancellery)

SlF

Schutzhaftlagerführer (Camp compound leader)

SMAB

State Museum Auschwitz-Birkenau

SPD

Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (German Social Democratic Party)

StA

Staatsanwaltschaft(en)

StAAm

Staatsarchiv Amberg

StAAu

Staatsarchiv Augsburg

StAL

Landesarchiv Baden-Württemberg, Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg

StAMü

Staatsarchiv München

StANü

Staatsarchiv Nürnberg

StB

Standortbefehl

StW

Stadtarchiv Weimar

Texled

Gesellschaft für Textil- und Lederverwertung (Company for Textile and Leather Utilization)

ThHStAW

Thüringisches Hauptsstaatsarchiv, Weimar

TS

Totenkopfstandarten (Death’s Head regiments)

TWC

Trials of War Criminals Before the Nuernberg Military Tribunals

USHMM

United States Holocaust Memorial Museum

VfZ

Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte

VöB

Völkischer Beobachter

VoMi

Volksdeutsche Mittelstelle (Ethnic German Liason Office)

WG

Werkstatt Geschichte

WL

Wiener Library

WVHA

Wirtschafts-Verwaltungshauptamt (SS Business and Administration Main Office)

YIVO

YIVO Institute for Jewish Research

YUL

Yale University Library, Archives

YVA

Yad Vashem Archives

ZfG

Zeitschrift für Geschichtswissenschaft

See Sources for full bibliographic details.

Prologue

    1. Dann, Dachau, quote on 22; Zarusky, “Erschießungen”; Abzug, Inside, 89–92; DaA, DA 20202, F. Sparks, “Dachau and Its Liberation,” March 20, 1984; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 70, 502–503; KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, Gedenkbuch, 10; Marcuse, Legacies, 51; Weiß, “Dachau,” 26–27, 31–32; “Dachau Captured by Americans Who Kill Guards, Liberate 32,000,” New York Times, May 1, 1945. See also images in the USHMM photograph collection. The death train had set off on April 7, 1945, from Buchenwald, with 4,500 to 5,000 prisoners on board.

    2. Hannah Arendt already made a similar point soon after the Second World War; Brink, Ikonen, 78. More generally, see Weiß, “Dachau”; NCC, ix.

    3. DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971); BArchB, R 2/28350, Chronik der SS-Lageranlage Dachau, March 1, 1938; Zámečník, Dachau, 86–90, 99–105; Neurath, Gesellschaft, 23, 38–41, 44–48; Burkhard, Tanz, 83, 86–89; Steinbacher, Dachau, 90; OdT, vol. 1, 102–104; ibid., vol. 2, 248; Pressac, Krematorien, 8. Thirty of the thirty-four Dachau barracks were used for regular prisoner accommodation. The SS did consider building a crematorium in Dachau in 1937, but did not go ahead with the plan; Comité, Dachau (1978), 166 (my thanks to Dirk Riedel for the reference).

    4. Seubert, “‘Vierteljahr,’” 63–68, 89–90, quote on 90; Richardi, Schule, 40–55; Dillon, “Dachau,” 27, 153; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 123–25; Zámečník, Dachau, 22–25; KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, Gedenkbuch, 9, 13; DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” summer 1934, 2–3; ibid., 3.286; C. Bastian, “22. März 1933,” in Mitteilungsblatt der Lagergemeinschaft Dachau, April 1965 (thanks to Chris Dillon for this reference); BArchB, R 2/28350, Chronik der SS-Lageranlage Dachau, March 1, 1938. The number of deaths in Dachau excludes some 2,500 survivors who died in the first three months after liberation.

    5. DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 95.

    6. For the term “order of terror,” Sofsky, Ordnung. Sofsky’s study also begins by contrasting Dachau in 1933 and 1945, though in a rather different manner.

    7. Figures based on OdT, vols. 2–8, counting camps under the IKL and the WVHA. I have not included the SS special camp Hinzert or the women’s camp Moringen among the main camps.

    8. For an early discussion of the centrality of the camps to Nazism, Arendt, Origins, 438.

    9. The term “KL” remained the main SS abbreviation for concentration camps throughout the Third Reich. For popular references to “KL,” see The Times, January 24, 1935, NCC, doc. 277. Prisoners also applied the term, though they more commonly used the harsher sounding “KZ,” which became the standard abbreviation in postwar Germany (Kamiński, Konzentrationslager, 51; Kautsky,Teufel, 259; Kogon, SS-Staat, 1946, 4). Still, some survivors (Internationales Lagerkommitee Buchenwald, KL BU) and scholars (Herbert et al., Konzentrationslager) continued to use “KL.” In this book, “KL,” or concentration camp, normally refers to SS camps under the authority of the IKL (from 1934) and WVHA (from 1942); at times, I also use the generic term “camps” to refer to these sites.

  10. There were an estimated four hundred and fifty thousand KL survivors in 1945 (chapter 11), in addition to perhaps one hundred thousand prisoners released from the KL between 1933 and 1944. For mortality figures, see table 2, appendix; Piper, Zahl, 143, 167. A small proportion of Jews murdered on arrival in Auschwitz died outside the gas chambers (chapter 9).
      A brief note on terminology: The SS divided its prisoners into different categories according to their (presumed) background. These SS designations shaped the prisoner society and inevitably feature in this book. It is worth noting, however, that many prisoners would have described themselves differently. A number of Jewish prisoners, for example, did not see themselves as Jews (at least not before their arrest). Also, a generic SS term like “Russian prisoner” (which I have generally replaced with the broader term “Soviet prisoner”) was often applied indiscriminately by the SS to Ukrainians, Russians, Belarusians, and some Poles.

  11. Quote in Hitler speech, January 30, 1941, in Domarus, Reden, vol. 4, 1658. See also Welch, Propaganda, 229–35; Fox, Film, 171–84; Langbein, Menschen, 324; Evans, Third Reich at War, 145.

  12. Hitler speech, January 30, 1940, in Domarus, Reden, vol. 3, 1459.

  13. Quote in Himmler speech on the Day of the German Police, January 29, 1939, NCC, doc. 274. More generally, see Moore, “‘What Concentration Camps.’”

  14. Bauman, “Century.” See also Kotek, Rigoulot, Jahrhundert; Wormser-Migot, L’ère.

  15. Smith and Stucki, “Colonial.” See also Sutton, “Reconcentration.”

  16. For German colonial camps, Hull, Destruction, 70–90 (who estimates over thirty-three thousand African captives); Kreienbaum, “‘Vernichtungslager.’” On the supposed links to the KL, see especially Madley, “Africa,” quote on 446. More generally, see Zimmerer, “War,” 58–60; Kotek and Rigoulot, Jahrhundert, 32. For criticism of this thesis, see Wachsmann and Goeschel, “Before Auschwitz,” 526–28. For a wider critique of supposed continuities between German colonial violence and Nazi extermination policy, see Gerwarth and Malinowski, “Hannah Arendt’s Ghosts.”

  17. Quote in Bell, Völkerrecht, 723. From a German perspective, see Hinz, Gefangen; Stibbe, Civilian Prisoners; Jones, Violence. More generally, see Kramer, “Einleitung,” 17–20, 29–30; Buggeln and Wildt, “Lager,” 168–69.

  18. Overy, “Konzentrationslager.” On Spain, see Rodrigo, “Exploitation,” especially page 557. For a visit by Spanish police officials to Sachsenhausen in 1940, Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 390–91. For a visit by Himmler to Franco’s camps in 1940, Preston, Holocaust, 494–95. For concentration camps in Fascist Italy, Guerrazzi, di Sante, “Geschichte.”

  19. This is reflected in books on both camp systems; Todorov, Facing; Kamiński, Konzentrationslager; Armanski, Maschinen.

  20. Khlevniuk, History, figures on 328; Applebaum, Gulag; Overy, “Konzentrationslager,” 44–50; Kramer, “Einleitung,” 22, 30; Wachsmann, “Comparisons.” For one of the so-called special settlements, see Werth, Cannibal.

  21. For a contemporaneous claim, see “Life in a Nazi Concentration Camp,” New York Times Magazine, February 14, 1937. In 1980s Germany, the inflammatory claim by the historian Ernst Nolte that the Gulag had set a precedent for Auschwitz triggered the so-called “historians’ dispute”; Nolte, “Vergangenheit”; Evans, Hitler’s Shadow.

  22. Arendt, Origins, 445. For figures on deaths and releases in NKVD camps, see Khlevniuk, History, 308; Snyder, Bloodlands, xiii; Arch Getty et al., “Victims,” 1041; Kramer, “Einleitung,” 24. For other differences between SS and Soviet camps, see Wachsmann, “Comparisons.”

  23. Quotes in Aly, “Endlösung,” 274; Ereignismeldung UdSSR Nr. 59, August 21, 1941, Anlage I, “Das Verschickungs- und Verbannungswesen in der UdSSR,” in Boberach, Regimekritik, doc. rk1204. See also the recollections of Rudolf Höss in Broszat, Kommandant, 209.

  24. StAMü, Staatsanwaltschaften Nr. 34479/1, Bl. 93–97: Lebenslauf H. Steinbrenner, n.d. (c. late 1940s), Bl. 95; StANü, EE by G. Wiebeck, February 28, 1947, ND: NO-2331, quote on page 5.

  25. Klemperer, LTI, 42.

  26. Figure correct as of July 2014.

  27. For this and the previous paragraph, see Zelizer, Remembering, especially pages 63–154; Reilly, Belsen, 29–33, 55–66; Abzug, Inside, 30 (my thanks to Dan Stone for this reference), 129–40; Frei, “‘Wir waren blind’”; Gallup, Gallup Poll, 472, 504 (the figure of one million dead was the median average of answers); Chamberlin, “Todesmühlen.” For the muted coverage of the liberation of Auschwitz, see Weckel, Bilder, 47; Brink, Ikonen, 25. Quotes in O. White, “Invaders rip veil from Nazi horrors,” Courier-Mail (Brisbane), April 18, 1945, in idem, Conqueror’s Road, 188–91; “Dachau Gives Answer to Why We Fought,” 45th Division News, May 11, 1945. Important early books by prisoners include Beimler, Mörderlager; Seger, Oranienburg; Langhoff, Moorsoldaten. Works by relatives include Mühsam, Leidensweg; Litten, Mutter. My section on the KL in history draws partly on Wachsmann and Caplan, “Introduction,” 2–6.

  28. For criticism of these claims, Cesarani and Sundquist, After the Holocaust.

  29. Kupfer used the pen name Kupfer-Koberwitz. For his life, see B. Distel, “Vorwort,” in Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 7–15; ibid., 19–30. For the reasons behind his arrest, see also StAL, EL 350 I/Bü 8033, Fragebogen Wiedergutmachung, October 16, 1949; ibid., Erklärung A. Karg, May 23, 1950.

  30. Quote in Perz, KZ-Gedenkstätte, 37. See also Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 198–206; Shephard, Daybreak, 92.

  31. Jockusch, Collect, 3–10, 165–85. See also Cesarani, “Challenging,” 16–18.

  32. For example, see KPD Leipzig, Buchenwald!; Grossmann, Jews, 197.

  33. P. Levi, “Note to the Theatre Version of If This Is a Man,” 1966, in Belpoliti, Levi, 24. See also idem, If, 381; idem, Drowned, 138; Sodi, “Memory.” As early as spring 1945, Levi wrote a brief account of medical conditions in Auschwitz, together with a fellow survivor; Levi and de Benedetti, Auschwitz.

  34. For some figures, see Taft, Victim, 130–32. A small selection of early survivor accounts includes Nyiszli, Auschwitz (first published in Romania in 1946); Nansen, Day (first published in Norway in 1947); Szmaglewska, Smoke (first published in Poland in 1945); Burney, Dungeon; Millok, A kínok. For early German accounts, Peitsch,“Deutschlands.

  35. Kautsky, Teufel; Frankl, Psycholog.

  36. Probably the first history of a single camp is Kraus, Kulka, Továrna; for this pioneering Czech study of Auschwitz, see Van Pelt, Case, 219–23. For poems and fiction, see Borowski, This Way (includes stories first published between 1946 and 1948); Ka-Tzetnik, Sunrise (first published in 1946); Wiechert, Totenwald.

  37. Kogon, SS-Staat (1946); Wachsmann, “Introduction,” in Kogon, Theory, xvii. Among the pamphlets was a collection of testimonies by former Buchenwald inmates, published in 1945 with a print run of two hundred thousand copies; KPD Leipzig, Buchenwald! More generally, see Peitsch, “Deutschlands,” 101–102, 139, 204. For widely read survivor accounts elsewhere in Europe, Cesarani, “Challenging,” 20–22.

  38. NYPL, Collection Farrar, Straus & Giroux Inc. Records, Box 191, R. Straus, Jr., to R. Gutman, June 21, 1948.

  39. Quotes in P. Levi, “Deportees. Anniversary,” Torino XXXI (April 1955), in Belpoliti, Levi, 3–5; DaA, Nr. 27376, E. Kupfer to K. Halle, September 1, 1960. Survivor accounts published in the 1950s include Cohen, Human; Michelet, Rue; Kupfer-Koberwitz, Als Häftling; Antelme, L’espèce. See also the contributions to the Auschwitz Journal(Przegląd Lekarski-Oświęcim). For public disinterest, see, for example, DaA, Nr. 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 207. For general background, Cesarani, “Introduction,” 1, 5; idem, “Challenging,” 28–30; Diner, Remember, 365–90.

  40. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher. For the second wave of memoirs, see Waxman, Writing, 116; Cesarani, “Introduction,” 10; Hartewig, “Wolf,” 941. For the reception of Holocaust in Germany, see Hickethier, “Histotainment,” 307–308.

  41. Schnabel, Macht; NMGB, Buchenwald (first published in 1959); Maršálek, Mauthausen (first published in 1974); Zámečník, Dachau. See also the influential Langbein, Menschen (first published in 1972); Naujoks, Leben.

  42. For a survey, see Reiter, “Dunkelheit.”

  43. For example, see Mitscherlich and Mielke, Diktat; Helweg-Larsen et al., Famine. For early references in The Lancet and the British Medical Journal, see Cesarani, “Challenging,” 24. See also the study of the New School for Social Research, abandoned in 1951; Goldstein et al., Individuelles, 10–11.

  44. Broszat, “Konzentrationslager”; Pingel, Häftlinge. Other pioneering works include, in chronological order, Kühnrich, KZ-Staat (first published in 1960); Kolb, Bergen-Belsen; Billig, L’Hitlérisme; Wormser-Migot, Le système; Broszat, Studien; Feig, Death Camps.

  45. For example, see Dicks, Licensed; des Pres, Survivor.

  46. Broszat, “Einleitung.”

  47. P. Levi, “Preface to L. Poliakov’s Auschwitz,” 1968, in Belpoliti, Levi, 27–29; Milward, “Review.”

  48. Orth, System. For an overview of the state of research in the 1990s, see Herbert et al., Konzentrationslager.

  49. A bibliography of German works (ranging from 1945 until 2000) includes over six thousand items, most of them published after 1980; Warneke, Konzentrationslager (my thanks to Peter Warneke for a copy).

  50. For the last point, see Wachsmann, “Review.” For an assessment of recent academic work, see idem, “Looking.”

  51. Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. I; OdT, vols. 2–8.

  52. Quote in Reichel, “Auschwitz,” 331.

  53. The reasons for the growth of collective memories of the Holocaust have been examined in many stimulating and controversial studies. For the United States, see Novick, Holocaust.

  54. Silbermann and Stoffers, Auschwitz, 205, 211, 213–14.

  55. For figures, see chapter 7, appendix (table 2), and Piper, Zahl, 167. For the term “demystify,” see Mazower, “Foucault,” 30.

  56. For figures, see chapters 6, 9, 11; Friedländer, Jahre, 692; Piper, Zahl, 167.

  57. For this point, see also Langer, Preempting.

  58. Quote in Mauriac, “Preface,” x. The argument that the worst crimes in the camps were linked to a specific German mind-set is inherent in Goldhagen, Executioners. For the camps and modernity, see Bauman, “Century”; Kotek and Rigoulot, Jahrhundert.

  59. Sofsky, Ordnung.

  60. For early criticism of Sofsky’s static approach, see Weisbrod, “Entwicklung,” 349; Tuchel, “Dimensionen,” 373 (n. 12). Of course, sociologists have acknowledged since Max Weber’s time that “ideal types” may never appear in this form in reality; Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, in Directmedia, Max Weber, 1431.

  61. Rózsa, “Solange,” 297–99. Rózsa edited her diaries, and added to them, prior to their publication in 1971 in Bucharest.

  62. Nansen, Day, 545. See also Mess, “Sonnenschein,” 56.

  63. BoA, testimony H. Frydman, August 7, 1946; Wagner, Produktion, 453; Nyiszli, Auschwitz, 66; Segev, Million, 158.

  64. Transcript in Chamberlin and Feldman, Liberation, 42–45, p. 44. See also Frei and Kantsteiner, Holocaust, 201.

  65. Some survivors expressed skepticism about the ability of historians to illuminate the camps, related (in part) to their belief that only survivors understand what the camps were really like; Waxman, Writing, 176–79; Cargas, “Interview,” 5; Debski, Battlefield, 62.

  66. Friedländer, “Eine integrierte Geschichte”; idem, Nazi Germany, 1–2, quote on 1; Frei and Kantsteiner, Holocaust, 82.

  67. This book includes a large number of direct quotations from prisoners and perpetrators. Many of these quotes come from contemporary documents. Others are taken from later sources, however, which poses methodological problems. On the one hand, few eyewitnesses were able to recall expressions they had heard months or years earlier with absolute precision. On the other hand, paraphrasing all such quotes would sacrifice immediacy; the tone and wording of orders, after all, was a crucial part of the SS strategy of domination. In the end, I have decided to use some “retrospective quotes,” but only if source criticism—analyzing the internal consistency of the document and comparing it against others—led me to conclude that the words quoted were likely to be a close approximation of what had been said.

  68. For the estimate, see Kárný, “Waffen-SS,” 248 (referring to men only).

  69. Quotes in Warmbold, Lagersprache, 302–303.

  70. For a survey of recent research, see Roseman, “Beyond Conviction?”

  71. Cited in Todorov, Facing, 123. See also Levi, “Preface to H. Langbein’s People in Auschwitz,” 1984, in Belpoliti, Levi, 78–81. For early scholarly criticism of the view of SS perpetrators as pathological aberrations, see Steiner, “SS”; Dicks, Licensed, especially page 237.

  72. See also Langbein, Widerstand, 8.

  73. Kautsky, Teufel, 226.

  74. The term “Kapo” was widely used in the KL. It was already employed before World War II (Neurath, Gesellschaft, 210) and became even more popular during the war years. In the historical literature, the term is often applied in a narrow sense, to designate prisoners in charge of labor details. Drawing on the work of some survivors (Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 467; Kautsky, Teufel, 160) and historians (Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 15), I propose a wider definition here, applying the term to all prisoners who gained direct or indirect power over fellow inmates by taking over an official function inside the camp.

  75. Quotes in Arendt, Origins, 455; Siedlecki et al., Auschwitz, 4 (first published in 1946). See also Armanski, Maschinen, 188; Langer, Holocaust Testimonies, ix, 162–63; Browning, Remembering, 297; Löw et al., Alltag.

  76. Researchers working on the ongoing USHMM encyclopedia of camps and ghettos project have identified more than forty-two thousand separate sites; “The Holocaust just got more shocking,” New York Times, March 1, 2013. Occasionally, these other sites were mistaken for concentration camps. The Theresienstadt (Terezín) ghetto, for example, is frequently described as a concentration camp (for background, see Hájková, “Prisoner Society,” 14).

  77. BArchK, All. Proz. 6/103, Bl. 16. For background, see Stangneth, Eichmann.

  78. For the dispersal of documents, see Perz, KZ-Gedenkstätte, 39–42.

  79. There are still no academic monographs on key programs of mass murder, such as Action 14f13 and Action 14f14 (see chapter 5). The same is true for some stages in the camps’ history, most notably the early war years (see chapter 4). In addition, we are lacking monographs on several main camps established for Jewish prisoners in occupied eastern Europe (see chapters 6 and 7). There is also little systematic work on the headquarters of the Camp SS during the war (see chapter 8) and its interaction with local camps. Similarly, the fate of some prisoner groups, such as criminals and asocials, continues to be widely ignored (see chapter 3).

  80. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 27. The three men who knew the most—Theodor Eicke, Richard Glücks, and Heinrich Himmler—were all dead by May 1945.

  81. Winter, Winter, 53. See also Levi, Drowned, 6–7.

  82. Levi, Drowned; Maršálek, Gusen, 33.

  83. For the latter point, see Greiser, Todesmärsche, 141; Raim, Dachauer, 286; Erpel, “Trauma,” 127.

  84. Schrade, Elf Jahre, especially pages 9–14, 32–33. Strikingly, Schrade ignores the treatment of criminals and asocials throughout his memoir.

  85. This accounts for the relatively small number of memoirs by Soviet prisoners; Zarusky, “‘Russen,’” especially pages 105–107, 111. For one recent collection of memories, see Timofeeva, Nepobedimaja.

  86. For data and documents produced by the Camp SS, see Kranebitter, “Zahlen,” 98–117; Grotum, Archiv, 236–44.

  87. The material I consulted includes documents from the Special Archive in Moscow (via digital copies held at the USHMM), opened to Western scholars in the early 1990s. I have also used records from the Tracing Service of the Red Cross in Bad Arolsen, which had been inaccessible to historians between the 1970s and 2006–07. Finally, I draw on British decryptions of secret German radio messages, held at the National Archives in Kew and declassified from the late 1990s. Data-protection rules require some prisoner and perpetrator names to be anonymized.

  88. OdT, vol. 1, 279–83; Blatter, Milton, Art, 136–225.

  89. Didi-Huberman, Bilder; “Francesc Boix.”

  90. Büge, KZ-Geheimnisse.

  91. For diaries, see especially Laqueur, Schreiben. Thirty diaries survived in Bergen-Belsen alone, more than in any other KL; Rahe, “Einleitung,” 18–19. For notes written in camps, seeŚwiebocki, Resistance.

  92. For some examples, seeŚwiebocki, London.

  93. Friedländer, Jahre, 23–24. See also his comments in Frei and Kantsteiner, Holocaust, 85–86, 252.

  94. Many KL historians give preference to early testimony; Shik, “Erfahrung,” 104–105; Buggeln, Arbeit, 536; Hayes, “Auschwitz,” 347. On later oral histories, see Jureit and Orth, Überlebensgeschichten, especially pages 185–86.

  95. Langbein, Menschen, 334–35; Browning, Remembering, 233–36. For other examples, see ibid., 237; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 361–70; Fulbrook, Small Town, 306. More generally on the unreliability of some memoirs, see Cziborra, KZ-Autobiografien, especially pages 70–75.

  96. For example, see Semprun and Wiesel, Schweigen, 15, 19.

  97. For the last point, see the testimonies of Soviet prisoners and German criminals at the Frankfurt Auschwitz trials of the 1960s.

  98. For methodological problems, see Orth, “Lagergesellschaft,” 117–18.

  99. For exceptions, see Segev, Soldiers.

100. Orth, SS, 15. Particular care should be taken with testimonies before Soviet and East German courts; Eschebach, “‘Ich bin unschuldig’”; Pohl, “Sowjetische,” 138.

101. Karin Orth’s organizational history of the KL, for example, devotes only one-eighth of its text to the prewar period; Orth, System.

102. Caplan, “Detention,” 26.

103. See also Wachsmann and Goeschel, “Before Auschwitz,” 518.

104. Mommsen, “Cumulative Radicalization.”

1. Early Camps

    1. Beimler, Mörderlager (first published in 1933), quotes on pages 56–57. For other detail, Zámečník, Dachau, 30 (n. 44); DaA, A-1281, “Aus dem Dachauer Konzentrationslager,” Amperbote, May 11, 1933; StAMü, StA 34453/1, Bl. 44–46: Zeugenvernehmung J. Hirsch, December 27, 1949 (my thanks to Chris Dillon for this and other references about Beimler); Dillon, “Dachau,” 234–35.

    2. Quote in Beimler, Mörderlager, 10. See also Seubert, “‘Vierteljahr,’” 80.

    3. Mühldorfer, Beimler, 78–114; Richardi, Schule, 7–8; Büro, Reichstagshandbuch 1932, 37; Herker-Beimler, Erinnerungen, 14, 26–27.

    4. Quote in DaA, A-1281, “Aus dem Dachauer Konzentrationslager,” Amperbote, May 11, 1933. More generally, see Dillon, “Dachau,” 35–36, 51–53.

    5. Quotes in StAMü, StA Nr. 34479/1, Bl. 93–97: Lebenslauf H. Steinbrenner, n.d. (c. late 1940s), Bl. 95; Beimler, Mörderlager, 28–29. See also ibid., 25–26, 31; DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” summer 1934, 6. Around May 1, 1933, Beimler was transported from Dachau to a Munich hospital; regarded by doctors as a “malingerer,” he returned to Dachau on a police transport on May 4, 1933; DaA, 17.269, BPP, Betreff: Beimler Johann, May 1, 1933; ibid., 17.270, BPP, Vermerk, May 3, 1933.

    6. StAMü, StA Nr. 34479/1, Bl. 93–97: Lebenslauf H. Steinbrenner, n.d. (c. late 1940s). More generally, see Evans, Coming, 159–60; Dillon, “Dachau,” 36–37, 55.

    7. The exact circumstances of Beimler’s escape remain unclear (for an attempted reconstruction, Richardi, Schule, 14). The involvement of two SS men is mentioned by former guards and prisoners; StAMü, StA Nr. 34453/1, Bl. 44–46: Zeugenvernehmung J. Hirsch, December 27, 1949; ibid., Nr. 34465, Bl. 48–49: Zeugenvernehmung J. Nicolai, January 21, 1953; DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” summer 1934, 6–7.

    8. Quote in StAMü, StA Nr. 34453/1, Bl. 44–46: Zeugenvernehmung J. Hirsch, December 27, 1949. See also DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” 6.

    9. Quote in DaA, A-1281, “Aus dem Dachauer Konzentrationslager,” Amperbote, May 11, 1933. See also DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” 6; Polizeifunknachrichten, May 10, 1933, in Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 9, 364; Mühldorfer, Beimler, 123; Internationales Zentrum, Nazi-Bastille, 79.

  10. For the quote by Nazi officials and further details, see PAdAA, Inland II A/B, R 99641, Bay. MdI to RdI, January 26, 1934. See also Mühldorfer, Beimler, 14–15, 125–29; DaA, A-1281, “28 Volksschädlinge verlieren deutsche Staatsangehörigkeit,” November 4, 1933; Richardi, Schule, 15–17; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 170–71; Beimler,Four Weeks. For Beimler’s postcard and quote, see interrogation Michael S., June 14, 1939, NCC, doc. 300.

  11. Rubner, “Dachau,” 56–57; Dillon, “Dachau,” 154.

  12. Verhandlungen des Reichstags (1938), quotes on 3. See also Domarus, Hitler, vol. 2, 664.

  13. For example, see address by Himmler to the Staatsräte, March 5, 1936, NCC, doc. 78.

  14. I am drawing here (and below) on Wachsmann and Goeschel, “Introduction.”

  15. For the term, see Aly, “Wohlfühl-Diktatur.” More generally, see Gellately, “Social Outsiders,” 57–58. For a judicious rejoinder, see Eley, “Silent Majority?,” 553–61.

  16. The dual thrust of the “national community” concept was emphasized early in Peukert, Inside, 209. More recently, see Wachsmann, “Policy,” 122–23.

  17. More generally on 1918, see Mason, “Legacy.”

  18. Quote in Broszat, “Konzentrationslager,” 328.

  19. Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 87–88, 99, 616, 698–99. For political violence in Berlin, see also Swett, Neighbors.

  20. On the appeal of the NSDAP, see the classic study by Allen, Seizure. See also Weisbrod, “Violence.”

  21. For the Reichstag fire, see Hett, Burning, quote on 16 (my thanks to Ben Hett for sharing his manuscript). For older accounts, Kershaw, Hubris, 456–60, 731–32; Evans, Coming, 328–31.

  22. For the lists, see Hett, Crossing, 178–79; idem, Burning, 35–36; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 96–97. The Prussian police leadership had issued orders for immediate measures against Communists—including protective custody—on the afternoon of February 27, 1933, a few hours before the burning of the Reichstag (Hett, Burning, 36–37). This rather strengthens the likelihood that some Nazi officials were involved in the fire.

  23. Hett, Crossing, 158–59, quote on 159. See also Mühsam, Leidensweg (first published in 1935), 24; Mühldorfer, Beimler, 86; Suhr, Ossietzky, 201. On Litten, see also Bergbauer et al., Denkmalsfigur.

  24. VöB, March 2, 1933. See also Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 100.

  25. For this and the previous paragraph, see Longerich, Bataillone, 165–79; Schneider, “Verfolgt”; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 51–56, 62, 80–81, 118; Hett, Burning, 16, 155; Browder, Enforcers, 39, 77; Roth, “Folterstätten,” 9–10; Helbing, “Amtsgerichtsgefängnis,” 250–52. On Köpenick, see also Hördler, SA-Terror.

  26. Quotes in Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 52; Bracher, Diktatur, 229.

  27. For this process, see Kershaw, “Working.” More generally on Nazi governance, see idem, Dictatorship.

  28. Quote in GStA PK, I. HA Rep. 84a, Nr. 3736, Göring to Oberpräsidenten et al., February 22, 1933. See also Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 45–53; Gruchmann, Justiz, 320–21; Allen, Seizure, 157.

  29. Graf, “Genesis”; Browder, Enforcers, 30–31, 78; Gellately, Backing, 17–18.

  30. Quote in “Der neue Geist im Münchner Polizeipräsidium,” VöB, March 15, 1933. For other senior Nazis holding police powers, see Wilhelm, Polizei, 39.

  31. Wachsmann, “Dynamics,” 18.

  32. Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 161, 467–71; Knop et al., “Häftlinge,” 55; Baganz, Erziehung, 119–21; Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 49, 55, 65; Kienle, “Heuberg,” 48–50; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 92–95; Roth, “Folterstätten,” 5; Evans, Coming, 334. Compared to the blanket arrests of Communists, the Nazi authorities were more selective when it came to the detention of Social Democrats and union officials, often concentrating on more senior figures.

  33. Caplan, “Gender,” 88; Kienle, “Gotteszell”; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 102–103.

  34. Herker-Beimler, Erinnerungen, 17, 21. See also Distel, “Schatten.”

  35. Average daily inmate numbers in German penal institutions increased from c. sixty-three thousand (1932) to c. ninety-five thousand (1933), though not all the new prisoners were political opponents; Wachsmann, Prisons, 69, 392–93.

  36. BArchB, NS 19/4014, Bl. 158–204: Rede des Reichsführers SS vor Generälen der Wehrmacht, June 21, 1944, Bl. 170.

  37. Quote in Fraenkel, Dual State, 3. The so-called Reichstag Fire Decree is reprinted in Hirsch et al., Recht, 89–90. For the decree, Raithel and Strenge, “Reichstagsbrandverordnung.” For extralegal detention before 1933, Caplan, “Political Detention,” 26–28.

  38. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 37–38, 104–105, 136; BArchB, R 43 II/398, Bl. 92: Übersicht Schutzhaft, n.d.; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 103, 107.

  39. For some detail, see Drobisch and Wieland, System, 29, 31–36.

  40. SA Gruppenführer Schmid to MPr Siebert, July 1, 1933, NCC, doc. 11. For confusing detention practices, see also Baganz, Erziehung, 69–73.

  41. I use the term “early camp”—introduced by Karin Orth (System, 23–26)—in the most comprehensive way, to cover all places of extralegal detention, from SA torture chambers to protective custody wings in prisons. For an attempt to construct a typology of early Nazi camps, see Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 42–45. For a critical assessment, see Wachsmann and Goeschel, “Introduction,” xv.

  42. For these terms, see Baganz, Erziehung, 58–61.

  43. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 107; Gruchmann, Justiz, 573.

  44. For this point, see also Caplan, “Political Detention,” 30.

  45. Ayaß, Breitenau, 14, 244, 250–51; Caplan, “Political Detention,” 22, 29–30; OdT, vol. 2, 160–68.

  46. Wachsmann, “Dynamics,” 19; Baganz, Erziehung, 81–82; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 31, 45. In 1932, the average monthly number of adult inmates in Bavarian prisons and penitentiaries (excluding county jails) stood at 4,493; BayHStA, MJu 22663.

  47. Herker-Beimler, Erinnerungen, 17–21; OdT, vol. 2, 169–70; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 68. For other institutions holding female protective custody prisoners in 1933, see Riebe, “Frauen,” 125–27.

  48. For cells in the Aichach prison, see StAMü, Strafanstalt Aichach Nr. 27, Letter, Margarete J., September 3, 1933.

  49. LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 1, 5–18. See also Bendix, Berlin. For other examples, see Kienle, “Gotteszell,” 69–70; Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 118–19.

  50. LBIJMB, MF 425, Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 1, quotes on p. 8. See also Wachsmann, Prisons, 187; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 60.

  51. OdT, vol. 2, 212–13; Wisskirchen, “Schutzhaft,” 139–41, 145–47; Rudorff, “Schutzhaft.”

  52. Wachsmann, Prisons, 172–73.

  53. L. Pappenheim to District President Kassel, March 31, 1933, in Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 73. At the time, the German-Jewish SPD politician Ludwig Pappenheim was held in “protective custody” in Schmalkalden jail. He was murdered on January 4, 1934, by SA guards in Neusustrum early camp; ibid., 191–203.

  54. Compare, for example, the violence Hans Litten suffered in the early camp Sonnenburg in April 1933 to his much milder treatment in Spandau prison a few weeks later; Hett, Crossing, 171–73.

  55. For one example, see Roth, “Folterstätten,” 14. More generally, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 59–61; Schilde, “Tempelhofer,” 66.

  56. Address by M. Lahts, September 4, 1933, NCC, doc. 13; Diercks, “Fuhlsbüttel.” On paper, the Fuhlsbüttel camp came under the legal authorities until December 1933, when it was subordinated to the local police in all but economic matters (ibid., 273–74, 307). See also Guckenheimer, “Gefängnisarbeit,” 112; Klee, Personenlexikon, 301.

  57. Quotes in excerpts from secret notes by F. Solmitz, September 13–18, 1933, NCC, doc. 29. See also USHMM, RG-11.001M.20, reel 91, 1367–2–33, Bl. 2–3: Berichte aus Hamburg, n.d.; Jürgens, Solmitz; Diercks, “Fuhlsbüttel,” 290; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 128.

  58. For these calls, see Gruchmann, Justiz, 573–74.

  59. IfZ, Fa 183/1, Bl. 269: Wagner to Frank, March 13, 1933. See also Bauer et al., München, 231.

  60. For the diversity of early camps, see Benz and Distel, Terror; idem, Herrschaft; idem, Gewalt.

  61. Baganz, Erziehung, 87–88.

  62. For SA Sturmlokale of the Weimar years, see Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 449–62.

  63. Quote in Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 56.

  64. Across Saxony alone, for example, well over thirty such camps were set up in 1933; Baganz, Erziehung, 24, 78–81.

  65. Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 19, 23–24, 56–60; Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 468–75. For details of the Berlin elections, see “Wahl zum Deutschen Reichstag in Berlin am 5.3.1933,” sent by Landeswahlleiterin Berlin to the author, October 4, 2011.

  66. USHMM, RG-11.001M.20, reel 91, 1367–2–33, Bl. 19–20: Bericht Justizrat Broh, n.d. For Broh, see Liebersohn and Schneider, “My Life,” 47. Broh’s abuse escalated because of his Jewish origins.

  67. This point has been made, above all, in Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 38–42. See also idem, “Organisationsgeschichte,” 12–13. For torture and “confessions,” see Diercks, “Fuhlsbüttel,” 286–87; Roth, “Folterstätten,” 16–17; LG Nuremberg-Fürth, Urteil, November 29, 1948, JNV, vol. 3, 580–82.

  68. Dörner, “Ein KZ.”

  69. Seger, “Oranienburg” (first published in 1934), quotes on pages 26–27. See also Drobisch, “Oranienburg,” 18. For other camps, see Drobisch and Wieland, System, 108–14; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 74, 121–32; Baganz, Erziehung, 159–71; Rudorff, “‘Privatlager,’” 158–60.

  70. For the figure, Morsch, Oranienburg, 220.

  71. Améry, Jenseits (first published in 1966), 47.

  72. Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 162. For other examples, see ibid., 70, 77, 88–89, 195.

  73. For background, see Goffman, Asylums.

  74. For violence as a form of communication, see Keller, Volksgemeinschaft, 422.

  75. Quotes in Burkhard, Tanz, 22. For other examples, see JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 29.

  76. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 418.

  77. Seger, “Oranienburg,” 57; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 120.

  78. Neurath, Gesellschaft (completed in 1943), 30–37.

  79. Ibach, Kemna, 18. For the abuse of women, see Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 80, 101.

  80. Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 125, 137–46. See also Bernhard, “Konzentrierte,” 235–36.

  81. For the Dachau case, see DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” summer 1934, 20; Zámečník, Dachau, 46. For other examples, see USHMM, RG-11.001M.20, reel 91, 1367–2–33, Bl. 19–20: Bericht Justizrat Broh, n.d.; Abraham, “Juda,” 131–33.

  82. Bendig, “Unter Regie,” 100; Rudorff, “Misshandlung,” 51–52; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 117; USHMM, RG-11.001M.20, reel 91, 1367–2–33, Bl. 2: Bericht aus Staaken, n.d.; Baganz, Erziehung, 133–35.

  83. For exceptions, see Rudorff, “Misshandlung,” 42.

  84. Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 112–13; Baganz, Erziehung, 151.

  85. StAMü, StA Nr. 34479/1, Bl. 93–97: Lebenslauf H. Steinbrenner, n.d. (c. late 1940s). See also Dillon, “Dachau,” 57, 59, 141.

  86. Some unemployed SA men did petition the authorities for employment in local camps; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 142.

  87. Dillon, “Dachau,” 45, 141; Baganz, Erziehung, 149; Stokes, “Das oldenburgische Konzentrationslager,” 190–96; Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 330–31; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 54; Tooze, Wages, 48, table 1.

  88. Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 117–18; Baganz, Erziehung, 152; Lüerßen, “‘Moorsoldaten,’” 177. On remuneration, see Seubert, “‘Vierteljahr,’” 73; BArchL, B 162/7998, Bl. 623–44: Vernehmung J. Otto, April 1, 1970, Bl. 623–24.

  89. For the term “superfluous generation,” see Peukert, Weimar, 18, 89–95. More generally, see Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 384–86, 703–707. For the guards’ background, see Dillon, “Dachau,” 29–30; Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 147–48; Diercks, “Fuhlsbüttel,” 275; Lechner, “Konzentrationslager,” 89–90.

  90. Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 697–99, 712, 719; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 96.

  91. Schäfer, Konzentrationslager, 21. More generally, see Dillon, “Dachau,” 39–40; Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 617–24; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 48–50.

  92. For flags, see Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 123. For the relation between total power and abuse more generally, see Zimbardo, Lucifer, 187.

  93. Baganz, Erziehung, 97–98, quote on 189.

  94. Ecker, “Hölle,” 25. For some examples, see Stokes, “Das oldenburgische Konzentrationslager,” 196; Ibach, Kemna, 22; Morsch, “Oranienburg—Sachsenhausen,” 121–22.

  95. Dillon, “Dachau,” 47–51; Knop et al., “Häftlinge,” 47–48; Wohlfeld, “Nohra,” 116–17.

  96. Dillon, “Dachau,” 67–68. See also Wachsmann, Prisons, 36; ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Kislau, Bl. 59–72: Wachvorschrift, July 12, 1933.

  97. Seger, “Oranienburg,” 28–30; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 63, 65, 89, 93, 138.

  98. Arendt, “Concentration Camps,” 758.

  99. For figures from individual camps, see Drobisch and Wieland, System, 127–31; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 147–52.

100. Quotes in Mühsam, Leidensweg, 25; Suhr, Ossietzky, 203. More generally, Nürnberg, “Außenstelle”; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 55; Hett, Crossing, 161; Litten, Mutter, 18; Hohengarten, Massaker, 13.

101. Mühsam, Leidensweg, 26, 29; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 55; Hett, Crossing, 71, 162–63; Suhr, Ossietzky, 203; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 39. For camp guards’ hatred of intellectuals, see also Kautsky, Teufel, 75–76.

102. Quotes in Litten, Mutter, 22; Mühsam, Leidensweg, 30. See also ibid., 27–29; Suhr, Ossietzky, 203–205; Buck, “Ossietzky,” 22; Braunbuch (first published in 1933), 287; Hett, Crossing, 163.

103. Quotes in Abraham, “Juda,” 135. See also ibid., 135–36; Seger, “Oranienburg,” 51–54 (stating that the two men were not abused on the day of their arrival); BArchB, R 43 II/398, Bl. 99: Gestapa to RK, September 27, 1933; Büro, Reichstagshandbuch 1933, 121; Danckwortt, “Jüdische ‘Schutzhäftlinge,’” 154–55. On alerts about impending transports, see Lüerßen, “‘Moorsoldaten,’” 169. For forced labor of prominent prisoners, see Kienle, “Heuberg,” 54; Rudorff, “‘Privatlager,’” 163.

104. Hans Litten, who embraced his Jewish roots, would have been officially classified as a “half Jew” under the later Nuremberg Laws (his mother was Protestant, his father had converted from Judaism to Protestantism); Hett, Crossing, 7.

105. Quote in Kraiker, Suhr, Ossietzky, 103.

106. For the estimate, see Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 86, 89.

107. The summer 1933 census recorded some five hundred thousand persons of Jewish faith in the German Reich, making up 0.77 percent of the population; Friedländer, Nazi Germany, 15, 338. Nazi statisticians put the figure higher, adding German Jews who had converted or had no religious affiliation.

108. Based on the assumption that up to two hundred thousand prisoners went through the early camps in 1933.

109. In 1932, not one KPD Reichstag deputy was Jewish; Friedländer, Nazi Germany, 106.

110. Saxon Ministry of the Interior to police departments, April 18, 1933, cited in Wünschmann, “Cementing,” 583 (emphasis in the original). For the detention of Jewish lawyers, see Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 52.

111. SA-Gruppe Berlin-Brandenburg, Gruppenbefehl Nr. 28, May 24, 1933, cited in Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 99.

112. For the detention of German Jews on nonpolitical grounds, see Wünschmann, “‘Natürlich,’” 100–103.

113. For the anti-Semitism of SA and SS men, see Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 631–43; Szende, Zwischen, 40–41.

114. Quote in Beimler, Mörderlager, 28. More generally, see Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 76, 82–83, 95.

115. Quote in report by R. Weinmann, November 13, 1933, NCC, doc. 30. More generally, Sofsky, Violence, 168.

116. Quote in StAMü, StA Nr. 34479/1, Bl. 93–97: Lebenslauf H. Steinbrenner, n.d. (c. late 1940s), Bl. 94. For the other examples, see Mühsam, Leidensweg, 27; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. I/A, 51.

117. Quotes in Abraham, “Juda,” 135–36. For torture through forced labor in other early camps, see Endlich, “Lichtenburg,” 30–31; Lüerßen, “‘Moorsoldaten,’” 169; Meyer and Roth, “Zentrale,” 207–208; NCC, doc. 30.

118. Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 89, 95–101. See also Meyer and Roth, “Zentrale,” 191–92, 200.

119. Quotes in Dr. Mittelbach to Daluege, April 10, 1933, in Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 9, 360–62; Litten, Mutter, 29. See also Mühsam, Leidensweg, 29–31; Hett, Crossing, 164, 171.

120. Quote in Graf, “Genesis,” 424. See also ibid., 423–24; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 54–55, 57, 62–65; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 55.

121. Wohlfeld, “Nohra,” 110–13, 119–20.

122. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 42, 135; Baganz, Erziehung, 218–21; Roth, “Folterstätten,” 18.

123. Noakes and Pridham, Nazism, vol. 1, 171; Kershaw, Hubris, 501–502.

124. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 134.

125. Meyer and Roth, “Zentrale,” 189–91; NCC, doc. 7.

126. For example, see Kienle, “Konzentrationslager”; Baganz, Erziehung, 108–13, 225.

127. For the figures, see Drobisch and Wieland, System, 66; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 155.

128. Prussia held 14,906 out of 26,789 prisoners on July 31, 1933; BArchB, R 43 II/398, Bl. 92.

129. MdI Preußen to Regierungspräsident Osnabrück, June 22, 1933, in Kosthorst and Walter, Strafgefangenenlager, vol. 1, 59–61.

130. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 60–69.

131. PMI to Provincial Administrations, October 14, 1933, NCC, doc. 14. See also Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 71.

132. Nürnberg, “Außenstelle,” 88.

133. Bendig, “‘Höllen,’” 186; Mühsam, Leidensweg, 32.

134. Mette, “Lichtenburg,” 132–35.

135. For the Emsland camps, see below.

136. Hesse, “‘Erziehung,’” 122–27. The circular of October 14, 1933, recognized only one more camp, the Provincial Institution Brauweiler; PMI to Provincial Administrations, October 14, 1933, NCC, doc. 14. For other camps under Prussian district administrators, Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 76.

137. PMI to Provincial Administrations, October 14, 1933, NCC, doc. 14.

138. Jenner, “Trägerschaft,” 125; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 135.

139. PMI to Provincial Administrations, October 14, 1933, NCC, doc. 14.

140. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 49–50, 73–76, 78–80. SS units also arrived in regional camps like Moringen and Brauweiler; Hesse, “‘Erziehung,’” 122; Wisskirchen, “Schutzhaft,” 140.

141. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 80. In Brauweiler, by contrast, the civilian director apparently kept the SS guards under control; Wisskirchen, “Schutzhaft,” 140–41.

142. SA Gruppenführer Ernst to Preußisches MdI, September 8, 1933, in Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 9, 367–68; HIA, DD 253/K 769, B. Köhler, “In eigener Sache,” 1934, 96–97; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 77.

143. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 76–77, 92–93; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 68–69; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 164–67.

144. Rudorff, “Misshandlung.”

145. Göring to inspector of the Prussian secret state police, March 11, 1934, NCC, doc. 21.

146. Niederschrift der Reichsstatthalterkonferenz vom 22.3.1934, in Repgen and Booms, Akten, vol. I/2, 1200.

147. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 85–89, 95; Graf, “Genesis,” 424.

148. The best accounts of the early Emsland camps are Lüerßen, “‘Wir’”; Klausch, Tätergeschichten.

149. For this and the previous paragraph, Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 118–31, 136–37, 165, quote on 129. See also Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 52–55, 344–45; Abraham, “Juda,” 147–48; Knoch, “Konzentrationslager,” 292.

150. Lüerßen, “‘Moorsoldaten,’” 157–61.

151. OdT, vol. 1, 211–12.

152. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 103.

153. Himmler speech at a Wehrmacht course, January 15 to 23, 1937, NCC, doc. 83. For this and the previous paragraph, see ibid., doc. 135; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 96–102; Wachsmann, Prisons, 98, 102–103; Patel, Soldiers, 296–300.

154. Quote in Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 200–201. See also Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 96, 102–105; Fackler, “Lagers Stimme,” 142, 245–51.

155. Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 56–58, 76–86, 467–68; Klausch, Tätergeschichten, 30, 67–68, 266; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 80.

156. Klausch, Tätergeschichten, 163–66; Knoch, “‘Stupider Willkür,’” 35–36.

157. For this and the previous paragraph, see Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 171, 234–43; Abraham, “Juda,” 148–52; Klausch, Tätergeschichten, 82–90, 95–97; Diekmann and Wettig, Oranienburg, 109; Schumacher, M.d.R., 175–78. Quotes in LG Oldenburg, Anklage gegen Johannes K., 1948, in Kosthorst and Walter, Strafgefangenenlager, vol. 1, 68; NLA-StAO, 140–45, Nr. 1154, Vernehmung F. Ebert, June 11, 1949.

158. LG Oldenburg, Urteil 1949, in Kosthorst and Walter, Strafgefangenenlager, vol. 1, 79–84; Klausch, Tätergeschichten, 34. For the 1932 riot, see Evans, Coming, 285.

159. WL, P.III.h. No. 280, A. Benjamin, “KZ Papenburg und Lichtenburg,” c. 1934, quote on 5. See also Klausch, Tätergeschichten, 95–99, 166; Mette, “Lichtenburg,” 133–37; Abraham, “Juda,” 157–61.

160. Klausch, Tätergeschichten, 108–14, 206–12, 230–31.

161. Ibid., 281–86.

162. Hett, Crossing, 200–201, 216–17; Buck, “Ossietzky,” 22–23; Kraiker and Suhr, Ossietzky, 108; Suhr, Ossietzky, 208–211; Lüerßen, “‘Moorsoldaten,’” 196.

163. Klausch, Tätergeschichten, 284–85.

164. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 142–43; NSDAP Reichsleitung, Rundschreiben, December 27, 1933, in IfZ, Akten, vol. 2, 42.

165. Quote in Breitman and Aronson, “Himmler-Rede,” 344. In his speech, Himmler gives the date of his appointment as March 12. He was actually appointed on the evening of March 9, 1933; Longerich, Himmler, 158–59. For Heydrich, see Gerwarth, Heydrich.

166. Longerich, Himmler, especially pages 158–60, 759–63. More generally on Himmler’s early political career, see Mües-Baron, Himmler.

167. “Ein Konzentrationslager für politische Gefangene,” Münchner Neueste Nachrichten, March 21, 1933, partial translation NCC, doc. 5. See also BArchB, R 2/28350, Chronik der SS-Lageranlage in Dachau, March 1, 1938. For state prisoners in 1932, BayHStA, MJu 22663.

168. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 153–55; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 51. On August 1, 1933, Dachau held 2,218 of all 4,152 Bavarian protective custody prisoners; Aronson, Heydrich, 325.

169. Rubner, “Dachau,” 56–59; Ecker, “Hölle,” 30; DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” summer 1934, 4; Zámečník, Dachau, 51–52; Richardi, Schule, 65–66. For a map, Comité, Dachau (2005), CD-Rom.

170. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 125; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 51–52; Richardi, Schule, 54–56; Dillon, “Dachau,” 51, 67, 139, 155.

171. StAMü, StA Nr. 34479/1, Bl. 93–97: Lebenslauf H. Steinbrenner, n.d. (c. late 1940s), Bl. 94. See also DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” summer 1934, 3.

172. Tuchel, “Kommandanten des KZ Dachau,” 331–32; Internationales Zentrum, Nazi-Bastille, 20.

173. Richardi, Schule, 58; Orth, SS, 99.

174. Seubert, “‘Vierteljahr,’” quotes on pages 90–91. See also Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 79–80.

175. Seubert, “‘Vierteljahr,’” 103. See also Dillon, “Dachau,” 156, 164.

176. Estimate based on figures in Seubert, “‘Vierteljahr,’” 76–77; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 51.

177. Seubert, “‘Vierteljahr,’” 81–92, quotes on pages 90, 120.

178. Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 83–84; idem, “Jüdische politische Häftlinge.”

179. Special regulations for the Dachau camp, May 1933, NCC, doc. 8.

180. Seubert, “‘Vierteljahr,’” 79, 91–96. For the quote, Himmler speech at SS Gruppenführer conference, February 18, 1937, NCC, doc. 98.

181. For this and the previous paragraph, Gruchmann, Justiz, 634–39; Richardi, Schule, 97–113; StAMü, StA Nr. 34479/1, Bl. 93–97: Lebenslauf H. Steinbrenner, n.d. (c. late 1940s), Bl. 95.

182. For the paragraphs on Eicke, see especially Segev, Soldiers, 137–55, Bürckel quote on 142; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 128–41. See also BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892; Longerich, Himmler, 162–63; extracts of testimony of O. Pohl, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 437; Koehl, Black Corps, 232; Bernhard, “Konzentrierte,” 237. For a biography, focusing on the period until 1934, see Weise, Eicke. For Eicke’s cigar, see MacLean, Camp, 306–307.

183. Dillon, “Dachau,” 56, 59–60, 69, 157–59, 191, 198, 213, 235, quote on 197. According to his postwar testimony, Steinbrenner left Dachau around mid-July 1933, returning in autumn as an instructor and later an office worker in the Guard Troop; StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/28, Bl. 39–41: Vernehmungsniederschrift H. Steinbrenner, May 12, 1949.

184. Richardi, Schule, 179–80. For Wessel, see Siemens, Making.

185. Burkhard, Tanz, 37–40; Ecker, “Hölle,” 34; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 143.

186. Disziplinar- u. Strafordnung Dachau, October 1, 1933, IMT, vol. 26, 291–96, ND: 778–PS, emphasis in the original. The translation draws on NCC, doc. 150. See also Drobisch and Wieland, System, 79–80.

187. Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 84.

188. Quote in Vermerk Dr. Stepp, December 6, 1933, IMT, vol. 36, 54–55, ND: 926–D. See also Gruchmann, Justiz, 640–45; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 141.

189. Meyer and Roth, “Zentrale,” 202, 208. Figures covering the period between March 1933 and July 1934.

190. LKA Dresden, Vorläufige Bestimmungen, August 5, 1933, in Baganz, Erziehung, 377–86, p. 380.

191. Comité, Dachau (1978), 204; KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, Gedenkbuch, 19.

192. Zámečník, Dachau, 52–55.

193. VöB, August 11, 1932, NCC, doc. 2; VöB, March 13, 1921, NCC, doc. 1 (with a minor correction to the translation). The 1923 Nazi constitution, drafted before the failed beer hall putsch, also envisaged collection camps for opponents; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 13.

194. See also Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 37. The following section draws partly on Wachsmann and Goeschel, “Before Auschwitz,” especially pages 525, 529–32.

195. For example, see Arendt, “Concentration Camps,” 748.

196. For one example, see Eicke order for Lichtenburg camp, June 2, 1934, NCC, doc. 148.

197. Compare “Grundsätze,” esp. §48 and §139–43, and LKA Dresden, Vorläufige Bestimmungen, August 5, 1933 (in Baganz, Erziehung, 377–86), especially IV and V.16.f. See also Lechner, “Kuhberg,” 86; Hesse, “‘Erziehung,’” 120.

198. Wachsmann, Prisons, 23, 409; Krohne, Gefängniskunde, 354–57; Hoelz, “Weißen Kreuz” (first published in 1929), 302. For Dachau, see Disziplinar- u. Strafordnung Dachau, October 1, 1933, IMT, vol. 26, 291–96, ND: 778–PS. In 1937, Himmler himself drew attention to the precedent of floggings in Prussian penitentiaries; speech at a Wehrmacht course, January 15 to 23, 1937, NCC, doc. 83.

199. One prisoner to prosper under this system was the later Auschwitz commandant Rudolf Höss, detained between 1924 and 1928; Wachsmann, Prisons, 26–27, 34–35, 38–39, 50.

200. Quote in special regulations for Dachau, May 1933, NCC, doc. 8. See also Beimler, Mörderlager, 29. For the stages system in other early camps, NCC, doc. 13; Baganz, Erziehung, 216.

201. Wachsmann, Prisons, 21–23, 28, 95–99, 102.

202. Caplan, “Political Detention.” For personnel links between Weimar voluntary labor service camps and later SS camps, see Riedle, Angehörigen, 110–11.

203. Quote in Bendig, “‘Höllen,’” 104. See also Mühsam, Leidensweg, 33.

204. Almost all men appointed as KL commandants between 1934 and 1939 had served in the First World War (one exception was Franz Ziereis, born in 1905) and at least four had been POWs (Heinrich Deubel, Karl Otto Koch, Hans Loritz, and Günther Tamaschke). For biographical summaries, see Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 371–96.

205. Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 458–59, 566–70, 579–89, 702; Siemens, Making, 66–67.

206. Manuscript by P. M. Neurath, 1943, NCC, doc. 195.

207. Dillon, “Dachau,” 122–23.

208. Quotes in BArchB, R 3001/21167, Bl. 62–69: KL Dachau, Dienstvorschriften für Begleitpersonen, October 1, 1933. For roll calls, see Suderland, Extremfall, 190–94. For music, see Fackler, “Cultural Behaviour,” 608, 614–15.

209. Report of a Jewish “reimmigrant,” August 1936, NCC, doc. 243.

210. Quote in T. Eicke, special camp order for Esterwegen, August 1, 1934, NCC, doc. 149. See also BArchB, R 3001/21167, Bl. 62–69: KL Dachau, Dienstvorschriften für Begleitpersonen, October 1, 1933, Bl. 63; Wachsmann, Prisons, 24.

211. Richardi, Schule, 65. This terminology only changed in 1937, not just in Dachau; Baganz, Erziehung, 257.

212. Springmann, “‘Sport,’” 96–97. More generally, see Euskirchen, “Militärrituale,” 128–34.

213. Wiedner, “Soldatenmißhandlungen.”

214. Springmann, “‘Sport,’” 89–95; NCC, doc. 209.

215. Quote in Sopade report, December 1936, NCC, doc. 192. See also Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 139–40; Richardi, Schule, 73–74; Sofsky, Ordnung, 84–85.

216. Caplan, “Political Detention,” 41. See also Raithel and Strenge, “Reichstagsbrandverordnung,” 450.

217. Hildesheimer Allgemeine Zeitung, May 9, 1933, in Drobisch and Wieland, System, 27. More generally, see Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 87, 113–14. For postwar memory, see Marcuse, Dachau, 74; KL, epilogue.

218. Quotes in VöB (Berlin edition), August 10, 1933; BArchF, BB (Nr. 5), Deutsche Wochenschau, 1933; Rudorff, “‘Privatlager,’” 150; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 51, 44. More generally, ibid., 30–31, 36–39, 57; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 88–94.

219. For example, see Gellately, Backing, 60, 257.

220. Kershaw, Hubris, 456; idem, Popular Opinion, 73.

221. Schleswig-Holsteinische Landeszeitung, August 28, 1933, in Jenner, “Trägerschaft,” 119.

222. On these difficulties, see Kershaw, Popular Opinion, 6.

223. See also Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 129.

224. Sonnenburger Anzeiger, April 7, 1933, in Nürnberg, “Außenstelle,” 86. For other examples, see Rudorff, “‘Privatlager,’” 154–55; Borgstedt, “Kislau,” 220–21. For photos of a public procession in Kislau, see Hesse and Springer, Augen, 55.

225. Seger, “Oranienburg,” 55–56. See also NCC, doc. 65; Baganz, Erziehung, 185–87; Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 138–39.

226. Rudorff, “Misshandlung,” 55; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 154–55; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 132.

227. Aders, “Terror,” 184; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 105–107. On contacts between towns and camps, see also Steinbacher, Dachau, 125–80.

228. Oberstes Parteigericht, Beschluss, April 1, 1935, in IfZ, Akten, vol. 1, 56. More generally on Kemna, see Mintert, “Konzentrationslager.”

229. Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 302.

230. Report of the Prussian Central State Prosecutor’s Office, June 21, 1934, NCC, doc. 113.

231. Quotes in Asgodom, “Halts Maul,” 16; Steinbacher, Dachau, 150. Local variations were in use elsewhere; Rudorff, “‘Privatlager,’” 166. More generally, see Hüttenberger, “Heimtückefälle,” 478–79, 503; Kempowski, Haben, 24–26.

232. Litten, Mutter, 24.

233. Hett, Crossing, 163, 173. Some of Litten’s letters went to his friends, not his mother. For regulations on letters, Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 138; Baganz, Erziehung, 171.

234. Seger, “Oranienburg,” 70; Baganz, Erziehung, 171–72; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 132; ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Kislau, Bl. 59–72: Wachvorschrift, July 12, 1933, Bl. 67–68.

235. Litten, Mutter, 29. See also Mühsam, Leidensweg, 26–29, 36.

236. Quote in Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 133. For other cases of relatives forcing their way into camps, NCC, doc. 51; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 175.

237. Mühsam, Leidensweg, 29; Wollenberg, “Gleichschaltung,” 267.

238. Cited in Drobisch and Wieland, System, 176.

239. For examples from 1934–45, ibid., 236–37.

240. Litten, Mutter, 22, 37, 59, 70.

241. Rudorff, “‘Privatlager,’” 167; NCC, doc. 50.

242. Hett, Crossing, 187.

243. L. Ebert to Hindenburg, July 14, 1933, NCC, doc. 47. See also Gestapa to Hitler, September 27, 1933, in Repgen and Booms, Akten, vol. I/2, 840–41.

244. While some prisoners who left Oranienburg were transported to another camp, most were released; Knop et al., “Häftlinge,” 56. More generally, see Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 103; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 158–59; Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 24, 46. For mass releases for propaganda purposes, see Drobisch and Wieland, System, 133.

245. Quote in DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” summer 1934, p. 30. See also ibid., 5670, Grünwiedl to VVN, August 20, 1947; Richardi, Schule, 26–47.

246. Schneider, Hakenkreuz, especially pages 905–908.

247. K. G. Saur Verlag, Tarnschriften, doc. BTS-0064. More generally, see Gittig, Tarnschriften.

248. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 171.

249. Ehret, “Schutzhaft,” 256; Stöver, Berichte, 38.

250. For background, see Johe, “Volk,” 334.

251. Szalet, Baracke, 11.

252. “Bericht über die Lage in Deutschland,” February 1934, in Stöver, Berichte, 69–70; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 157.

253. Union, Strafvollzug, 18–20; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 162–64.

254. HStAD, Rep. 29, Nr. 302, Krankenanstalten Wuppertal-Barmen, Anamnese, October 5, 1933. More generally, Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 115–19; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 161.

255. For one case, see Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 151.

256. Quote in Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 112. For other examples, see ibid., 103; Deutschland-Berichte, vol. 1 (1934), 233, 302.

257. Klemperer, LTI, 41.

258. For the Nazi vote, see Falter, Wähler.

259. Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 162.

260. Quote in Fritzsche, Life, 31.

261. Quote in Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 155. See also Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 78, 161–62.

262. Himmler speech to Reichsleiter and Gauleiter, October 6, 1943, in Smith and Peterson, Geheimreden, 168.

263. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 27.

264. Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 159–60.

265. K. Tucholsky to W. Hasenclever, April 20, 1933, in Directmedia, Tucholsky, 11678.

266. Braunbuch, 270–302, quote on 270. See also Drobisch and Wieland, System, 168–71; Rabinbach, “Antifascism”; Milton, “Konzentrationslager,” 142–43; Nürnberg, “Außenstelle,” 89 (n. 25). For exile collections of eyewitness reports, Deutschland-Berichte; Stöver, Berichte.

267. Baganz, Erziehung, 241–44.

268. “Malice against Ebert’s Son,” Manchester Guardian, October 13, 1933. See also Klausch, Tätergeschichten, 90–91; Meyer and Roth, “‘Wühler,’” 236.

269. Diekmann and Wettig, Oranienburg, 12.

270. Milton, “Konzentrationslager,” 138–42, quote on 138. See also Dörner, “Ein KZ,” 133–34.

271. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 180–81, quote on 180. See also Mühsam, Leidensweg, 41.

272. Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 29–31, quote on 30. See also Heiß, Deutschland, 101. On German war crimes in 1914, see Kramer and Horne, German Atrocities.

273. NCC, 304.

274. For German foreign policy, see Kershaw, Hubris, 490–93.

275. Zámečník, Dachau, 91; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 88.

276. Baganz, Erziehung, 236–37.

277. Quotes in The Times, readers’ letters, September 29, 1933, October 4, 1933, NCC, docs. 54 and 55.

278. Zámečník, Dachau, 96–97; Kersten, “‘The Times.’”

279. Quotes in NAL, FO 371/16704, Bl. 363–65: report on a visit to Hohnstein, October 10, 1933. For Hohnstein, OdT, vol. 2, 129–34.

280. For example, Hett, Crossing, 189; German Foreign Ministry to embassies, July 1933, NCC, doc. 48.

281. Quotes in Favre, “‘Wir,’” translation in NCC, doc. 56.

282. Oranienburger Generalanzeiger, March 28, 1933, in Longerich, “Straßenkampf,” 30–31.

283. “Sie können sich nicht beklagen,” Kasseler Neueste Nachrichten, June 23, 1933, in Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 104. More generally, see Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 53–54, 66, 73, 77–78.

284. For films, see Drobisch, “Oranienburg,” 19.

285. For a photo essay, see “Im Konzentrationslager Oranienburg bei Berlin,” Berliner Illustrirte Zeitung, April 30, 1933. More generally, see Drobisch and Wieland, System, 88–92.

286. Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 52–53. More generally, see Caplan, “Political Detention,” 33.

287. NS-Nachrichten für Nieder-Barnim, August 19, 1933, NCC, doc. 49.

288. IfZ, Fa 199/29, Bl. 51: Schäfer to Hitler, March 24, 1934; ibid., Bl. 52: Dr. Meerwald to Schäfer, April 3, 1934; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 93; “Dokumentation der Ausstellung,” 182. For Schäfer’s book, see also P. Moore, “‘What Happened.’”

289. Schäfer, Konzentrationslager, quotes on pages 25, 63, 40, 238–39.

290. For example, see Longerich, “Straßenkampf,” 31; Wollenberg, “Gleichschaltung,” 262–64.

291. Kershaw, “Myth,” 63; idem, Hubris, 494–95.

292. Ecker, “Hölle,” 48; DaA, 550, M. Grünwiedl, “Dachauer Gefangene erzählen,” summer 1934, 23–25. Not everywhere did intimidation work as well as in Dachau: in Sachsenburg, only twenty-seven percent of prisoners voted for the Nazis; Baganz, Erziehung, 181.

293. Bendig, “‘Höllen,’” 107.

294. Schäfer, Konzentrationslager, 16.

295. Quotes in Longerich, “Straßenkampf,” 30. See also “Konzentrationslager für Schutzhäftlinge in Bayern,” VöB, March 21, 1933, in Comité, Dachau (1978), 43.

296. Bettelheim, “Individual,” 426.

297. Klemperer, Zeugnis, vol. 1, 69.

298. Schäfer, Konzentrationslager, 23, 25, 27–28. For other examples, see Drobisch and Wieland, System, 92; Baganz, Erziehung, 237.

299. Wollenberg, “Gleichschaltung,” 260.

300. For Dachau, see Steinbacher, Dachau, 186–87.

301. Amper-Bote, June 2, 1933, NCC, doc. 42 (with minor adjustment to translation). More generally, see Steinbacher, Dachau, 187–88.

302. Wollenberg, “Gleichschaltung,” 263, 267–68; Wieland, “Bremischen,” 282–87.

303. Dörner, “Konzentrationslager,” 72; Longerich, “Straßenkampf,” 31.

304. The decree is reprinted in Hirsch et al., Recht, 90–91. It was replaced on December 20, 1934, by the even more expansive Law against Malicious Attacks on State and Party. For background, see Dörner, “Heimtücke,” 17–25.

305. LaB, A Rep. 339, Nr. 702, Bl. 334–36: Sondergericht Berlin, Urteil, November 24, 1933. See also Hüttenberger, “Heimtückefälle,” 478–79; Dörner, “Konzentrationslager,” 71–73.

306. StAMü, StA Nr. 7457, Sondergericht München, Urteil, August 19, 1933. See also Drobisch and Wieland, System, 177.

307. Cited in Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 110–11.

308. Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 68–69.

309. Quote in “Life in Nazi Prison Camp,” Daily Telegraph, March 19, 1934. See also “Baby Labelled ‘Political Prisoner No. 58,’” Daily Herald, April 23, 1934; “Frau Seger Free,” Manchester Guardian, May 25, 1933; IfZ, Fa 199/29, Bl. 69–71: ORR Volk to RK, April 30, 1934.

310. Quotes in Ecker, “Hölle,” 15; Zámečník, Dachau, 45; Disziplinar- u. Strafordnung für Dachau, October 1, 1933, IMT, vol. 26, 291–96, ND: 778–PS, p. 294. See also Zámečník, Dachau, 43–46 (though Wilhelm Franz is wrongly identified here as a Jewish prisoner; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 112).

311. Améry, Jenseits, 38, 54, 58. For a similar point in reference to Jewish victims, see Wildt, “Violent Changes”; K. Wünschmann, “Konzentrationslagererfahrungen,” 56–57.

312. Mitteilungen des Gestapa, August 24, 1933, in Boberach, Regimekritik, doc. rk 21.

313. For example, see Kershaw, Popular Opinion, 79–80.

314. Eley, “Silent Majority?,” 558.

315. See also Wachsmann, “Dynamics,” 20.

2. The SS Camp System

    1. For Röhm’s murder, see especially StAMü, GStA beim OLG München Nr. 2116, LG München, Urteil, May 14, 1957, quote on page 46; the coup de grâce was undoubtedly delivered by Lippert, although the judges felt unable to establish this with absolute certainty. See also ibid., Nr. 6237, Vernehmung W. Kopp, May 27, 1953; ibid., StA Nr. 28791/40, Dr. Koch, Niederschrift, July 1, 1934; ibid., Nr. 28791/1, Bl. 13–16: Vernehmung Dr. Koch, January 25, 1949; ibid., Nr. 28791/3, Bl. 72–75: Vernehmung W. Noetzel, June 28, 1949. Eicke is said to have shot a Dachau prisoner in summer 1933 (Richardi, Schule, 187), but this would have been a rare case of him committing murder himself.

    2. For this and the previous paragraph, see Kershaw, Hubris, 499–517. See also Longerich, Himmler, 180–84; Höhne, Orden, 90–124.

    3. For the quote and Hitler’s speech, see Kershaw, Hubris, 514. For the Dachau SS and the purge, see StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/3, Bl. 5–7: Vernehmung M. von Dall-Armi, May 5, 1949; ibid., Bl. 61–64: Vernehmung J. Hirsch, June 27, 1949; ibid., Bl. 103: Vernehmung M. Müller, July 19, 1949; ibid., Nr. 28791/6, Bl. 406–409: Vernehmung R. Dirnagel, June 3, 1953; ibid., Bl. 441–42: Vernehmung X. Hammerdinger, July 9, 1953; ibid., Nr. 28791/28, Bl. 36: Vernehmung T. Dufter, May 6, 1949; ibid., GStA beim OLG München Nr. 2116, LG München, Urteil, May 14, 1957, 18–19; Höhne, Orden, 101.

    4. StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/28, Bl. 53–54: KOK Schmitt, Schlussbericht, June 17, 1949; Kershaw, Hubris, especially pages 159, 208–209.

    5. StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/28, Bl. 39–41, 42–44: Vernehmung J. Steinbrenner, May 12, 1949, May 25, 1949; ibid., Nr. 28791/6, Bl. 398–402: Vernehmung J. Steinbrenner, June 1, 1953.

    6. StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/3, Bl. 5–7: Vernehmung M. von Dall-Armi, May 5, 1949; ibid., Bl. 57–58: Vernehmung A. Pleiner, June 22, 1949; ibid., Nr. 28791/6, Bl. 398–402: Vernehmung J. Steinbrenner, June 1, 1953.

    7. DaA, Nr. 24658, Bestattungsamt Munich, Ordner: Poliz. Opfer allg., n.d., Abschrift.

    8. StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/46, GStA Munich, EV, January 28, 1952, p. 11; ibid., Nr. 28791/6, Bl. 403–405: Vernehmung W. Noetzel, June 2, 1953; ibid., Nr. 28791/28, Bl. 35: Vernehmung A. Stadler, May 5, 1949; BayHStA, StK 6299/2, Bericht des Politischen Polizeikommandeurs Bayerns, May 7, 1935 (I am grateful to Kim Wünschmann for this reference).

    9. StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/3, Bl. 61–64: Vernehmung J. Hirsch, June 27, 1949; ibid., Bl. 68–69: Vernehmung H. Reis, June 21, 1949; ibid., Bl. 70: Vernehmung L. Schmidt, June 30, 1949.

  10. StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/6, Bl. 441–42: Vernehmung X. Hammerdinger, July 9, 1953; ibid., Nr. 28791/3, Bl. 5–7: Vernehmung M. von Dall-Armi, May 5, 1949; ibid., Bl. 12–13: Vernehmung J. Lutz, May 11, 1949; ibid., Bl. 72–75: Vernehmung W. Noetzel, June 28, 1949; ibid., Bl. 92: Vernehmung J. Klampfl, July 15, 1949.

  11. Domarus, Hitler, vol. 1, 405. For the murders on July 2 in Dachau, StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/46, GStA Munich, EV, January 28, 1952, p. 11.

  12. Twenty-two victims are known by name; Zámečník, Dachau, 70. At least another three men are known to have been murdered not far from the camp, probably by Dachau SS men; StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/46, GStA Munich, EV, January 28, 1952, pp. 13–15.

  13. StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/46, GStA Munich, EV, January 28, 1952, pp. 11–16; ibid., Nr. 28791/32, KOK Schmitt, Schlussbericht, June 20, 1949.

  14. Kershaw, Hubris, 517–26. See also idem, “Myth,” passim.

  15. USHMM, 1998.A.0247, reel 15, Bl. 184–93: statement H. Aumeier, December 15, 1947 (translation from Polish by Katharina Friedla). See also BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Aumeier, Hans, 20.8.1906.

  16. Eicke order for Lichtenburg, June 2, 1934, NCC, doc. 148.

  17. Eicke to Himmler, August 10, 1936, NCC, doc. 152.

  18. Endlich, “Lichtenburg,” 32; Schilde and Tuchel, Columbia-Haus, 35, 123–25; StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/7, Vernehmung K. Launer, May 23, 1949.

  19. StAMü, GStA beim OLG München Nr. 2116, LG München, Urteil, May 14, 1957, 56–59, quote on 55.

  20. Quote in IMT, vol. 29, Rede bei der SS Gruppenführertagung in Posen, October 4, 1943, ND: 1919–PS, p. 145. See also Longerich, Himmler, 184; von Papen, Papen, 30–31. The exact date of Eicke’s promotion in July 1934 is unknown; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 181.

  21. Quote in Breitman and Aronson, “Himmler-Rede,” 345.

  22. Longerich, Himmler, 165–79, 192–96; Gerwarth, Heydrich, 102.

  23. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 319.

  24. The first nationwide rules for protective custody by the Reich Ministry of the Interior in April 1934 confirmed the central role of the Gestapo in imposing KL detention; Wachsmann, “Dynamics,” 20–21.

  25. Quote in Himmler to district president in Merseburg, June 15, 1934, in Tuchel, “Theodor Eicke,” 65. For the dating of Himmler’s instruction, BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Lebenslauf, March 15, 1937.

  26. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 162–63; Mette, “Lichtenburg,” 144; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Eicke to Chef des SS-Amtes, June 2, 1934.

  27. Eicke order for Lichtenburg, June 2, 1934, NCC, doc. 148.

  28. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Schmidt, Bernhard, 18.4.1890, Eicke to Chef des SS-Amtes, June 21, 1934.

  29. For Sachsenburg and Hohnstein, see Baganz, Erziehung, 251–52; OdT, vol. 2, 132. The takeover date of Esterwegen is unclear: the new commandant, Loritz, was scheduled to take charge on July 9, 1934 (Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 98) but may have arrived earlier (Drobisch and Wieland, System, 189).

  30. For Eicke’s title, BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Gesamtdienstbescheinigung, March 30, 1943.

  31. Von Papen, Papen, 25–30; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 184–86; Mühsam, Leidensweg, 43–48; Kreiler, “Tod,” 106; Hirte, Mühsam, 311.

  32. OdT, vol. 2, 132, 180. For Himmler’s involvement in closing Oranienburg, BArchB, NS 4/Sa 18, Bl. 118: KL Oranienburg to Bürgermeister Fuchs, July 14, 1934.

  33. For Eicke’s dominant role, see BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Loritz, Hans, 21.12.1895, Kommandantur Dachau to H. Loritz, June 29, 1934.

  34. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 113. In Sachsenburg, the Dachau regulations were apparently introduced in 1935; Baganz, Erziehung, 266–69.

  35. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 85–116, quote on 116. In Dachau, Loritz had impressed Eicke as the head of the adjacent “SS-Hilfswerk,” a camp for Austrian SS men.

  36. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946, Bl. 372.

  37. Himmler directive, December 10, 1934, NCC, doc. 72; Rürup, Topographie, 13; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 209–10, 220, 294, 347–48. Eicke and Heydrich reported to Himmler, both as SS officers and as state officials.

  38. Himmler memorandum to the Gestapo, July 8, 1935, NCC, doc. 73; Sydnor, Soldiers, 21–22; BArchB, R 58/264, Bl. 50–52: Heydrich Anordnung, May 31, 1934. KL commandants could appeal to Himmler if they objected to a Gestapo release order; ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Lichtenburg 2, Bl. 86: IKL to LK, November 6, 1936.

  39. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 210, 223–25, 229, 238–40; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 59–60.

  40. The five camps were Dachau, Lichtenburg, Esterwegen, Sachsenburg, and Columbia House (Berlin); see also map 2.

  41. Herbert, “Gegnerbekämpfung,” 60–61. See also memorandum by Reichsbank president Schacht, May 3, 1935, in Hockerts and Kahlenberg, Akten, 567–70; German ambassador to Great Britain report, January 26, 1935, NCC, doc. 278; Longerich, Himmler, 203; Gruchmann, Justiz, 545–47.

  42. See PMI, circular, April 24, 1933, NCC, doc. 6; Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 107.

  43. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 93–94; Kube, “Göring,” 78.

  44. Quote in Prussian MPr, announcement, December 9, 1933, NCC, doc. 18. See also Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 104–105; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 136–37. For amnesties elsewhere in Germany in late 1933, see Baganz, Erziehung, 223–24.

  45. For general background, see Pingel, Häftlinge, 25, 51.

  46. Schumacher, M.d.R., 302. Ebert survived and became a senior SED politician in the GDR.

  47. Frick’s views are reflected in RdI to Landesregierungen et al., April 12, 1934, in Repgen and Booms, Akten, vol. I/2, 1235–38. See also ibid., 1200; Gruchmann, Justiz, 547–49; FZH, 353-31, “Schutzhaft,” Frankfurter Zeitung, March 13, 1934.

  48. BayHStA, Staatskanzlei 6299/1, Frick to Sk Bayern, October 5, 1934; BArchB, R 43 II/398, Bl. 92: Übersicht Schutzhaft, n.d.; Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 315.

  49. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 140.

  50. GStA PK, I. HA, Rep. 77, Nr. 484, Bl. 115: Hitler to Landesregierungen et al., August 7, 1934; Gruchmann, Justiz, 334–36.

  51. BayHStA, Staatskanzlei 6299/1, Frick to Sk Bayern, October 5, 1934; Hett, Crossing, 205–207. For SS guards, ITS, ARCH/KL Sachsenburg 1, Bl. 6: Beurteilung A. Cieslok, September 7, 1934. For Esterwegen, see Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 465.

  52. GStAPK, I. HA, Rep. 90P, Nr. 137, Bl. 63: “Weitere Schutzhaftentlassungen,” n.d. See also Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 187.

  53. Wachsmann, Prisons, 68–71, 112–18, 372–75, 392–93.

  54. Quote in Sarodnick, “‘Haus,’” 347. More generally, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 83–101, 375–76.

  55. Wachsmann, Prisons, 101–11, 398–99. See also Knoch, “‘Willkür,’” 39–44.

  56. Wachsmann, Prisons, 168.

  57. RJM proposal, n.d. (1935), IMT, vol. 26, ND: 785–PS, quotes on 308; Baganz, Erziehung, 286–89; Gruchmann, Justiz, 368–71.

  58. Quote in Domarus, Hitler, vol. 1, 422. Hitler did not mention the Stettin camp by name. Among the executed men was the former commandant. More generally, see “Ein Interview Ministerpräsident Görings über die Sicherheit in Deutschland,” VöB, April 22–23, 1934; Rudorff, “Misshandlung,” 62–63; Gruchmann, Justiz, 348–52; RJM proposal, n.d. (1935), IMT, vol. 26, 311, ND: 785–PS.

  59. Gruchmann, Justiz, 364–65; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 83, 163, 181–83, 387.

  60. To coordinate the SS response, Himmler ordered commandants to inform him personally about unnatural prisoner deaths; BArchB, NS 4 Bu/12, Eicke to LK, May 24, 1935.

  61. Himmler speech at the Reich Peasant Congress, November 12, 1935, in Noakes and Pridham, Nazism, vol. 2, 301–302. The Gestapo accused foreign newspapers of trying to create an “atmosphere for the abolition of the camps in Germany”; Gestapo to Foreign Ministry, March 12, 1935, NCC, doc. 263.

  62. Eicke quote in Best to Göring, September 27, 1935, NCC, doc. 120. See also Gruchmann, Justiz, 647; Dillon, Dachau, chapter 4.

  63. Gruchmann, Justiz, 564–70. See also BArchB, R 3001/alt R 22/1467, Bl. 74–75: Evangelische Kirche to RJM, May 4, 1935. For Eicke’s view of Gürtner, BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Lebenslauf, March 15, 1937.

  64. Himmler to Göring, December 6, 1934, NCC, doc. 71.

  65. See also Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 212, 306.

  66. Quotes in Himmler speech to Staatsräte, March 5, 1936, NCC, doc. 78 (the first quote was deleted from Himmler’s manuscript). More generally, see Wachsmann, “Dynamics,” 22; Longerich, Himmler, 204–207.

  67. See especially Herbert, “Gegnerbekämpfung.” For the quotes, idem, Best, 163, 178. See also Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 297–307.

  68. See also Thamer, Verführung, 376–78.

  69. Himmler speech at a Wehrmacht course, January 15–23, 1937, NCC, doc. 83.

  70. BayHStA, Staatskanzlei 6299/1, Bl. 174–77: Reichstatthalter to Bay. MPr, March 20, 1934. See also ibid., Bl. 215: Aktennotiz, March 12, 1934, March 15, 1934; Bauer et al., München, quote on page 230; BArchB, R 43 II/398, Bl. 92. More generally, see Fraenkel, Dual State, passim; Wachsmann, Prisons, 3, 379–83.

  71. BayHStA, Staatskanzlei 6299/1, Bl. 132–41: MdI to Bay. MPr, April 14, 1934. See also Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 303.

  72. The overall number of protective custody prisoners in Bavaria fell from 3,500 (February 1934) to 2,343 (April 1934); Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 155.

  73. BayHStA, Staatskanzlei 6299/1, Bl. 23: Frick to Sk Bayern, October 5, 1934.

  74. BayHStA, Staatskanzlei 6299/1, Bl. 9–12: Himmler to Sk Bayern, November 15, 1934.

  75. Longerich, Himmler, 201.

  76. Gestapa, Lagebericht Marxismus, August 23, 1935, in Boberach, Regimekritik, doc. rk 127; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 95, 106.

  77. Frick to Bavarian Sk, January 30, 1935, NCC, doc. 114; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 307–308.

  78. Figures for autumn 1934: Dachau: 1,744 (October 1934); Esterwegen: 150 (October 1934); Lichtenburg: 369 (August 8, 1934); Sachsenburg: less than 200 (October 1934). See Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 155; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 465; Mette, “Lichtenburg,” 154; Baganz, Erziehung, 254.

  79. For isolated Hitler references to camps, see Domarus, Hitler, vol. 2, 527; ibid., vol. 3, 1459; ibid., vol. 4, 1658.

  80. Speech on the Day of the German Police, January 29, 1939, NCC, doc. 274. Himmler added that such criticism came “especially [from] abroad.” It was a common tactic by Nazi leaders to blame foreigners for spreading “atrocity stories,” to avoid having to openly criticize Germans who did the same. For continuing unease about the KL in Germany, see Schley, Nachbar, 90–91; Gestapa II A 2, Bericht, June 27, 1938, in Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, doc. 2461.

  81. Kershaw, “Myth,” especially pages 257–58.

  82. For an early private conversation about the camps, see Fröhlich, Tagebücher, I/2/III, October 12, 1933.

  83. Hitler had originally made these comments to a reporter of the Daily Mail; VöB, February 19, 1934, in Domarus, Hitler, vol. 1, 364–65.

  84. GStAPK, I. HA, Rep. 77, Nr. 484, Bl. 115: Hitler to Landesregierungen et al., August 7, 1934; BayHStA, Staatskanzlei 6299/1, Frick to Sk Bayern, October 5, 1934. For foreign reports, “Prisoners in Germany,” The Times, September 3, 1934.

  85. Early on, Hitler repeatedly made tactical concessions to present himself as a man of moderation, not least to his national-conservative allies. For examples, see Repgen and Booms, Akten, vol. I/2, 840 (n. 1); Broszat, “Konzentrationslager,” 350.

  86. Cited in Broszat, “Konzentrationslager,” 352. For Himmler’s inspections, see BArchK, N 1126/7, Bl. 16: Himmler diary entries for February 15 and 16, 1935.

  87. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 309–10.

  88. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 82–87.

  89. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 225–26, 324–25. For the timing of Hitler’s decision, Eicke to Himmler, August 10, 1936, NCC, doc. 152. Its implementation took some time; Pohl to Grauert, December 4, 1935, NCC, doc. 75.

  90. Eicke to Sauckel, June 3, 1936, in NMGB, Buchenwald, 55–56.

  91. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 230, 258, 261; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 260.

  92. Broszat, “Konzentrationslager,” 353. In spring 1936, Himmler made a concession to the Reich Ministry of Justice regarding legal representation, but this had no practical implications; Longerich, Himmler, 209.

  93. Baganz, Erziehung, 291–92; Gruchmann, Justiz, 373–74. This was not the first time Hitler intervened in such a case; ibid., 365–66.

  94. For an exception, see the case of Friedrich Weissler, below.

  95. For SS obstruction, BArchB, R 3001/21522, Bl. 9–18: AG-Rat Hans, Dienstliche Äusserung, July 26, 1938.

  96. Tuchel and Schattenfroh, Zentrale, 89–92, 112, 118–25; Longerich, Himmler, 204, 207–209; Herbert, “Gegnerbekämpfung,” 66–67, 72–73; Heydrich decree, January 16, 1937, NCC, doc. 84. As chief of police, Himmler was formally subordinated to Frick, as Reich minister of the interior.

  97. Wachsmann, Prisons, 68–69, 212–15; Neliba, “Frick.”

  98. Kube, “Göring,” 73–75.

  99. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 309.

100. Quote in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Eicke to Himmler, August 10, 1936. See also ITS, HIST/SACH, Sachsenburg, Ordner 1, Bl. 7: KL Sachsenburg, Zusatzbefehl, August 10, 1935; ibid., Bl. 24: Wachtruppenbefehl, August 24, 1935; ibid., Bl. 33: Befehl, August 1935 (I am grateful to Stefan Hördler for sharing these and other documents).

101. Himmler to RJM, November 6, 1935, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 43.

102. For example Bormann to Wernicke, January 29, 1940 and November 26, 1940, in IfZ, Akten, vol. 1, 481, 539.

103. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 309–10, 324.

104. Quotes in BArchB, R 58/264: Bl. 142: Heydrich to Stapostellen, July 29, 1935. German police forces had stepped up arrests of Communist suspects since spring 1935, following Himmler’s lead; Longerich, Himmler, 202–203; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 311–12.

105. BArchB, NS 19/1447, Bl. 17: Führervortrag, October 18, 1935. More generally, see Herbert, “Gegnerbekämpfung,” 72.

106. See chapter 3.

107. Deutsches Recht, April 15, 1936, NCC, doc. 123.

108. For the term, see Hüttenberger, “Polycracy.”

109. Prisoner figures for summer 1935: Columbia House 400 (estimate); Dachau 1,656 (July 1935); Esterwegen 322 (June 10, 1935); Lichtenburg 706 (June 10, 1935); Sachsenburg 678 (June 10, 1935). See Schilde, “Tempelhofer,” 77; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 203; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 204.

110. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 339.

111. For some flash points, see Gruchmann, Justiz, 599–602.

112. In practice, this division was not always strictly enforced. The police sometimes dragged lawbreakers straight to the KL, and regular prisons still held hundreds of protective custody prisoners, at least in the mid-1930s; Wachsmann, Prisons, 171–72.

113. Wachsmann, Prisons, 171, 175–83, quote on 179.

114. GStA Jena to RJM, September 30, 1937, NCC, doc. 129.

115. Kershaw, Nemesis, 5–9; Domarus, Hitler, vol. 2, 632–33.

116. Morsch, “Formation,” 87–89, 101; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 139–41.

117. OdT, vol. 2, 58. See also Georg et al., “Why.”

118. Sachsenhausen Song, NCC, doc. 224. For background, see Fackler, “Lagers Stimme,” 336–38.

119. Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 111–17, 129–33, 138–41, 191–93; Morsch, “Formation,” 126–29, Heilmann quote on 127; Wachsmann, Prisons, 104; Danckwortt, “Jüdische ‘Schutzhäftlinge,’” 156; Schilde, “Tempelhofer,” 77–80. Another factor in favor of the new Sachsenhausen site was the presence of SS guards (from the Columbia House) stationed at the nearby Oranienburg castle. The Columbia House was later demolished to make way for the Tempelhof airport, one of the reasons behind its closure.

120. During this period, the last remaining early camps outside Eicke’s IKL were taken over or redesignated: Bad Sulza, established in 1933 by the Thuringian Ministry of the Interior, was taken over by the IKL on April 1, 1936 (Wohlfeld, “Hotel”); Hamburg-Fuhlsbüttel became a police prison in 1936 (Diercks, “Fuhlsbüttel,” 305); Kislau, an early camp in Baden, operated as a “detention camp” until the late 1930s (Hörath, “Terrorinstrument,” 529–30). Himmler’s appointments diary for 1937 records nine meetings with Eicke (there may have been more); IfZ, F 37/19.

121. OdT, vol. 3, 301–303; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 335–38; Eicke to Himmler, July 24, 1937, NCC, doc. 89; Koch to Gommlich, July 28, 1937, in Schnabel, Macht, 125; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 223; Burkhard, Tanz, 138. Eicke visited the Ettersberg on May 18, Himmler on May 22; Wildt, “Terminkalender,” 686–87 (n. 68).

122. The first prisoner transport to Buchenwald arrived from Sachsenhausen, which had also absorbed many former Sachsenburg prisoners. The last Sachsenburg prisoners left for Buchenwald on September 9, 1937. Bad Sulza officially closed on August 1, 1937. Lichtenburg closed as a men’s camp on August 18, 1937. See OdT, vol. 3, 302; NMGB, Buchenwald, 698; Wohlfeld, “Hotel,” 275; Baganz, Erziehung, 283; Endlich, “Lichtenburg,” 20–21; Morsch, “Formation,” 133–34; Hett, Crossing, 210–19.

123. The same was true for the surrounding SS buildings; OdT, vol. 3, 303.

124. Zámečník, Dachau, 86–88; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 188–89.

125. For references to the “modern” camp, see Eicke to Sauckel, June 3, 1936, in Schnabel, Macht, 121–22; Himmler to RJM, February 8, 1937, NCC, doc. 85.

126. Morsch, “Sachsenhausen—ein neuer Lagertypus?”; Kaienburg, “Systematisierung.” These continuities mean that the SS did not create an entirely new type of concentration camp in 1936–37; cf. Orth, System, 35–36.

127. On November 1, 1936, the KL apparently held 4,761 prisoners; German Foreign Ministry to diplomatic missions, December 8, 1936, NCC, doc. 82. For projections for the two camps, Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 193; Eicke to Thür. MdI, October 27, 1936, in Schnabel, Macht, 123. On camp architecture, see Gabriel, “Biopolitik,” especially page 207.

128. Himmler made this reference in regard to Sachsenhausen; Himmler to RJM, February 8, 1937, NCC, doc. 85. He had inspected the camp on January 20, 1937; IfZ, F 37/19, Himmler diary. For space restrictions in older KL, ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Lichtenburg 2, Bl. 54: Helwig to IKL, April 18, 1937.

129. Morsch, “Formation,” 102; OdT, vol. 3, 302–303.

130. OdT, vol. 1, 210–29; ibid., vol. 3, 303–305, 321; Neurath, Gesellschaft, 37–44; Naujoks, Leben, 48, 52, 68, 98–100; Morsch, “Formation,” 93–101; Gabriel, “Biopolitik,” 207, 210–11.

131. Steinbacher, Dachau, 174, 178–9, 205–206.

132. For example, see Künstler to Salpeter, March 9, 1939, NCC, doc. 292; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 130. Even Dachau, which had been on the same site since 1933, became more concealed; Steinbacher, Dachau, 132–34.

133. Steinbacher, Dachau, 93–100, 126–29, 137–44, 181; Schley, Nachbar, 43–63, 79–86; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 150–51, 181, 275–80; idem, Wirtschaft, 123–29; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 144–57. For Lichtenburg, LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 4, 27; Decker, “Stadt,” 210–11.

134. Most locals kept away anyway, nervous to even discuss the camps in public. See Steinbacher, Dachau, 181, 185; Litten, Mutter, 189–90; A. Bettany, Reader’s Letter, The Times, April 21, 1945.

135. Speech on the Day of the German Police, January 29, 1939, NCC, doc. 274.

136. The slogan was added, with small variations, in Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Mauthausen, and other camps; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 206; Naujoks, Leben, 135–36; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 66.

137. Riedel, “‘Arbeit.’” In Gross-Rosen, the SS apparently also displayed the motto “Work Makes Free” at the entrance of the prisoner compound. In Buchenwald, the SS chose a different slogan, adding the words “To Each His Own” to the iron gates. For the significance of the main gate in the KL, see Sofsky, Ordnung, 75–77.

138. Naujoks, Leben, 136.

139. For a different view, dismissing all SS talk of “reform,” see Sofsky, Ordnung, 317.

140. Quote in special camp order for Esterwegen, August 1, 1934, NCC, doc. 149. See also Longerich, Himmler, 327–64; Himmler to A. Lehner, May 18, 1937, NCC, doc. 226. For the use of Nazi camps to educate “national comrades,” see Patel, “‘Auslese’”; Buggeln and Wildt, “Lager,” 227–33.

141. Several tens of thousands of KL prisoners were released in this period, including most Jewish men arrested after the November 1938 pogrom; see chapter 3.

142. Quotes in speech on the Day of the German Police, January 29, 1939, NCC, doc. 274; speech at a Wehrmacht course, January 15–23, 1937, NCC, doc. 83.

143. Quotes in speech at SS Gruppenführer conference, November 8, 1937, NCC, doc. 94. For German criminological thinking, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 22–27, 46–54; Wetzell, Inventing, 107–289.

144. Speech at a Wehrmacht course, January 15–23, 1937, NCC, doc. 83.

145. For example, see Sydnor, Soldiers, 30; Shirer, Rise, 271–72.

146. For a typical example, see Kogon, Theory.

147. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 208, last sentence in capital letters in original.

148. Quote in Eicke to commandant offices, December 2, 1935, NCC, doc. 151. In the historical literature, the term SS Totenkopfverbände is often used with reference to the SS Guard Troops only (Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 225; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 256). However, SS men serving in the KL Commandant Staffs and the IKL (including Eicke) came under this rubric, too, and wore the skull and crossbones (IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 30–31: SS-Hauptamt, Abzeichen der SS-Wachverbände, March 9, 1936; Statistisches Jahrbuch 1938, 83; MacLean, Camp, 312). For the origin of the term “Camp SS,” Orth, SS, 12.

149. Broszat, Kommandant, 84. For the term “political soldier,” see also Eicke order for Lichtenburg, June 2, 1934, NCC, doc. 148.

150. Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 570–74.

151. Himmler described himself as a soldier in his first interview as acting Munich Police President; “Der neue Geist im Münchner Polizeipräsidium,” VöB, March 15, 1933.

152. VöB, March 4, 1943. For Eicke’s death, see Sydnor, Soldiers, 271.

153. Quotes in Eicke to Himmler, August 10, 1936, NCC, doc. 152. See also Kühne, Kameradschaft, 271–79; Reichardt, Kampfbünde, 590–93, 671–73; Dillon, “Dachau,” 94–97.

154. Eicke order for Lichtenburg, June 2, 1934, NCC, doc. 148.

155. Quote in regulations for Esterwegen, August 1, 1934, NCC, doc. 150. See also IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946.

156. Eicke to commandant offices, December 2, 1935, NCC, doc. 151. See also Broszat, Kommandant, 84.

157. For masculinity and the Camp SS, Dillon, “Dachau,” 98–126.

158. For Himmler inspections, see OdT, vol. 4, 20, 293–94; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 303–304; Baganz, Erziehung, 278. For meetings with Eicke, see Wildt, “Terminkalender,” 685–86.

159. Quotes in Dicks, Mass Murder, 104. See also AS, J D2/43, Bl. 146–54: Vernehmung G. Sorge, May 6, 1957.

160. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946.

161. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 195, 256; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 218–20, 230–31.

162. IfZ, Fa 127/1, for the issues 1 to 6, covering the period from February to July 1937.

163. Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 146–47, 160, 195. See also Tuchel, Inspektion, 50; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 256; Segev, Soldiers, 153.

164. Eicke order for Lichtenburg, June 2, 1934, NCC, doc. 148. For Nazi hostility to bureaucracies, Caplan, “Civil Service,” especially page 49.

165. Eicke to Himmler, August 10, 1936, NCC, doc. 152.

166. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 150; Morsch, Sachsenburg, 353.

167. For Max Weber’s concept of charismatic leadership and its application to Nazi rule, Kershaw, “Myth,” 8–10.

168. Rudolf Höss, for one, believed that Eicke had fought gallantly on the battlefronts of the First World War and had later been sentenced to death by the French for resistance to the occupation of the Rhineland; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946.

169. Ibid.; Segev, Soldiers, 133–36; Dicks, Mass Murder, 104. Quote in Eicke order for Lichtenburg, June 2, 1934, NCC, doc. 148.

170. Quote in Segev, Soldiers, 149. See also BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Eicke to Himmler, August 10, 1936; Dicks, Mass Murder, 99; Dillon, “Dachau,” 97, 197.

171. Quote in Segev, Soldiers, 149. For Hassebroek, see Orth, SS, 118–24. For Junkerschulen, see Wegner, Soldaten, 149–71.

172. Quote in IfZ, MA 312, Rede bei SS Gruppenführerbesprechung, November 8, 1938. More generally, see Longerich, Himmler, 319–22.

173. For example, see Commandant’s order, Buchenwald, August 30, 1937, NCC, doc. 168.

174. Ehrenwörtliche Verpflichtung, September 7, 1938, cited in Dillon, “Dachau,” 140. Such declarations were still signed by Camp SS staff during the Second World War; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 147.

175. Order of the SS Death’s Head units, March 1, 1937, NCC, doc. 155. For an earlier warning by Himmler, BArchB, R 58/264, Bl. 69: Gestapa to Dienststellen, September 5, 1934.

176. Order of the SS Death’s Head units, June 4, 1937, NCC, doc. 157. At times, Eicke also privately censured Camp SS men for prisoner abuse; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 156.

177. Quote in BArchB, R 58/264, Bl. 69: Gestapa to Dienststellen, September 5, 1934.

178. OdT, vol. 1, 59–61.

179. For a vivid description, see IfZ, F 13/7, Bl. 397–420: R. Höss, “Lagerordnung für die Konzentrationslager,” October 1946.

180. ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Lichtenburg 2, Bl. 74: IKL to Kommandanturen, October 9, 1935.

181. Buggeln, Arbeit, 352.

182. StAMü, StA Nr. 34479/1, Bl. 93–97: Lebenslauf H. Steinbrenner, n.d. (c. late 1940s), Bl. 95; ibid., Nr. 34430, Bl. 21–22: LG München, Urteil, July 8, 1948.

183. Disziplinar- u. Strafordnung für Dachau, October 1, 1933, IMT, vol. 26, 291–96, ND: 778–PS; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 193.

184. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 182; NCC, doc. 208; OdT, vol. 3, 335; Union, Strafvollzug, 26–27. Officially, prisoners were not supposed to be whipped on the naked body, though this rule was not always observed.

185. The status of this torture is disputed. It was not listed on some official SS forms for recording punishments (YVA, O-51/64, Bl. 16–17: Strafverfügung), which has led historians to assume that it was not officially sanctioned (OdT, vol. 3, 337). However, it was included in Eicke’s punishment regulations from 1933–34, which formed the basis for official regulations in other KL (Disziplinar- u. Strafordnung für Dachau, October 1, 1933, IMT, vol. 26, 295, ND: 778–PS; USHMM, RG-11.001M.20, reel 91, 1367–2–19, KL Esterwegen, Disziplinar- u. Strafordnung, August 1, 1934).

186. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 210; Richardi, Schule, 136; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 125. For medieval roots, see Schmidt, “Tortur,” 212–13.

187. Pretzel, “Vorfälle,” 133–35, quote on 148–50. See also DaA, 9394, A. Lomnitz (later A. Laurence), “Heinz Eschen zum Gedenken,” July 3, 1939; Richardi, Schule, 136–39; NCC, docs. 216 and 217; Kohlhagen, Bock (written in 1945), 20, 136–37.

188. Disziplinar- u. Strafordnung für Dachau, October 1, 1933, IMT, vol. 26; YVA, O-51/64, Bl. 16–17: Strafverfügung; NCC, doc. 217.

189. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946.

190. Neurath, Gesellschaft, 134–35; anonymous report, c. 1936, NCC, doc. 208.

191. Order of the SS Death’s Head units, March 1, 1937, NCC, doc. 155.

192. Naujoks, Leben, 67.

193. For one example, see Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 189. More generally, see Kaienburg, “Systematisierung,” 59–60.

194. See Fraenkel, Dual State.

195. M. Simon to Führer der Sturmbanne, June 10, 1938, in Merkl, General, 119. See also Zámečník, Dachau, 100–101.

196. The only other Sachsenhausen guard charged with the abuse of Weissler, Scharführer Guthardt, committed suicide before sentencing. LaB, A Rep. 358–02, Nr. 1540, Notiz, April 5, 1937; ibid., GStA Berlin to RJM, June 3, 1937; ibid., Justizpressestelle to GStA Berlin, November 17, 1938; Morsch, Mord, 71–77; The Times, Letters to the Editor, March 11, 1937, p. 12. Among the SS men who prospered was Oberscharführer Jarolin, who had been on duty in the bunker when Weissler was murdered; Riedle, Angehörigen, 69, 78; Zámečník, Dachau, 305–306; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 22–24.

197. Statistisches Jahrbuch 1937, 51; Statistisches Jahrbuch 1938, 83.

198. IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 30–31: SS-Hauptamt, Abzeichen der SS-Wachverbände, March 9, 1936. By late 1937, each KL employed, on average, 112 men in the Commandant Staff; Statistisches Jahrbuch 1937, 51 (excluding the women’s camp Lichtenburg).

199. Service Regulations for Escorts, October 1, 1933, NCC, doc. 146; Orth, SS, 34–35; idem, “Personnel,” 45–46; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 37–40, 62–64, 172–77; Burkhard, Tanz, 99–100, 103–104. From April 1937, there were three Death’s Head regiments (SS-Totenkopfstandarten), stationed at Dachau, Sachsenhausen, and Buchenwald. A fourth was added in Mauthausen in 1938. Initially, there was no separate battalion in Flossenbürg.

200. Orth, SS, 35; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 143, 150; Riedle, Angehörigen, 43–47, 54, 130.

201. Statistisches Jahrbuch 1937, 51 (excluding Lichtenburg).

202. Longerich, Himmler, 312–13; Dillon, “Dachau,” 112–13; IfZ, Fa 127/1, Bl. 4–5: Merkblatt für die Einstellung in die SS-TS, 1939.

203. Dillon, “Dachau,” 142–47.

204. Quotes in Order of the Death’s Head units, July 6, 1937, NCC, doc. 159; order of the SS Death’s Head units, May 4, 1937, ibid., doc. 156; BArchB, NS 19/1925: Bl. 1–9: Eicke to Himmler, August 10, 1936; IfZ, MA 312, Himmler Rede bei der SS Gruppenführerbesprechung, November 8, 1938. See also Himmler speech at a Wehrmacht course, January 15–23, 1937, NCC, doc. 83.

205. Statistisches Jahrbuch 1938, 87. See also Dillon, “Dachau,” 149.

206. Dillon, “Dachau,” 142–46. See also NCC, doc. 159.

207. Statistisches Jahrbuch 1938, 87. Apparently, the great majority of applicants were admitted into the Camp SS; Riedle, Angehörigen, 75; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 58.

208. Dillon, “Dachau,” 142, 150–52; IfZ, Fa 127/1, Bl. 4–5: Merkblatt für die Einstellung in die SS-TS, 1939; Steiner, “SS,” 432.

209. Quote in Dicks, Mass Murder, 135. See also Sydnor, Soldiers, 25; Orth, SS, 76, 129–32; Dillon, “Dachau,” 114–15, 145, 170; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 169–72; DAP, Vernehmung R. Baer, December 29, 1960, 3035.

210. Quote in Neuer Vorwärts, February 14, 1937, NCC, doc. 180. See also Dillon, “Dachau,” 109–11, 115, 139–40, 161–63, 180–81; OdT, vol. 3, 40–41; Eicke to Himmler, August 10, 1936, NCC, doc. 152.

211. Quotes in Arbeiter-Illustrierte Zeitung, May 23, 1935, NCC, doc. 177; Eicke order, April 29, 1936, in ibid., doc. 153. For discontent among the Camp SS, see also LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 4, 63–64.

212. Boehnert, “Sociography,” 116, 239–40; Riedle, Angehörigen, 102–13.

213. OdT, vol. 1, 131–32; Riedle, Angehörigen, 134; Dillon, “Dachau,” 140, 190. By 1942, KL commandants could personally transfer men from the Guard Troop to the Commandant Staff; NAL, HW 16/21, GPD Nr. 3, October 17, 1942.

214. Orth, SS, 105–15; Broszat, Kommandant, passim; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Höss, Rudolf, 25.11.1900.

215. KL Dachau, Protokoll, April 18, 1934, in Friedlander and Milton, Archives, vol. XI/2, doc. 17. See also Riedle, Angehörigen, 72, 79–83; Dillon, “Dachau,” 191–92; Morsch, “Formation,” 170–74.

216. Based on a survey of serving SS commandants (1934–39), largely using the data in Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 371–96. See also Orth, SS, 79–81.

217. Orth, SS, 39–40; OdT, vol. 1, 61–63. For more detail, see BArchB, NS 3/391, Bl. 4–22: Aufgabengebiete in einem KL, n.d. (1942), Bl. 4–9.

218. OdT, vol. 1, 59; ibid., vol. 3, 41.

219. OdT, vol. 1, 61.

220. BArchB, NS 3/391, Bl. 1–2: Zweck und Gliederung des Konzentrationslagers, n.d.; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 86. Oranienburg had developed a rather similar organizational structure to Dachau in 1933 (OdT, vol. 1, 58).

221. Quote in Kogon, Theory, 53. See also Tuchel, “Registrierung”; OdT, vol. 1, 65–66; Orth, SS, 46–48, 66–71.

222. Hahn, Grawitz, 42–57, 96–106, 154–55; Orth, SS, 45; Morsch, “Formation,” 166–67.

223. Orth, SS, 41–44, 71–75.

224. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 139. See also BArchB, NS 3/391, Bl. 4–22: Aufgabengebiete in einem KL, n.d. (1942), Bl. 17–21; Orth, SS, 40–41, 63; OdT, vol. 1, 66–68; DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 268; StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/2, Bl. 95–106: Vernehmung K. Kapp, November 14–16, 1956, Bl. 98.

225. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 134. See also ibid., 84–85, 266; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Höss, Rudolf, 25.11.1900; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 39, 44; Riedle, Angehörigen, 56.

226. Eicke to commandant offices, December 2, 1935, NCC, doc. 151.

227. ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Lichtenburg 2, Bl. 104–15: Befehlsblatt SS-TV/IKL, April 1, 1937; Morsch, “Formation,” 114–16, 120–22; Schwarz, Frau, 112–15; KZ-Gedenkstätte Flossenbürg, Flossenbürg, 50–51; Dillon, “Dachau,” 111.

228. For one example, see Broszat, Kommandant, 103–104, 132–34.

229. Commandant’s order for Buchenwald, August 3, 1937, August 30, 1937, NCC, docs. 167 and 168; BArchB, NS 31/372, Befehlsblatt SS-TV/IKL, June 1937, Bl. 69; ITS, HIST/SACH, Sachsenburg, Ordner 1, Bl. 73: Wachtruppenbefehl, October 21, 1935.

230. Naujoks, Leben, 64, 68, 131, quote on 150; instruction by Himmler, July 21, 1938, NCC, doc. 161; OdT, vol. 3, 33.

231. Quote in Dicks, Mass Murder, 103, “KZs” in the original. See also ibid., 138; Orth, SS, especially pages 151–52; Broszat, Kommandant, 49, 233–34; Warmbold, Lagersprache, 122–43. More generally, see Rouse, “Perspectives”; Gioia et al., “Organizational identity.”

232. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 175, 205–209; BArchB, R 2/28350, Chronik der SS-Lageranlage Dachau, March 1, 1938; Dillon, “Dachau,” 105; Orth, SS, 88, 145.

233. Orth, SS, 151. See also Sofsky, Violence, 24–27; Kühne, Belonging, 91, 168–69.

234. Steinbacher, Dachau, 179–80; Dillon, “Dachau,” 81–84.

235. Buggeln, Arbeit, 344–48; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 129–312: Vernehmung O. Wolken, April 17–20, 1945, Bl. 297.

236. For example, see Naujoks, Leben, 38–39, 62–64.

237. The 1937 mortality figure is the combined monthly average across the three big camps (Dachau: forty-one deaths; Sachsenhausen: forty-four deaths, including prisoners who died in Berlin State Hospital; Buchenwald: fifty-three deaths between July and December 1937); KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, Gedenkbuch; AS, Totenbuch des KZ Sachsenhausen; http://totenbuch.buchenwald.de.

238. This estimate includes victims of the Röhm purge in Dachau. For suicides, see Goeschel, “Suicide,” 630–32.

239. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 98. See also ibid., 97–98, 101; Sydnor, Soldiers, 27–28; NCC, doc. 174; ITS, HIST/SACH, Sachsenburg, Ordner 1, Bl. 22: Wachtruppenbefehl, August 21, 1935; Dillon, “Dachau,” 178–80; Van Dam and Giordano, KZ-Verbrechen, 28.

240. Sofsky, Ordnung, 134; Neurath, Gesellschaft, 117.

241. Broszat, Kommandant, 81–83; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946, Bl. 370. In 1937, Eicke relaxed his orders: instead of the entire platoon, only selected long-term members (with two years or more of experience) of the Commandant Staff had to attend floggings; order of the SS Death’s Head units, March 1, 1937, NCC, doc. 155.

242. Dicks, Mass Murder, 100–101.

243. For example, see Broszat, Kommandant, 85–86.

244. For example, see NCC, doc. 180; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 119–20; DAP, Vernehmung F. Hofmann, April 22, 1959, 3850.

245. For the quotes, see AS, J D2/43, Bl. 59–72: Vernehmung G. Sorge, April 23, 1957, Bl. 71; Lüerßen, “‘Moorsoldaten,’” 195. More generally, see Dillon, “Dachau,” 125, 190, 233, 241; Broszat, Kommandant, 83; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 49; Trouvé, “Bugdalle,” 33; Sofsky, Ordnung, 262–63; Springmann, “‘Sport,’” 91–92.

246. For a discussion of Nazi violence as an end in itself, see Neitzel and Welzer, Soldaten, 88–94.

247. Quotes in Broszat, Kommandant, 102; Eicke to commandant offices, December 2, 1935, NCC, doc. 151. See also Segev, Soldiers, 122, 135; Orth, SS, 131–34; Riedle, Angehörigen, 237–39; Dicks, Mass Murder, 101; Dillon, “Dachau,” 115, 118–19; Zimbardo, Lucifer, 221, 259. Dismissals from the Camp SS were common: during a six-month period in 1937, some two hundred men were sacked. A few SS men may have been bullied into killing themselves, which would explain the unusually high suicide rate among the Camp SS; Segev, Soldiers, 128.

248. Tuchel, “Kommandanten des KZ Dachau,” 337–39; Dillon, “Dachau,” 82–83, 200–201.

249. Orth, SS, 101; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 295.

250. For this and the previous paragraph, see Dillon, “Dachau,” 183–84, 201–202, 214–15, guard quote on 202; Schilde and Tuchel, Columbia-Haus, 67–69, Eicke quote on 68; KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, Gedenkbuch, 19. More generally on comradeship, see Kühne, Belonging, 83.

251. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 31–134. See also BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Loritz, Hans, 21.12.1895, Loritz letter, June 19, 1934.

252. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 141–42, 178–82, Loritz quotes on 142, 144; Dillon, “Dachau,” 204, 222, Loritz quote on 203; Internationales Zentrum, Nazi-Bastille, prisoner quote on 36; IfZ, statement P. Wauer, May 21, 1945, ND: NO-1504.

253. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 143–49, quote on 145; Tuchel, “Kommandanten des Konzentrationslagers Flossenbürg,” 201–204; Dillon, “Dachau,” 214–16, 226–27, 233, 237; Nazi-Bastille, 37; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 78. For the Dachau death rate, see KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, Gedenkbuch.

254. For general background, see Orth, SS, 127. For Loritz’s move to Sachsenhausen in late 1939, and his official appointment on March 11, 1940, see Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 217–29.

255. Orth, SS, 63 (n. 18); Dillon, “Dachau,” 242–43; Tuchel, “Kommandanten des Konzentrationslagers Flossenbürg,” 204; NCC, docs. 145 and 208. For Dachau as a springboard for future KL commandants, see also Hördler, “Ordnung,” 58.

256. Riedle, Angehörigen, 50 (n. 50), 135, 157, 223; Morsch, “Formation,” 169–70, 176; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 114–15.

257. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Koch, Karl, 2.8.1897, Personalbericht, August 3, 1937; Morsch, Sachsenburg, 336–37; Segev, Soldiers, 187–89; Schilde and Tuchel, Columbia-Haus, 64–66; StAAu, StA Augsburg, KS 22/50, Vernehmung I. Koch, April 29, 1949.

258. Quote in Hackett, Buchenwald, 338.

259. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946, Bl. 378; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 150–59.

260. Quote in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Künstler, Karl, 12.1.1901, Eicke to 1. SS-TS, January 5, 1939. More generally, see Tuchel, “Kommandanten des Konzentrationslagers Flossenbürg,” 206–209; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 76. Weiseborn’s official cause of death was a heart attack, though there were persistent rumors among inmates that he had taken his own life. For network theories applied to Nazi perpetrators, see Berger, Experten.

261. Previously, there had been some variation. In some camps, prisoners already had short-cropped (or shaved) hair from 1933–34; elsewhere, they could still keep it longer (see photos in Morsch, Sachsenburg, 227–37). For the SS practice from 1936, ibid., 286, 304–307; DaA, Nr. 7566, K. Schecher, “Rückblick auf Dachau,” n.d., 230–32; LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 5, 3; Neurath, Gesellschaft, 68–69.

262. In some camps, winter uniforms had green, not blue, stripes; Schmidt, “Geschichte.” The new uniforms were introduced at different times between 1937–38 (Dachau) and spring 1939 (Sachsenhausen); Zámečník, Dachau, 86; OdT, vol. 3, 51. For prisoner names and numbers, AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 57; Baganz, Erziehung, 271.

263. For material benefits of some privileged prisoners, LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 4, 33–34.

264. OdT, vol. 1, 91–95; Baganz, Erziehung, 165; DaA, Nr. 7566, K. Schecher, “Rückblick auf Dachau,” n.d., 90. For the pioneering role of Dachau and Esterwegen, see Knoll, “Homosexuelle Häftlinge,” 65; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 90–91.

265. Sofsky, Ordnung, 89.

266. DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 77–78; Naujoks, Leben, 34; Freund, Buchenwald!, 121.

267. Naujoks, Leben, 34, 49, 62–63, 69, 76; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 294; Neurath, Gesellschaft, 44–49; Freund, Buchenwald!, 162–65. Quote in BArchB, NS 4/Bu 31, Bl. 20: A. Rödl, Allgemeine Anordnungen, October 9, 1937.

268. Some prisoners had lunch at their work sites. Others returned to the compound for a quick wash and roll call, and ate inside their quarters.

269. Neurath, Gesellschaft, 54–56, 69–78; Naujoks, Leben, 32, 69, 96; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 207; Kautsky, Teufel, 246; NCC, docs. 190–92; ITS, ARCH/KL Sachsenburg, Ordner 11, Bl. 82: Bekanntmachung, June 10, 1936. More generally on the SS administration of prisoner monies, see Grabowski, Geld, especially pages 29–51.

270. Neurath, Gesellschaft, 57–58, 239–42; Naujoks, Leben, 65–67; Kogon, Theory, 75–80; Freund, Buchenwald!, 163; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 297.

271. Fackler, “Lagers Stimme,” 151–69, 340–42, 356–61; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 297; Kautsky, Teufel, 219–22; Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 77.

272. Fackler, “Lagers Stimme,” 187–90; Zámečník, Dachau, 53–54; Steinbacher, Dachau, 165–70; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 215, 307–308. In the early camp Osthofen, Jews had occasional access to a rabbi; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 118.

273. Quote in Hett, Crossing, 218. See also Seela, Bücher; Neurath, Gesellschaft, 238–39; Fackler, “Lagers Stimme,” 182; Seger, “Oranienburg,” 37–38; Freund, Buchenwald!, 158.

274. Quotes in Neurath, Gesellschaft, 67; DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 111. See also BArchB, NS 4/Na 6, Bl. 3–4: Eicke to LK, October 14, 1938; ibid., R 58/264, Bl. 293–97: Gestapo Munich to Stapoleitstellen et al., March 4, 1937; Baganz, Erziehung, 277; Internationales Zentrum, Nazi-Bastille, 58–59; Bettelheim, “Individual,” 440–41.

275. Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 175–95; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 131; Kautsky, Teufel, 221–22; Zámečník, Dachau, 55; Fackler, “Lagers Stimme,” 406–407.

276. BArchB, NS 19/4014, Bl. 158–204: Rede vor Generälen, June 21, 1944, Bl. 165. For a general discussion of Kapos, see Sofsky, Ordnung, 152–68.

277. For ghettos and labor camps, see Browning, Remembering, 116–17.

278. In the Gulag, the Soviet authorities had long relied on selected inmates to support them; Applebaum, Gulag, 329–37.

279. Interrogation W. Bartel, May 29, 1953, in Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 427. See also BLHA, Pr. Br. Rep. 29, Zuchthaus Brandenburg Nr. 691; Broszat, Kommandant, 72. For trusties in the 1920s, see also Hoelz, “Weißen Kreuz.”

280. Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 34–41, 140–42, quote on 142. Kurt’s real name was Karl Schabrod; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 142. Similar elections took place in other early camps, including Dachau; StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/2, Bl. 39–40: Vernehmung K. Kapp, September 28, 1956; Wieland, “Bremischen,” 286.

281. SS documents list around four hundred prisoner functionaries in late 1938, excluding work Kapos, who must have numbered more than one hundred; OdT, vol. 3, 331. See also Naujoks, Leben, 97.

282. SS quote in DaA, 5427, Richtlinien für Capos, n.d.; prisoner quote in Neurath, Gesellschaft, 224. See also StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/8, LG München, Urteil, October 14, 1960, p. 6.

283. Quotes in SS Buchenwald instructions, n.d., NCC, doc. 196. See also Kautsky, Teufel, 214–19.

284. For early camps, see Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 219; Richardi, Schule, 196; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 109–10. For the late 1930s, see Naujoks, Leben, 105–106; Freund, Buchenwald!, 37, 54, 72.

285. Naujoks, Leben, 117, 121–22, quote on 122. See also Neurath, Gesellschaft, 210–11, 227, 245; NCC, doc. 230; Pingel, Häftlinge, 57–58. In Mauthausen, unusually, the chief camp clerk is said to have been more influential than the camp elder; Fabréguet, “Entwicklung,” 195–96.

286. Neurath, Gesellschaft, 222.

287. For the contemporaneous use of the term, see LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 4, 34. For the uncritical use of this term today, see Sofsky, Ordnung, 152.

288. See also OdT, vol. 1, 120; Orth, “Lagergesellschaft,” 110.

289. For one example, see DaA, Nr. 7566, K. Schecher, “Rückblick auf Dachau,” n.d., 80.

290. Naujoks, Leben, 333–39.

291. Kogon, Theory, 37.

292. Naujoks, Leben, 53–54, 77; Schikorra, Kontinuitäten, 54, 55, 219.

293. Although the SS use of triangles was not standardized until 1937–38, political prisoners had often worn red stripes or badges before; OdT, vol. 1, 92, 95; Naujoks, Leben, 30; Endlich, “Lichtenburg,” 48.

294. StANü, Auswärtiges Amt to Missionen et al., December 8, 1936, ND: NG-4048 (figures include Moringen, which did not come under the IKL). The figures are corroborated by internal Gestapo statistics; GStAPK, I. HA, Rep. 90A, Nr. 4442, Bl. 187–91, Schutzhaft, 1937.

295. More than a quarter of prisoners taken into protective custody by the Prussian Gestapo in December 1936 were accused of “Communist activities”; GStAPK, I. HA, Rep. 90A, Nr. 4442, Bl. 187–91, Schutzhaft, 1937.

296. For Gestapo warnings about former prisoners rejoining the resistance, see Gestapa, Lagebericht Marxismus, August 23, 1935, in Boberach, Regimekritik, doc. rk 127.

297. Himmler to Eicke, March 23, 1936, NCC, doc. 79. The automatic review of protective custody every three months was laid down in RdI to Landesregierungen et al., April 12, 1934, in Repgen and Booms, Akten, vol. I/2, 1235–58.

298. LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager,” 1937–38, vol. 5, 7–20, quote on 20. More generally, see Sopade report, May 1937, NCC, doc. 220.

299. Browder, Enforcers, 82; Gestapa, Lagebericht, October 3, 1935, in Boberach, Regimekritik, doc. rk 128.

300. NLHStA, Hann. 158 Moringen, Acc. 84/82, Nr. 6, Bl. 158.

301. Longerich, Himmler, 227–33. For the figures, see Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 108–109; BArchB, R 3001/21467, Bl. 74: Evangelische Kirche to RJM, May 4, 1935.

302. Quote in Sydnor, Soldiers, 29 (n. 68). See also Wegner, Soldaten, 251, table 25.

303. Eicke quotes in W. Best to H. Göring, September 27, 1935, NCC, doc. 120. Lichtenberg was not arrested until 1941, after he spoke out once more for inmates in the camps. Following a prison term, he collapsed on a transport to Dachau and died in November 1943; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 142.

304. Naujoks, Leben, 50; Dillon, “Dachau,” 107, 136–37.

305. Garbe, “Erst verhasst,” 219–22; Wachsmann, Prisons, 125–27. More generally, see Garbe, Widerstand; Kater, “Bibelforscher.”

306. Quotes in report by A. Winkler, 1938, NCC, doc. 229; AS, J D2/43, Bl. 146–54: Vernehmung G. Sorge, May 6, 1957, Bl. 147.

307. Quote in BArchB, NS 4/Bu32, Bl. 3: SlF to Kommandantur Buchenwald, November 17, 1938.

308. OdT, vol. 3, 46 (Rachuba died in Sachsenhausen in September 1942); Garbe, “Erst verhasst,” 224–36; Pingel, Häftlinge, 90–91; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 211–13. In all, over four thousand Jehovah’s Witnesses were taken to the KL during the Third Reich, mostly German citizens; around one in four perished (Garbe, “Erst verhasst,” 235).

309. The number of men forced into the KL as homosexual has been estimated as between five thousand and fifteen thousand, with recent research pointing toward the lower figure; Röll, “Homosexuelle,” 95. More generally, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 144–46; Longerich, Himmler, 242–50; Jellonnek, Homosexuelle.

310. Müller, “Homosexuelle,” 74.

311. Knoll, “Homosexuelle,” 62–66; Müller, “Homosexuelle,” 75–78; idem, “‘Wohl’”; Hackett, Buchenwald, 173.

312. Quote in O. Giering, Entschädigungsantrag, 1955, in Pretzel, “Vorfälle,” 159–61. See also Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 290–97; Wachsmann, Prisons, 139–44, 146–49; Poller, Arztschreiber, 105–107. Giering was moved to a Berlin state prison in 1942 to serve a sentence for sex offenses allegedly committed in Sachsenhausen. He was released in May 1945.

313. For example, see Pretzel, “Vorfälle”; StAMü, StA Nr. 14719.

314. Quote in O. Giering, Entschädigungsantrag, 1955, in Pretzel, “Vorfälle,” 159–61. See also Heger, Männer, 91; Kogon, Theory, 35; Burkhard, Tanz, 68–71; Zinn, “Homophobie,” 85–94. For female prisoners, see Eschebach, “Homophobie.” For a (wartime) case of a Kapo being falsely accused of sex crimes by rivals, see Kożdoń, “… ich kann,” 87–89.

315. Naujoks, Leben, 8, 14–17, 27–34.

316. Neurath, Gesellschaft, 34–35.

317. Naujoks, Leben, 35–39, 55–56, 69–70, 115–17, quote on 56.

318. Quote in Suhr, Ossietzky, 215.

319. Naujoks, Leben, 45, 47–49, 103, 133, quote on 49.

320. Jahnke, “Eschen,” 27–28; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 324–25.

321. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 149–50.

322. Kirsten and Kirsten, Stimmen, 47–50; Jahn, Buchenwald!, 89–94; Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Buchenwald, 130–31; Freund, Buchenwald!, 112–15; Poller, Arztschreiber, 159–65.

323. For background, see Pingel, Häftlinge, 51–52.

324. Rubner, “Dachau,” 67–68, quote on 67; Seger, “Oranienburg,” 50–55, quote on 51; Riedel, “Bruderkämpfe”; Knop et al., “Häftlinge,” 62–63; Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 214–16, 235–37; Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 135–36.

325. Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 240; Seger, “Oranienburg,” 52; Klausch, Tätergeschichten, 95 (n. 380); Suhr, Ossietzky, 214–15; Morsch, “Formation,” 143; Abraham, “Juda,” 150–51.

326. Deutschland-Berichte, vol. 3, 1006; Pingel, Häftlinge, 109–10; Morsch, “Formation,” 141–43; Naujoks, Leben, 17, 43–45; LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 4, 56–58, 62, 82.

327. Herker-Beimler, Erinnerungen, 23–24. Moringen, the central Prussian site for women in protective custody, took in female prisoners from some other German states from 1934 (Riebe, “Frauen,” 127). Since early 1936, long-term prisoners from Bavaria could be transferred to Moringen, too (IfZ, Fa 183/1, Bl. 354–55: Politische Polizei to Polizeidirektionen et al., February 13, 1936). For the influential role of the Moringen governor in this process, see Hörath, “Terrorinstrument,” 526–27.

328. Caplan, “Einleitung,” 42–44, 46; NLHStA, Hann. 158 Moringen, Acc. 84/82, Nr. 2, Bl. 144–47: Dienst- und Hausordnung, n.d. This is not to say that the Moringen director was a humanitarian: like other prison and workhouse governors, he subscribed to many of the prevailing racial and criminological stereotypes; OdT, vol. 2, 164–65.

329. Herker-Beimler, Erinnerungen, 25. See also Riebe, “Frauen,” 128–29; Hesse and Harder, Zeuginnen, 30–32, 50–52; Caplan, “Einleitung,” 12, 55; Herz, “Frauenlager,” 188–90.

330. Caplan, “Einleitung,” 51–52; Herz, “Frauenlager,” 130–31, 202.

331. Riebe, “Funktionshäftlinge,” 52–53.

332. Hesse and Harder, Zeuginnen, 34, 40–50.

333. NLHStA, Hann. 158 Moringen, Acc. 84/82, Nr. 2, Bl. 103: Moringen to Gestapa, February 18, 1937; Hesse and Harder, Zeuginnen, 40–41.

334. Herz, “Frauenlager,” 202, 220–21, quote on 220; Herker-Beimler, Erinnerungen, 27–28; Krammer, “Germans.” Beimler was killed on December 1, 1936, outside Madrid, possibly by friendly fire.

335. Fahrenberg and Hördler, “Lichtenburg,” 166–69; IfZ, F 37/19, Himmler diary, May 28, 1937. The prisoner transfers from Moringen to Lichtenburg occurred in stages between December 1937 and March 1938.

336. Hesse and Harder, Zeuginnen, 322–33; Fahrenberg and Hördler, “Lichtenburg,” 170–71, 172–73, 176–78; Riebe, “Frauen,” 136; Riebe, “Funktionshäftlinge,” 54–55.

337. Fahrenberg and Hördler, “Lichtenburg,” 173, 179; Hesse, “‘Erziehung,’” 112; idem, Harder, Zeuginnen, 93–94, 117–19; Endlich, “Lichtenburg,” 21; Riebe, “Frauen,” 137; Hördler, “SS-Kaderschmiede,” 109. Hesse and Harder mention a third victim, though there is no official confirmation. On corporal punishment, BArchB, NS 3/415, Bl. 1: KL Lichtenburg to IKL, March 14, 1939.

338. Hesse and Harder, Zeuginnen, 88, 122, quote on 333; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 44–47, 103–104; Endlich, “Lichtenburg,” 21–22.

339. Hesse and Harder, Zeuginnen, 50, 146, quote on 333; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 90.

340. Kaienburg, “Resümee,” 171; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 84–88. It is not clear whether corporal punishment in Ravensbrück was first carried out before the war or in 1940; Fahrenberg and Hördler, “Lichtenburg,” 180 (n. 54).

341. Koslov, Gewalt, 17–22, 99; Hördler, “SS-Kaderschmiede,” 109–19.

342. Koslov, Gewalt, 93–111, 117, 132–33, 490–91; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 72–78; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 92–93; Wolfram, “KZ-Aufseherinnen”; Toussaint, “Nach Dienstschluss.”

343. Koslov, Gewalt, 149, 159–63, 175–94; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 91–98.

344. In September 1938, the daily number of KL prisoners stood at around 24,400, including 800 women in Lichtenburg; NMGB, Buchenwald, 698; DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971); OdT, vol. 4, 22; Fahrenberg and Hördler, “Lichtenburg,” 169; AS, D 1 A/1020: Bl. 117 (my thanks to Monika Liebscher); Maršálek, Mauthausen, 109. In September 1939, there were 21,400 KL prisoners, including around 2,500 women in Ravensbrück; Pohl to Himmler, April 30, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, 363–65, ND: 129–R. My thanks to Stefan Hördler for confirming the Lichtenburg figures (also below).

345. Caplan, “Gender,” 99.

346. Arendt, “Concentration Camps,” 760. This theory does not hold for the USSR, where the camp system diminished substantially after Stalin’s death. KL prisoner figures for the end of 1937: Buchenwald 2,561; Dachau 2,462; Lichtenburg 200; Sachsenhausen 2,523. See Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Buchenwald, 698; Drobisch and Wieland,System, 266, 271; Endlich, “Lichtenburg,” 23.

3. Expansion

    1. Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 65, 80; Jahn, Buchenwald!, 53–56; StW, “Mörder Bargatzky zum Tode verurteilt,” Allg. Thüringische Landeszeitung, May 28, 1938. The spelling of Bargatzky’s name varies; I follow his birth certificate.

    2. On Eicke and escapes, Broszat, Kommandant, 127–28; Dienstvorschriften Dachau, October 1, 1933, IMT, vol. 26, 296, ND: 778–PS.

    3. Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 70–73; BArchB, NS 19/1542, Bl. 3–4: Himmler to Gürtner, May 16, 1938; Deutschland-Berichte, vol. 5, 869; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 200–201.

    4. StW, “Mörder Bargatzky zum Tode verurteilt,” Allg. Thüringische Landeszeitung, May 28, 1938; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 65–66, 73–74.

    5. BArchB, NS 19/1542, Bl. 8: Himmler to Gürtner, May 31, 1938.

    6. BwA, 31/450, Bericht E. Frommhold, n.d. (1945), 41–42; Schrade, Elf Jahre, 146; Berke, Buchenwald, 91–92; ITS, 1.1.5.3/BARE-BARR/00009874/0009. On foreign reports, see Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 201.

    7. BArchB, NS 19/1542, Eicke to RFSS-Kommandohaus, June 3, 1938; ibid., Bl. 13: H. Potthast to Dr. Brandt, June 4, 1938; Berke, Buchenwald, 91. The men taken for execution to Dachau during the 1934 Röhm purge had not been inmates of the camp. For executions in the early modern period, see Evans, Rituals, 73–77.

    8. “Er fiel für uns!,” Das schwarze Korps, May 26, 1938. See also Dillon, “Dachau,” 166–67; Zeck, Korps.

    9. Burkhard, Tanz, 119; DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 82–83.

  10. Jahn, Buchenwald!, 54–56; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 68–70; BArchB, NS 19/1542, Bl. 3–4: Himmler to Gürtner, May 16, 1938; Stein, Juden, 16.

  11. Stein, Juden, 21.

  12. VöB, May 17, 1938, cited in Gruchmann, Justiz, 652.

  13. BArchB, NS 19/1542, Bl. 3–4: Himmler to Gürtner, May 16, 1938. See also ITS, 1.1.5.3/BARE-BARR/00009874/0024, Eicke to Himmler, July 5, 1938; Stein, Juden, 15; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 70.

  14. BwA, Totenbuch. In 1938, the IKL warned commandants about a new judicial office investigating shootings; IKL to KL, July 27, 1938, NCC, doc. 132.

  15. BArchB, NS 19/4004, Bl. 278–351: Rede bei der SS Gruppenführerbesprechung, November 8, 1937, Bl. 293.

  16. For the figures, Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Buchenwald, 698; DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971); OdT, vol. 4, 22; Endlich, “Lichtenburg,” 23; Morsch and Ley, Sachsenhausen, 54.

  17. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 289, 337.

  18. OdT, vol. 3, 33.

  19. Neugebauer, “Österreichertransport,” quote on 201. See also Ungar, “Konzentrationslager,” 198–99; Kripoleitstelle Vienna, “Transporte von Schutzhäftlingen,” April 1, 1938, in Neugebauer and Schwarz, Stacheldraht, 17; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 173.

  20. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 197–98; DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 113.

  21. Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 66–67, 74–79, 80–81, quote on 77.

  22. Zámečník, Dachau, 102; Poller, Arztschreiber, 193; Wünschmann, Before Auschwitz, chapter 6.

  23. Wachsmann, “Policy,” 133–35.

  24. Many political prisoners believed that the Nazi regime wanted to humiliate and defame them by detaining them together with social outsiders (Kogon, Theory, 37). This claim was later taken over by historians in East and West Germany (Kühnrich, KZ-Staat, 58; Richardi, Schule, 226–27; Baganz, Erziehung, 61–62, 145–46). For a critical survey of the historiography, Ayaß, “Schwarze und grüne Winkel.”

  25. A 1990 scholarly survey of various KL victims still ignored “asocials” and “criminals”; Feig, “Non-Jewish Victims.”

  26. Herbert et al., “Konzentrationslager,” 26–28; Herbert, “Gegnerbekämpfung”; Orth, SS, 148–50, 298.

  27. For the different means used to detain social outsiders in the KL, see Hörath, “Terrorinstrument.”

  28. “Der neue Geist im Münchner Polizeipräsidium,” VöB, March 15, 1933.

  29. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 157, 209, 312.

  30. Zámečník, Dachau, 57; Rubner, “Dachau,” 67.

  31. Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 19–41.

  32. There were 2,592 inmates in Bavaria (including 142 workhouse prisoners from Rebdorf held at Dachau), 2,009 of them accused of political offenses; figures (mostly for April 10, 1934) in Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 155–56; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 105. For the classification of Rebdorf prisoners as work-shy, see MdI to Ministry of Finance, August 17, 1934, NCC, doc. 232.

  33. BayHStA, Staatskanzlei 6299/1, Bl. 174–77: Reichstatthalter to MPr, March 20, 1934.

  34. BayHStA, Staatskanzlei 6299/1, Bl. 132–41: MdI to MPr, April 14, 1934, translation in NCC, doc. 23.

  35. For the view that Himmler’s assault on social outsiders in Bavaria was exceptional, OdT, vol. 1, 55–56.

  36. Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 31–32, quote on 31; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 71; Hörath, “Terrorinstrument,” 516–18, 525; Harris, “Role,” 678; Diercks, “Fuhlsbüttel,” 266, 278. For the influx of “beggars” into existing camps, see Stokes, “Eutiner,” 619–20; Wollenberg, “Ahrensbök-Holstendorf,” 228.

  37. Wachsmann, Prisons, 49–54, 128–37.

  38. Quotes in Prussian MdI decree, November 13, 1933, NCC, doc. 16. See also Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 198–200; Terhorst, Vorbeugungshaft, 74–80.

  39. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 200–203; Mette, “Lichtenburg,” 141. On May 25, 1934, 257 of all 439 Lichtenburg prisoners were classified as “professional criminals.”

  40. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 204–209; Roth, “Kriminalpolizei,” 332–33; OdT, vol. 2, 541; Langhammer, “Verhaftungsaktion,” 58; BArchB, R 3001/alt R 22/1469, Bl. 24: “Erfolg der Vorbeugungshaft,” Berliner Börsen-Zeitung, October 24, 1935; ibid. (ehem. BDC), SSO, Loritz, Hans, 21.12.1895, Personal-Bericht, Stellungnahme Eicke, July 31, 1935.

  41. Langhammer, “Verhaftungsaktion,” 58–60; Hörath, “Terrorinstrument,” 523.

  42. Quote in Bavarian Gestapo to KL Dachau, July 10, 1936, NCC, doc. 97. See also ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Dachau 4 (200), Bl. 15: KL Dachau to IKL, June 19, 1936; IMT, vol. 31, EE by M. Lex, November 16, 1945, ND: 2928–PS.

  43. Police Directorate Bremen, November 23, 1935, NCC, doc. 253.

  44. The SS classified another 950 prisoners as “political” and 85 as “returned emigrant Jews”; NAL, FO 371/18882, Bl. 386–90: Appendix A, Visit to Dachau, July 31, 1935. According to the German Foreign Office, 1,067 “professional criminals” and other “asocial elements” were detained in the KL on November 1, 1936 (excluding homosexuals), making up more than twenty-two percent of the prisoner population; StANü, Auswärtigs Amt to Missionen et al., December 8, 1936, ND: NG-4048.

  45. Wachsmann, “Dynamics,” 24.

  46. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 235–43.

  47. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 235, 254–57, quotes on 254; Langhammer, “Verhaftungsaktion,” 60–63; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 66. Himmler met Eicke on March 10, 1937, the day after the raids; IfZ, F 37/19, Himmler diary. Up to thirty women were arrested as “professional criminals” and taken to Moringen.

  48. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 254–55. More generally, see Herbert, Best, 174–75.

  49. Speech at SS Gruppenführer conference, November 8, 1937, NCC, doc. 94.

  50. Hörath, “Experimente,” chapters 4 and 8. For the modern school of criminal law, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 20–22.

  51. It has been suggested that Himmler wanted to gain more forced laborers for the construction and extension of the KL (Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 255). This is unlikely to have been a major factor, since well over half of the men arrested in March 1937 were taken to two camps (Lichtenburg and Sachsenburg) that were not slated for extension (both closed as men’s camps later that year). For the figures, see Langhammer, “Verhaftungsaktion,” 62.

  52. Tooze, Wages, 260–68; Schneider, Hakenkreuz, 738–46.

  53. IfZ, Fa 199/20, Sitzung des Ministerrats am 11.2.1937.

  54. RJM minutes, February 15, 1937, NCC, doc. 127. Himmler met with Eicke on February 11 and 12, 1937; IfZ, F 37/19, Himmler diary.

  55. Quote, from Himmler’s February 23, 1937, decree, in Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 254.

  56. German criminologists had long labeled social outsiders and criminals as “work-shy” (Hörath, “Experimente,” chapters 4 and 8). This term took on greater economic meaning in the late 1930s.

  57. RJM minutes, February 15, 1937, NCC, doc. 127. More generally, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 173.

  58. For overcrowding, see Drobisch and Wieland, System, 286.

  59. Langhammer, “Verhaftungsaktion,” 73–74; NLHStA, 158 Moringen, Acc. 84/82, Nr. 8, Bl. 2: Krack, Aktenvermerk, October 6, 1937; Roth, “Kriminalpolizei,” 335.

  60. The German police held 2,752 “professional criminals and habitual sex offenders” in preventive detention on November 13, 1937 (BArchB, R 58/483, Bl. 120–21: Mitteilungsblatt des LKA). Little more than a year later, the figure had risen to around 4,000 (figure for December 31, 1938, referring to 12,921 prisoners in preventive police custody, among them 8,892 “asocials”; evidently, the remaining 4,029 prisoners were regarded as “criminals”; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 313).

  61. Langhammer, “Verhaftungsaktion,” 64; ITS, 1.1.5.1/0544–0682/0647/0027, Einlieferungsbuch; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 68 (n. 163).

  62. Drobisch and Wieland, System, 288.

  63. For the transports, see Langhammer, “Verhaftungsaktion,” 69. Only 198 “criminals” were left in Buchenwald when war broke out in September 1939; Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 170.

  64. Broszat, Kommandant, 58–61, 73, quotes on 61, 101. For violence against “criminals” in early camps, see Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 292–304.

  65. Report by A. Hübsch, 1961, NCC, doc. 240.

  66. BArchB, KLuHafta Sachsenburg 2, Kommandantur-Befehl, April 14, 1937.

  67. OdT, vol. 1, 92, 96.

  68. AS, Totenbuch.

  69. The figures exclude six men classified as preventive custody prisoners; BwA, Totenbuch. During the same period—August 1937 to July 1938—the SS recorded thirty-seven deaths among political prisoners.

  70. Quote in Kogon, Theory, 31. For the term “BVer,” ITS, 1.1.6.0, folder 25, doc. 82095206, Wahrheit und Recht 1 (May 1946). For the USSR, see Khlevniuk, Gulag, doc. 98; Barnes, “Soviet,” 107–10.

  71. For example, see Freund, Buchenwald!, 99–100, 103–105; Seger, “Oranienburg,” 34, 47. For SS views, Himmler speech at a Wehrmacht course, January 15–23, 1937, NCC, doc. 83.

  72. See also Orth, “Lagergemeinschaft,” 114–16.

  73. Of 2,752 “professional criminals and habitual sex offenders” in preventive detention on November 13, 1937, 1,679 were classified as burglars and thieves. Another 522 were classified as fraudsters and fences. Only some twenty percent were accused of crimes against the person: 495 so-called sex offenders (including homosexual men) and 56 robbers; BArchB, R 58/483, Bl. 120–21: Mitteilungsblatt des LKA. See also Langhammer, “Verhaftungsaktion,” 61; Pretzel, “‘Umschulung.’”

  74. Wagner, “‘Vernichtung,’” 104–105.

  75. For “green” prisoners being held in the same barracks, NCC, doc. 220; Naujoks, Leben, 52–55.

  76. For a different view, see Neurath, Gesellschaft, 97–98.

  77. For the tensions, see report by H. Schwarz, July 1945, NCC, doc. 231; Poller, Arztschreiber, 150.

  78. The spring 1937 arrests were carried out on the basis of the Reichstag Fire Decree; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 286. For background of the December 1937 decree, see Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 258–59.

  79. BArchB, R 58/473, Bl. 46–49: Erlaßdes Reichs- und Preußischen MdI, December 14, 1937; partial translation in NCC, doc. 99.

  80. The Duisburg police also suspected Müller of a recent theft and speculated that he might be guilty of other unnamed offenses; HStAD, BR 1111, Nr. 188, quote on Bl. 43, Krimineller Lebenslauf, n.d. (my thanks to Julia Hörath for her notes on this case).

  81. Figure in Schmid, “Aktion,” 36.

  82. Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 151–59; Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 280.

  83. Schmid, “Aktion,” 32–34; Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 140–43. Ayaßstresses that protective custody prisoners (arrested by the Gestapo) and preventive police detention prisoners (arrested by the Kripo) could both be classified as “asocials” in the KL; Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 170.

  84. Ayaß, “Gemeinschaftsfremde,” 114–15; Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 292–93. For female “asocials,” see Schikorra, “Grüne,” 108; idem, Kontinuitäten, 143; Caplan, “Gender,” 89.

  85. Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 46.

  86. BArchB, R 58/473, Bl. 63–72: Richtlinien zum Erlaßzur vorbeugenden Verbrechensbekämpfung, April 4, 1938.

  87. Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 150–54; Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 279, 282–84, 288–89.

  88. Heydrich to Kripo, June 1, 1938, NCC, doc. 103. For the use of the term “gypsy” by scholars of the Third Reich, see Zimmermann, Rassenutopie, 17–20; Fings, “Dünnes Eis,” 25.

  89. There were an estimated twenty to twenty-six thousand Gypsies living in Germany in 1933. For the above, see Zimmermann, Rassenutopie, 106–20; Wachsmann, “Policy,” 142–43. See also Lewy, Nazi Persecution, 17–55.

  90. LHASA, MD, Rep. C 29 Anh. 2, Nr. Z 98/1, quote on Bl. 4: Kripolizeistelle Magdeburg, Anordnung, June 16, 1938. Laubinger was released on August 25, 1939. My thanks to Christian Goeschel for these documents.

  91. Herbert, Best, 163–68, 176–77.

  92. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 280–82, 286, 290; Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 141, 143–46, 156–58.

  93. This is also stressed in Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 160–65, and Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 287–89.

  94. Hörath, “‘Arbeitsscheue Volksgenossen.’”

  95. Heydrich to Kripo, June 1, 1938, NCC, doc. 103. See also Pingel, Häftlinge, 71–72.

  96. Quotes in Picker, Tischgespräche, 600. See also Eicke to Greifelt, August 10, 1938, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 56.

  97. Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 141–42, 148–49, 163. In 1938, Himmler also launched another attempt to poach inmates from state prisons (NCC, doc. 131) and workhouses (NCC, doc. 101).

  98. OdT, vol. 1, 97. The situation was different in the Lichtenburg women’s camp, where Jehovah’s Witnesses outnumbered “asocials”; Schikorra, “Grüne,” 108.

  99. Schmid, “Aktion,” 38–39.

100. On August 30, 1939, 2,873 of all 5,382 Buchenwald prisoners fell into the category “work-shy,” which included “work-shy Jews” (Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 170). On August 31, 1939, 3,313 of all 6,573 Sachsenhausen prisoners fell into the category “work-shy” (AS, D 1 A/1024, Bl. 264: Veränderungsmeldung). On prisoner markings, seeOdT, vol. 1, 94, 97–98.

101. All men arrested in the April 1938 raids were taken to Buchenwald. The camp was also initially chosen as the destination for those arrested in the June 1938 raids (Heydrich to Kripo, June 1, 1938, in NCC, doc. 103).

102. Schmid, “Aktion,” 36.

103. Broszat, Kommandant, 86, 97, quote on 93.

104. Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 49–50, quote on 50; Naujoks, Leben, 77–78.

105. Naujoks, Leben, 78–80; OdT, vol. 3, 22; Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 61–62.

106. For background, see Neurath, Gesellschaft, 42–44.

107. Pingel, Häftlinge, 85–86; Schikorra, Kontinuitäten, 143–44, 207, 210–17; Pretzel, “Vorfälle,” 125; Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 168–69. For the term “Asos,” see ITS, 1.1.6.0, folder 25, doc. 82095206, Wahrheit und Recht 1 (May 1946). For an inside view of life among the “asocials,” see ibid., doc. 82095213, Wahrheit und Recht 2 (June 1946).

108. Poller, Arztschreiber, quotes on 187; Naujoks, Leben, 81–82; Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 288.

109. Friedlander, Origins, 25–31; Burleigh, Death, 55–66.

110. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 289–91, quote on 289; BArchL, B 162/491, Bl. 66–79: Vernehmung W. Heyde, October 19, 1961, quote on 70. See also monthly report of the Buchenwald SS doctor, June 8, 1938, NCC, doc. 237; Naujoks, Leben, 107; DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 109; Hahn, Grawitz, 161; Poller,Arztschreiber, 116; Schikorra, Kontinuitäten, 176.

111. DaA, Häftlingsdatenbank; BwA, Totenbuch; AS, Totenbuch; AGFl, Häftlingsdatenbank; AM, Zugangslisten und Totenbücher. I am very grateful to Albert Knoll, Sabine Stein, Monika Liebscher, Johannes Ibel, and Andreas Kranebitter for sending me this data on prisoner mortality, which I have drawn on in this and other sections in this chapter.

112. AS, Totenbuch. A small number of fatalities may have gone unrecorded in the Sachsenhausen “death ledger.”

113. As note 111, above.

114. Quote in Kohlhagen, Bock, 24. For the figures, see AS, Totenbuch.

115. In all, there are 1,232 known fatalities, including 169 “asocial Jews”; see note 111, above.

116. BArchB, NS 19/4014, Bl. 158–204: Rede vor Generälen, June 21, 1944, Bl. 170. More generally, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 112, 192–94, 210.

117. There were some early reports on the detention of social outsiders (Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 57–61), but the main media focus was on political opponents.

118. See also Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 185.

119. “Konzentrationslager Dachau,” Illustrierter Beobachter, December 3, 1936, 2014–17, 2028, partial translation in NCC, doc. 270. For a similar article from 1936, NCC, doc. 268.

120. Broadcast by Himmler, January 29, 1939, NCC, doc. 274; “Erfolg der Vorbeugungshaft,” Berliner Börsen-Zeitung, October 24, 1935.

121. Wachsmann, Prisons, 18–19, 54–58. More generally, see Peukert, Nazi Germany, 222–23.

122. Kautsky, Teufel, 144. More generally, see Peukert, Nazi Germany, 198–99; Noakes, Pridham, Nazism, vol. 2, 574; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 207–208.

123. “Konzentrationslager Dachau,” Illustrierter Beobachter, December 3, 1936, NCC, doc. 270. See also Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 184–87; Gray, About Face. On the staging of photos for the article about Dachau, see Deutschland-Berichte, vol. 4, 694.

124. Peukert, “Alltag,” 56. For the persistence of crime under the Nazis, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 69–70, 198, 221–22.

125. Gellately, Backing, 97–98; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 209; Kershaw, Popular Opinion, 74. For isolated press reports, Ayaß, “Asoziale,” 157, 164–65.

126. Deutschland-Berichte, vol. 2, 372; Klemperer, Zeugnis, vol. 1, 443.

127. Neurath, Gesellschaft, 25–26; Christ, “Wehrmachtsoldaten,” 819; Steinbacher, Dachau, 151–52.

128. See also Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 235, 239.

129. For media reports, see Milton, “Konzentrationslager,” 137–38; Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 203–204. For orders to scale back reports, see NCC, docs. 267 and 271. For occasional reminders, see NCC, docs. 266, 270, 274.

130. Quote in instruction to the German press, December 11, 1936, NCC, doc. 271.

131. For example, see ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Lichtenburg 2, Bl. 104–15: Befehlsblatt SS-TV/IKL, April 1, 1937.

132. NAL, FO 371/18882, Bl. 386–90: Appendix A, Visit to Dachau, July 31, 1935, quote on 390.

133. Manchester Guardian, reader’s letter, April 7, 1936, NCC, doc. 281.

134. Milton, “Konzentrationslager,” passim; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 240–48.

135. Hett, Crossing, 228–34; Wünschmann, “Jewish prisoners,” 41.

136. Quotes in Buck, “Ossietzky,” 23–27, p. 26; report by C. Burckhardt, November 1935, NCC, doc. 279. See also Kraiker and Suhr, Ossietzky, 106–26.

137. Moore, “Popular Opinion,” 177–78, quote on 178.

138. Milton, “Konzentrationslager,” 140.

139. Evans, Third Reich in Power, 220–32; Gruchmann, Justiz, 77–78; Fröhlich, Tagebücher, I/5, March 3, 1938. The Berlin Special Court convicted Niemöller of lesser charges that would not have resulted in further detention.

140. IfZ, MA 312, Rede bei der SS Gruppenführerbesprechung, November 8, 1938.

141. Himmler speech at a Wehrmacht course, January 15–23, 1937, IMT, vol. 29, ND: 1992(A)-PS, especially pages 231–32; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 37–38, 51, 56, 197.

142. Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 37–38. Previously, historians generally dated this development to the late 1930s.

143. Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 38, 56–57, 62–63, 141–46, 169–77, 197–98; Dillon, “Dachau,” 85, 162; Wachsmann, “Dynamics,” 33; Merkl, General, 79; ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Lichtenburg 2, Bl. 104–15: Befehlsblatt SS-TV/IKL, April 1, 1937; Hördler, “SS-Kaderschmiede,” 105–106.

144. Quote in IfZ, MA 312, Rede bei der SS Gruppenführerbesprechung, November 8, 1938. See also Wegner, Soldaten, 79–112; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 65.

145. Quote in BArchB, NS 19/1652, Bl. 5–15: Geheime Kommandosache, Erlass, August 17, 1938, Bl. 11. See also Wegner, Soldaten, 112–23; Merkl, General, 127–37; Dillon, “Dachau,” 186; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 66–68; Zámečník, Dachau, 101.

146. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946, Bl. 377. See also Segev, Soldiers, 129–30.

147. Eicke quotes in Segev, Soldiers, 130–31.

148. For the numbers, which include the relatively small number of Commandant Staff officials, BArchB, R 2/12164, Bl. 25–28: Best to RMi Finanzen, November 26, 1938; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 71–72. Following Charles Sydnor, historians have often used a significantly higher number, putting the strength of the Death’s Head SS in mid-1939 at 22,033 men (Sydnor, Soldiers, 34). However, as Hermann Kaienburg points out (reference above), it is likely that this figure included Camp SS reservists, who were not stationed permanently at the KL but only underwent brief training courses in 1938–39.

149. Sydnor, Soldiers, 34.

150. Brockhaus, 1937, NCC, doc. 272.

151. “Sachsenhausen Song,” NCC, doc. 224.

152. For an introduction, see Morris and Rothman, Oxford History.

153. Sofsky, Ordnung, 194.

154. Wohlfeld, “Nohra,” 115; Ehret, “Schutzhaft,” 251; Lechner, “Kuhberg,” 94; Meyer and Roth, “Zentrale,” 205; Wachsmann, Prisons, 95–96; Langhoff, Moorsoldaten, 40–41, 61, 71.

155. Krause-Vilmar, Breitenau, 122–24; Rudorff, “‘Privatlager,’” 162–63; Seger, “Oranienburg,” 34; Diercks, “Fuhlsbüttel,” 280–81; Mayer-von Götz, Terror, 135–36.

156. Kienle, “Heuberg,” 54. See also Rudorff, “‘Privatlager,’” 163.

157. Special camp order by Eicke, August 1, 1934, NCC, doc. 149.

158. Quote in Kogon, Theory, 27. See also Jahn, Buchenwald!, 42–45; Stein, Juden, 10–12; OdT, vol. 3, 327–29; NCC, doc. 88. For death rates, see BwA, Totenbuch; AS, Totenbuch.

159. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 159–72, 356, 1017.

160. Naujoks, Leben, 36.

161. Ecker, “Hölle,” 35; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 114–29; DaA, Nr. 7566, K. Schecher, “Rückblick auf Dachau,” n.d., 74.

162. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 248–49.

163. Quotes in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO Pohl, Oswald, 30.6.1892, Lebenslauf, 1932; ibid., Pohl to Himmler, May 24, 1933. More generally, see Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 32–37, 45; testimony O. Pohl, June 3, 1946, in Mendelsohn, Holocaust, vol. 17, 35–38.

164. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 45–69, 76–91, 148–52; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 107–113, 403–405; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946.

165. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 40–44.

166. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 46–48, 69–75, 99–103; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 123–27; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946; StANü, EE by H. Karl, June 21, 1947, p. 4, ND: NO-4007.

167. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946, quote on 346. See also Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 69.

168. For example, see Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 75.

169. BArchB, NS 19/1792, Bl. 226: Minutenprogramm für den 25.4.1939; ibid., Film 44564, Vernehmung O. Pohl, January 6, 1947, Bl. 6, 9; extracts of testimony of defendant Pohl, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 559; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946; ibid., Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946; StANü, EE by H. Karl, June 21, 1947, p. 4, ND: NO-4007. For one such clash, see NCC, doc. 133.

170. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 25, 356–57, 373–76, 1091. For a different interpretation, which sees Himmler’s initiative as primarily defensive (aimed at maintaining control over KL labor at a time of growing labor shortages in Germany), see Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 108–11. Historians recognized the significance of the shift in the SS economy early; Georg, Unternehmungen, 42; Billig, L’Hitlérisme, 289–90.

171. Quote in Pohl to Hamburg treasurer, September 13, 1938, NCC, doc. 141. See also BArchB, NS 19/1919, Bl. 4–5: Himmler to Hildebrandt, December 15, 1939; Naasner, SS-Wirtschaft, 255–56.

172. For example, see Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 434.

173. For this and the previous paragraph, see Jaskot, Architecture, 21–25, 36–37, 80–94; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 455–58, 460–61, 603–609, 1018; OdT, vol. 3, 388–89; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 111–19, 125; BArchB, Film 14428, Stabsamt, Besuchs-Vermerk, June 17, 1938.

174. For the trip, StANü, EE by H. Karl, June 21, 1947, pp. 6–7, ND: NO-4007, which dates it to May 1938. For the March dating, OdT, vol. 4, 18–19, 293.

175. OdT, vol. 4, 17–20, 293–94.

176. OdT, vol. 4, 19–22; KZ-Gedenkstätte Flossenbürg, Flossenbürg, 35.

177. OdT, vol. 4, 294, 298; Fabréguet, “Entwicklung,” 194.

178. OdT, vol. 4, 19, 21, 296, 298; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 93.

179. Police and SS also saw practical advantages of setting up a KL in the recently annexed Austrian territory; OdT, vol. 4, 293.

180. Jaskot, Architecture, 126–35; OdT, vol. 4, 20, 29, 299.

181. OdT, vol. 4, 26; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 123. Initially, the police did not take prisoners directly to Flossenbürg and Mauthausen, but transferred them from other KL.

182. For the plans, BArchB, NS 3/415, Bl. 3: Verwaltungschef SS to Bauleitung Flossenbürg, April 5, 1939.

183. Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 169–70; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 27, 109–10; OdT, vol. 4, 22; Langhammer, “Verhaftungsaktion,” 69.

184. Ibel, “Il campo,” 235–36; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 109; OdT, vol. 4, 308, 315. It seems likely that there were numerous Gypsies among Mauthausen prisoners already in 1938; A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 105–106.

185. In all, 105 “professional criminals” are known to have died in Flossenbürg and Mauthausen by the end of August 1939—compared to 82 known fatalities (January 1938–August 1939) in the three big camps for men; see note 111.

186. Quote in K. Wolff to H. Krebs, December 15, 1938, NCC, doc. 143. See also H. Krebs to Himmler, November 19, 1938, ibid., doc. 142.

187. USHMM, RG-11.001M.01, reel 17, 500–5–1, Bl. 98: Heydrich to RSHA et al., January 2, 1941.

188. Speech at a Wehrmacht course, January 15–23, 1937, NCC, doc. 83.

189. For other SS leaders, see Heydrich to Gürtner, June 28, 1938, NCC, doc. 131. Jewish prisoners, who ranked even lower than “professional criminals” in the SS hierarchy, would not have been numerous enough at the time to fill either of the new camps.

190. Siegert, “Flossenbürg,” 440–41.

191. ITS, ARCH/KL Flossenbürg, Indiv. Unterlagen Männer, Josef Kolacek, Bl. 12: KL Flossenbürg to RKPA, November 30, 1938 (my thanks to Christian Goeschel for these and other documents). For the transport on July 1, 1938, see OdT, vol. 4, 22.

192. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 27, 85; OdT, vol. 4, 21, 24–27, 301–303.

193. Recollections A. Gussak, 1958, NCC, doc. 198.

194. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 110; AM, Zugangslisten und Totenbücher (the figures for 1938 may not be complete). Of all the sixty-seven “asocials” known to have perished in Mauthausen until the outbreak of war, fifty-seven had arrived on the March 21, 1939 transport from Dachau; it is unknown why so many prisoners of this transport perished so quickly.

195. DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 105–106; Fabréguet, “Entwicklung,” 196; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 123.

196. AGFl, Häftlingsdatenbank. The higher death rate in Mauthausen was linked in part to the unusually high mortality among prisoners who had arrived on the March 21, 1939 transport (see note 194, above).

197. ITS, ARCH/KL Flossenbürg, Indiv. Unterlagen Männer, Josef Kolacek.

198. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 647–51, 656; Allen, Business, 67–71.

199. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 647, 649–55; Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 65–67.

200. Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 46–47, 49–50, 54–57; AS, R 42/1, H. Gartsch, “Beiträge zum KZ Sachsenhausen, Klinkerwerk,” n.d., 4–5.

201. For a different view, stressing the similarities to other labor details in Sachsenhausen, see Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 77.

202. Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 47, 56, 64–65; AS, R 42/1, H. Gartsch, “Beiträge zum KZ Sachsenhausen, Klinkerwerk,” n.d., 4–5; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 650; WL, P.III.h. 758, B. Landau, “Die Hölle von Sachsenhausen,” n.d., 27.

203. For suicides, see Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 58; AS, R 42/1, H. Gartsch, “Beiträge zum KZ Sachsenhausen, Klinkerwerk,” n.d., 5.

204. Naujoks, Leben, 111; Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 57–58; Schlaak, “Wetter,” 182.

205. AS, Totenbuch. The onset of the first period of prolonged frost in mid-December 1938 coincided with a sharp rise in the death rate.

206. Between December 1938 and March 1939, “asocial” prisoners made up eighty-two percent of all registered fatalities in Sachsenhausen; AS, Totenbuch. For “asocials” at the brick works, see Meyer, “Funktionalismus,” 85; Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 60.

207. LaB, A. Rep. 358–02, Nr. 7468, Bl. 5: Erklärung Hermann R., March 21, 1939. See also ibid., Bl. 1–2: StA Berlin, Vermerk, March 21, 1939.

208. For the Sachsenhausen SS, see Meyer, “Funktionalismus,” 84; Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 77.

209. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 655–56; Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 36–45; Allen, Business, 70–71; Khlevniuk, Gulag, 336.

210. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 122.

211. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 656–83, 762–63; Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 79–98. The plant was still unfinished in 1943, having lost millions of Reichsmark. On SS managers during the war, with different emphases, see Allen, Business, 85–86; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 159–67.

212. There are two confirmed deaths in Lichtenburg and four in Ravensbrück (during 1939); Hesse and Harder, Zeuginnen, 117–19; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 506.

213. For the mortality figures, see note 111.

214. According to largely accurate ITS figures, 388 Dachau prisoners died during the twenty months between January 1938 and August 1939 (the actual figure was closer to 415; DaA, Häftlingsdatenbank), compared to thirty-seven deaths over the preceding twenty months (May 1936 to December 1937); meanwhile, the average monthly prisoner population rose from 2,157 to 4,845. DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971).

215. Hahn, Grawitz, 155–59; Morsch and Ley, Medizin, 53–54, 78; Naujoks, Leben, 110.

216. Quote in LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 5, 21.

217. Special camp order by Eicke, August 1, 1934, NCC, doc. 149.

218. For example, see Poller, Arztschreiber, 89–90, 93–94, 98–102.

219. Morsch, “Formation,” 167–69, 172; Boehnert, “SS Officer Corps,” 116; Hahn, Grawitz, 163; Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 182–85; Naujoks, Leben, 107–109; Pukrop, “SS-Karrieren,” 76, 86. The Soviet authorities executed Ehrsam in 1947.

220. LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 5, 37–38, 63; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 287–88; Naujoks, Leben, 126–27.

221. See the case of Dr. Katz in Dachau (chapter 1).

222. NCC, doc. 186.

223. Naujoks, Leben, 105; Hahn, Grawitz, 159–60; Freund, Buchenwald!, 72.

224. Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 69; Poller, Arztschreiber, 59, 74, 77; Orth, SS, 45–46.

225. Schley, Nachbar, 64–66; Freund, Buchenwald!, 95–96; OdT, vol. 3, 325.

226. Quote in Freund, Buchenwald!, 84. See also Stein, Juden, 57–59.

227. DaA, Häftlingsdatenbank; ibid., ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971); BwA, Totenbuch; NMGB, Buchenwald, 698.

228. Between January 1938 and August 1939, 491 Jewish prisoners perished in Buchenwald, including Jews arrested as asocial or political opponents; BwA, Totenbuch.

229. Quote in Besprechung über die Judenfrage, November 12, 1938, IMT, vol. 28, 538, ND: 1816–PS. See also Steinweis, Kristallnacht.

230. For surveys, see Friedländer, Nazi Germany; Longerich, Holocaust, 29–130.

231. A first monograph on the topic is now forthcoming; Wünschmann, Before Auschwitz.

232. See also Matthäus, “Verfolgung,” 66–68.

233. Lagebericht Stapostelle Magdeburg, August 5, 1935, in Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, doc. 1018. Although the overall number of Jews dragged to the camps for “race defilement” in 1935 is unknown, it was not insignificant; in Breslau alone, the police sent twenty male Jewish “race defilers” to the KL during July; Stapostelle Regierungsbezirk Breslau, Bericht für Juli 1935, ibid., doc. 1007.

234. Quotes in BArchB, R 58/264, Bl. 161: Gestapa to Stapostellen, September 1935; Informationen des Gestapa, February 25, 1938, in Boberach, Regimekritik, doc. rk 1706. See also Matthäus, “Verfolgung,” 72. The Gestapo also arrested some men after terms of judicial imprisonment for “race defilement”; Wachsmann, Prisons, 180. More generally, see Friedländer, Nazi Germany, 120–22, 137–43; Longerich, Holocaust, 54–61.

235. Longerich, Holocaust, 67–69, 105–107, 126–27.

236. IfZ, Fa 183/1, Bl. 336: Grauert to Landesregierungen, February 9, 1935; Bavarian Political Police decree, March 7, 1935, NCC, doc. 95.

237. Wünschmann, “Cementing,” 589–94; idem, “Jewish Prisoners,” 140–42. See also Matthäus, “Verfolgung,” 76; OdT, vol. 1, 95, 103. For the threat of lifelong detention, see also NCC, doc. 110. Such threats also served the wider aim, Hitler later acknowledged, of preventing other “asocial” émigrés from returning to Germany; Picker,Tischgespräche, 513–14.

238. Matthäus, “Verfolgung,” 68–77, quote on 80; OdT, vol. 1, 98.

239. Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 65, 156–58. See also Morsch, “Formation,” 135.

240. Report of a Jewish “reimmigrant,” 1936, NCC, doc. 243; Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 204.

241. LaB, A Rep. 358–02, Nr. 1540, GStA Berlin to RJM, June 3, 1937. More generally, see Broszat, Kommandant, 166.

242. Quote in Kogon, Theory, 77. This was one of three official camp songs recognized by the Buchenwald commandant in summer 1939; Stein, Juden, 66. More generally, see Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 204–205.

243. NCC, doc. 243; Neurath, Gesellschaft, 115; Broszat, Kommandant, 169.

244. Quotes in Union, Strafvollzug, 29. For the use of the term “4711” in Esterwegen, Dachau, and Buchenwald, see Lüerßen, “‘Wir,’” 124, 204; Burkhard, Tanz, 61–62; Stein, Buchenwald, 78.

245. Quote in Morsch, “Formation,” 148. See also Naujoks, Leben, 40.

246. LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, quote on 473. More generally, see Kogon, Theory, 83.

247. Figures in Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 162.

248. Such Kapo posts were normally restricted to the supervision of other Jewish prisoners (Morsch, “Formation,” 149; Jahnke, “Eschen”), though there were exceptions (LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 4, 31).

249. Herz, “Frauenlager,” 179–80.

250. BArchB, R 58/264, Bl. 263: Politischer Polizeikommandeur to Politische Polizeien, August 1[8] 1936; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 141.

251. Given Himmler’s keen interest in Jewish KL prisoners, he must have approved this major initiative, perhaps on the occasion of his visit to Dachau on February 16, 1937; IfZ, F 37/19, Himmler diary. For more detail on the policy, BArchB, R 58/264, Bl. 285: Heydrich to Stapoleitstellen et al., February 17, 1937. Heydrich only referred to Jewish prisoners in protective custody and so-called instructive custody (that is, returning émigrés), but the new policy of concentrating Jews in Dachau presumably applied to Jewish men in preventive police custody, as well.

252. Wünschmann, “Cementing,” 589.

253. Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 158, 166. On January 1, 1938, 2,457 prisoners were held in Dachau; DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971).

254. Dillon, “Dachau,” 239. See also Burkhard, Tanz, 95–100; NCC, docs. 210 and 220.

255. ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Dachau 4 (200), Bl. 43: LK Dachau, Führungsbericht Leo L., July 6, 1938.

256. Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 164–65; Broszat, Kommandant, 167; Eicke order of the IKL, March 1, 1937, NCC, doc. 155. The Dachau SS appears to have imposed similar isolation on Jews in 1935 and 1936.

257. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 169. See also ibid., 168; Eicke order of the IKL, March 1, 1937, NCC, doc. 155. On Jews as hostages, see Burrin, Hitler.

258. Quote in Hett, Crossing, 226. See also ibid., 220; “Die Erpresser von Dachau,” Neuer Vorwärts, December 19, 1937; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 164.

259. Burkhard, Tanz, 89–94; DaA, 9394, A. Lomnitz, “Heinz Eschen zum Gedenken,” July 3, 1939; Litten, Mutter, 226.

260. NLHStA, 158 Moringen, Acc. 105/96, Nr. 104: G. Glogowski to H. Krack, August 26, 1937 (my thanks to Kim Wünschmann for sharing this document).

261. DaA, 9394, A. Lomnitz, “Heinz Eschen zum Gedenken,” July 3, 1939; Litten, Mutter, 209–10, 225–29; Jahnke, “Eschen,” 29–33; Hett, Crossing, 221–24, 227–28, 236–45; Königseder, “Regimegegner,” 357–60; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 164. For the mortality figures, see DaA, Häftlingsdatenbank.

262. Barkai, “‘Schicksalsjahr.’”

263. Evans, Third Reich in Power, 574–79, 657–61; Friedländer, Nazi Germany, 241–68; Longerich, Holocaust, 98–109.

264. Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 173. See also Neugebauer, “Österreichertransport,” 195–98; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 195.

265. Quotes in Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 196; Eichmann minute, May 30, 1938, NCC, doc. 102. More generally, see Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 182–83; Cesarani, Eichmann, 62–64; Schmid, “Aktion,” 34. Several hundred more Austrian Jews arrived in Dachau on “mixed” transports with other prisoners.

266. By June 1938, there were some 2,500 Jewish prisoners in the packed Dachau camp, crammed into several barracks of the new compound. For the above, see Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 174–75, 186; A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 88–93; M. Simon to Führer der Sturmbanne, June 10, 1938, in Merkl, General, 119.

267. Quote in Gruner, Jewish Forced Labor, 3.

268. Quote in Heydrich to Kripo, June 1, 1938, NCC, doc. 103. More generally, see Wünschmann, “Cementing,” 595–97; idem., “Jewish Prisoners,” 193–200, 205; Berkowitz, Crime.

269. Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 46; Stein, Juden, 18; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 206; Dirks, “‘Juni-Aktion.’” For Jewish communities, see SD-Hauptamt II 112, Lagebericht, October 8, 1938, in Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, doc. 2509. For a full-length study, see Faludi, “Juni-Aktion.”

270. Schmid, “Aktion,” 36–37; Stein, Juden, 15; idem., “Funktionswandel,” 169; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 193.

271. Quotes in Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 202; Stein, Juden, 22. See also ibid., 19–24; Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 43–91; Report of the Amsterdam Jewish Central Information Office, July 1938, NCC, doc. 246.

272. Report of the Amsterdam Jewish Central Information Office, July 1938, NCC, doc. 246; Stein, Juden, 24–26; idem, “Funktionswandel,” 169; BwA, Totenbuch. Although they accounted for less than twenty percent of the Buchenwald prisoner population, Jews made up more than forty percent of victims in this period.

273. Quote in summary of reports by released prisoners and lawyers, late July 1938, in Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 77.

274. Dachau held around twice as many Jewish prisoners as Buchenwald in summer 1938. Between eighteen and twenty-six Jewish prisoners (the figures are not conclusive) died from June to August 1938 in Dachau, compared to at least ninety-two in Buchenwald. See DaA, Häftlingsdatenbank; BwA, Totenbuch.

275. Historians have speculated that the authorities decided to move Jewish prisoners out of Dachau at the time of the “Sudeten Crisis” to make room for prisoners expected from Czechoslovakia. In autumn 1938, following the Munich agreement, some two thousand prisoners from the Sudetenland were indeed deported to Dachau. See Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 189; Stein, Juden, 31–33.

276. Stein, Juden, 33; Neurath, Gesellschaft, 43.

277. BwA, Totenbuch; Stein, Juden, 26.

278. I am drawing closely on Wachsmann, “Policy,” 139–40. See also Steinweis, Kristallnacht, 16–17, 36–48; Evans, Third Reich in Power, 580–86. For the quote, Fröhlich, Tagebücher, I/6, November 10, 1938, 180.

279. Fröhlich, Tagebücher, I/6, November 10, 1938, 181.

280. Police orders in IMT, vol. 25, 377–78, ND: 374–PS.

281. “Dr. Adler” quote in WL, B. 216, January 1939; the author’s real name is unknown (WL to the author, May 14, 2012). See also Steinweis, Kristallnacht, 92–97; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 212–13. According to one estimate, up to thirty-six thousand Jews were arrested during and after the pogrom; Pollmeier, “Verhaftungen,” 168. On the Frankfurt Festhalle, see Gerhardt and Karlauf,Nie mehr, 232.

282. Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, docs. 2607, 2628, 2633, 2856; Steinweis, Kristallnacht, 92–93.

283. Quotes in Regierungspräsident Niederbayern und Oberpfalz, Monatsbericht, December 8, 1938, in Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, doc. 2582; SD-Unterabschnitt Württemberg-Hohenzollern, Lagebericht, February 1, 1939, ibid., doc. 2778. For other critical voices, see ibid., doc. 2624; NCC, doc. 296. On support for the detention of Jews, see Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, docs. 2587, 2631. More generally, see Longerich, “Davon,” 124–35; Evans, Third Reich in Power, 590–91.

284. Quotes in WL, B. 216, anonymous report, January 1939, translation in NCC, doc. 249; Stein, Juden, 41. See also ibid., 43; Freund, Buchenwald!, 36; Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 574, 608.

285. Around 6,000 Jews arrived in Sachsenhausen (November 1938); 9,828 in Buchenwald (November 10–14); 10,911 in Dachau (November 10–December 22). No Jewish men were sent to Mauthausen and Flossenbürg. See Pollmeier, “Verhaftungen,” 171; Stein, Juden, 41; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 198. The SD reported that around twenty-five thousand Jewish men had been taken to the KL after the pogrom; SD-Hauptamt II 1, Jahreslagebericht 1938, in Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, doc. 2766.

286. According to Werner Best, the camps had held twenty-four thousand prisoners just before the pogrom; his figure of sixty thousand prisoners after the pogrom is too high; BArchB, R 2/12164, Bl. 25–28: Best to RMi Finanzen, November 26, 1938.

287. Figure for late September 1938 in Fahrenberg and Hördler, “Lichtenburg,” 169.

288. Hackett, Buchenwald, 250.

289. NCC, doc. 247; OdT, vol. 3, 22; Naujoks, Leben, 91–92.

290. Quote in WL, B. 216, anonymous report, January 1939, translation in NCC, doc. 249. See also Stein, Juden, 43–45; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 213–14; Richarz, Leben, 330–31; Hackett, Buchenwald, 249.

291. Quotes in NCC, doc. 249; Freund, Buchenwald!, 38, 41. See also Stein, Juden, 44–46, 55–56; Richarz, Leben, 331–32; Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 523–24.

292. Quote in Naujoks, Leben, 93. See also Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 216–17; Pollmeier, “Verhaftungen,” 176; Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 75.

293. NCC, docs. 247–49; Stein, Juden, 22, 27; Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 75; Richarz, Leben, 329; Stein, Juden, 44; Burkhard, Tanz, 117.

294. Quote in Sopade report, May 1937, NCC, doc. 220. For abuses of Jewish prisoners by fellow inmates, see Barkow et al., Novemberpogrom, 67, 75.

295. Wünschmann, “Cementing,” 580–81, 588, 592.

296. For example, see Stein, Juden, 50.

297. WL, B. 216, anonymous report, January 1939, translated in NCC, doc. 249.

298. Quoted in Wünschmann, “Konzentrationslagererfahrungen,” 53.

299. Stokes, “Das oldenburgische Konzentrationslager,” 207; Meyer and Roth, “Zentrale,” 210; Rudorff, “Misshandlung,” 46–47.

300. For Eicke, see BArchB, Film 44564, Vernehmung O. Pohl, January 6, 1947, p. 6; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 266; NCC, doc. 155. For other examples of SS corruption, see Internationales Zentrum, Nazi-Bastille, 54–56; Hackett, Buchenwald, 129; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 204–14; Decker, “Stadt Prettin,” 214.

301. Quote in Verordnung über eine Sühneleistung der Juden, November 12, 1938, in Hirsch et al., Recht, 371–72. More generally, see Bajohr, Parvenüs, 101–20.

302. HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch und andere, 1944, pp. 20–24, ND: NO-2366; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Morgen, Konrad, 8.6.1909, Bl. 854–64: Ermittlungsergebnis, December 5, 1943. For SS corruption in Dachau and Sachsenhausen after the pogrom, Naujoks, Leben, 92–93; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 200–202.

303. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 170. See also Hackett, Buchenwald, 248; Stein, Juden, 46.

304. Jewish prisoners who died in the KL in late 1938 had overwhelmingly been arrested after the outbreak of the pogrom. No deaths of Jewish men were recorded in Mauthausen and Flossenbürg during this period, since neither camp held Jews at the time (Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 189, n. 736). For the figures, see note 111 (above) and KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, Gedenkbuch. Several hundred “November Jews” died from injuries sustained in the KL following their release; Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 215.

305. WL, B. 216, anonymous report, January 1939, translation in NCC, doc. 297.

306. Quote in H. Nathorff, manuscript, 1939–40, in Gerhardt and Karlauf, Nie mehr, 206–25, p. 225. See also Kaplan, Dignity, 129–44; Longerich, Holocaust, 114–17, 125–27; Distel, “‘Warnung,’” 986; Wachsmann, “Policy,” 141.

307. See also Dillon, Dachau, chapter 4; Stein, Juden, 65.

308. Wünschmann, “Jewish Prisoners,” 217–20, Heydrich quote on 217; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 202–203; Loritz quote on 203. See also Stein, Juden, 48–50, 64–65, 70; NCC, docs. 249, 283, 301; ITS, ARCH/KL Buchenwald, Ordner 185 A, Bl. 2: Judenaktion vom 10.11.38.

309. For the figures, see Wünschmann, Before Auschwitz; Friedländer, Nazi Germany, 241, 245, 316–17 (excluding Jews living in the Czech Protectorate and the Sudetenland).

310. Prisoner figures for the end of 1938: Buchenwald 11,028; Dachau 8,971; Flossenbürg 1,475; Lichtenburg c. 800 (figure for late November 1938); Mauthausen 994; Sachsenhausen 8,309. See Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Buchenwald, 698; Drobisch and Wieland, System, 266, 271–72; OdT, vol. 4, 26; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 123.

311. In the first eight months of 1938, 11,631 new prisoners came to Dachau and Buchenwald; in the first eight months of 1939, 4,041 new prisoners arrived in both two camps; NMGB, Buchenwald, 698; DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971). For Austrian Gypsies, see Zimmermann, Rassenutopie, 117–18; Danckwortt, “Sinti und Roma,” 81.

312. Quote in Eicke to LK, March 10, 1939, NCC, doc. 162. See also Drobisch and Wieland, System, 289, 308–309; ITS, OuS Archiv, 1.1.6.0, folder 0004/200, Bl. 47: IKL to KL Dachau, April 13, 1939; ibid., Bl. 51: IKL to KL Dachau, April 18, 1939; ibid., Bl. 52: Sipo to KL Dachau, April 18, 1939; BArchB, R 58/264, Bl. 376–77: Heydrich to Stapostellen, April 5, 1939; HStAD, BR 1111, Nr. 188.

313. Pohl to Himmler, April 30, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, 363, ND: 129–R.

314. BArchB, R 2/12164, Bl. 25–28: Best to RM Finanzen, November 26, 1938; ibid., Bl. 29–32: Haushalt, December 30, 1938; IfZ, Fa 127/1, Heydrich to Pohl, January 1939; ibid., W. Best, Vermerk, December 3, 1938.

315. For example, see Evans, Third Reich in Power, 591; Pingel, Häftlinge, 94.

316. See note 111. Ninety prisoners are known to have died in the KL between January and May 1938, compared to 354 prisoners between June and August 1938.

317. In Buchenwald, “asocial” Jews were more likely to die in June 1938 than “pogrom” Jews in November 1938; Stein, Juden, 20, 41; BwA, Totenbuch. For prisoner perceptions at the time, see WL, B. 216, anonymous report, January 1939.

318. For the figures, see note 111.

319. Several historians imply that all, or almost all, KL fatalities in this period were Jewish men arrested after the pogrom (e.g., Fritzsche, Life, 138). In fact, “November Jews” made up just under half of the dead: in all, 969 prisoners are known to have died in the KL between November 1938 and January 1939; at most, 453 of them were “November Jews.” For the figures, see note 111.

320. In Sachsenhausen, more “asocial” prisoners (141) than Jews (60) perished between November 1938 and January 1939. For the figures, see note 111.

321. By contrast, Karin Orth assumed that the release of Jewish prisoners resulted in a sharp fall in prisoner mortality; Orth, System, 53.

322. Of the 566 prisoners who died in KL between February and April 1939, 369 were classified as asocial (among them were seven “asocial” Jews). For the figures, see note 111 above.

323. For the figures, see note 111 (figures for 1939 cover the period June to August).

324. Stein, Konzentrationslager, 91; Naujoks, Leben, 122; Applebaum, Gulag, 68.

325. Quote in Naujoks, Leben, 122.

326. Poller, Arztschreiber, 121–24, quotes on 123–24; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 94–97.

4. War

    1. Quote in Domarus, Hitler, vol. 3, 1315. See also ibid., 1311–14, 1318. Hitler got the timing wrong: Germany had started the war at 4:45 a.m. For KL prisoners, see Naujoks, Leben, 139; Schrade, Elf Jahre, 197.

    2. Speech to commanders in chief, August 22, 1939, in Akten, D/7, p. 172, ND: 1014–PS. See also Baumgart, “Ansprache”; LaB, B Rep. 057–01, Nr. 3865, Bl. 171–80: Vernehmung E. Schäfer, September 14, 1965.

    3. For this and the previous paragraph, see LaB, B Rep. 057–01, Nr. 3870, Bl. 1051–65: Vernehmung K. Hoffmann, August 15, 1969; ibid., Bl. 1072–1101: OStA Düsseldorf, Verfügung, August 26, 1969; M. Crombach, Lebenslauf, 1953, in AS, Projektordner Sender Gleiwitz; Runzheimer, “Grenzzwischenfälle”; Schrade, Elf Jahre, 194–96. Müller quote in “‘Grossmutter Gestorben,’” 72–73. At least one more corpse was left behind during the mock attack on Gleiwitz; this victim was not a KL prisoner but a local sympathizer of the Polish cause.

    4. Figures in appendix, table 2; Beevor, World War, 946.

    5. Fröhlich, Tagebücher, I/5, May 30, 1938, 325.

    6. Broszat, Kommandant, 104.

    7. The new main camps were Auschwitz, Gross-Rosen, Majdanek, Natzweiler, Neuengamme, Niederhagen, and Stutthof. Inmate figures in appendix, table 1.

    8. For a different view, see Gellately, Backing, 261.

    9. Rossino, Hitler, 227–29.

  10. Wildt, Generation, 421–28, quote on 426; Rossino, Hitler, 53–57.

  11. Rossino, Hitler; Böhler, Auftakt; Mallmann and Musial, Genesis. On atrocities against Jews, see Pohl, “Judenpolitik,” 22–25.

  12. Sydnor, Soldiers, 37–63, 87–312; idem, “Theodor Eicke,” 155; Merkl, General, 137–43; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 74–77, 89; Kárný, “Waffen-SS,” 242; Orth, SS, 157; Leleu, Waffen-SS, 541–677. After Eicke’s death, the command of the SS Death’s Head division fell to Max Simon, another prewar Camp SS veteran; Merkl, General.

  13. Merkl, General, 159–60; Zámečník, Dachau, 113–15.

  14. Orth, SS, 163, 171–72.

  15. For this and the previous paragraph, see BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Glücks, Richard, 22.4.1889; ibid., RS (ehem. BDC), B 5195, quote on Bl. 2748: Glücks to Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt, November 19, 1935; Tuchel, Inspektion, 58; idem., Konzentrationslager, 339; IfZ, F 13/7, Bl. 383–88: R. Höss, “Richard Glücks,” November 1946; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 49; Moors and Pfeiffer,Taschenkalender, 375. Glücks’s appointment came in October 1939 (Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 77), and was officially confirmed on November 15, 1939. His direct subordination to Himmler apparently ended on December 31, 1941 (in staffing matters, the IKL was officially subordinated to the SS Leadership Main Office, founded on August 15, 1940); Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 228.

  16. Quotes in IfZ, F 13/7, Bl. 389–92: R. Höss, “Arthur Liebehenschel,” November 1946; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Liebehenschel, Arthur, 25.11.01, R. Baer, Stellungnahme, July 3, 1944. See also ibid., R.u.S. Fragebogen, August 28, 1944; ibid., Film 44837, Vernehmung A. Liebehenschel, September 18, 1946; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 382; Cherish, Kommandant, 28. For Glücks’s view, see BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Höss, Rudolf, 25.11.1900, Glücks to Wander, January 14, 1941. In the mid-1930s, Liebehenschel had spent more than two years as Lichtenburg adjutant; Hördler, “SS-Kaderschmiede,” 92.

  17. Orth, SS, 60, 81; Sofsky, Ordnung, 121.

  18. Orth, SS, 95–96, 99, 136–37, 181–89, 233–40.

  19. Quote in IfZ, F 13/7, Bl. 387: Rudolf Höss, “Richard Glücks,” November 1946. See also Orth, SS, 164. Orth suggests that Glücks hardly interfered with commandants, which pushes this point too far.

  20. A draft was circulated to the KL in February 1940, followed by the completed version one year later; apparently, there were only a few changes to Eicke’s prewar rules. BArchB, NS 4/Ma 1, Bl. 2: Glücks to LK, February 22, 1940; Himmler, DV für KL, 1941, ND: 011–USSR, IMT, vol. 39, pp. 262–64 (extracts); Tuchel, Inspektion, 100.

  21. Quote in IfZ, F 13/7, Bl. 389: R. Höss, “Arthur Liebehenschel,” November 1946.

  22. Schulte, “London”; BArchB, NS 3/391, Bl. 4–22: Aufgabengebiete in einem KL, n.d. (1942), Bl. 5–6, 15.

  23. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 204.

  24. For an LK conference, see BArchB, NS 4/Na 103, Bl. 57: Glücks to LK, September 7, 1940. For informal get-togethers, StAAu, StA Augsburg, KS 22/50, Vernehmung I. Koch, April 29, 1949, p. 11.

  25. From 1940, protective custody orders were completed by regional Gestapo offices, rather than centrally in Berlin; Wildt, Generation, 348.

  26. For example, see BArchB, NS 3/425, Bl. 56: Glücks to LK, February 3, 1942; Heiber, Reichsführer!, docs. 109a, 184, 227; Longerich, Himmler, 511.

  27. Moors and Pfeiffer, Taschenkalender, 172–73, 229, 232, 244, 325, 330, 366, 394; Schulte, “Konzentrationslager,” 144.

  28. Kárný, “Waffen-SS,” 248; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 82.

  29. IfZ, Fa 127/3, Bl. 418: SS-Hauptamt to TS et al., September 2, 1939; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 210.

  30. Broszat, Kommandant, 104–105.

  31. Das Schwarze Korps, December 21, 1939, in Overesch et al., Dritte Reich, CD-Rom, doc. 220.

  32. Wegner, Soldaten, 124–29; Buchheim, “SS,” 178; Tuchel, “Wachmannschaften,” 139; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 190. Even the private letters of Camp SS officials were officially classified as field post, as if they were fighting at the front.

  33. Buchheim, “SS,” 178; idem, “Befehl,” 269; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 73, 80–81, 210. See also IfZ, Fa 127/1, Bl. 165–70: T. Eicke, Einberufung der Verstärkung der TS, August 30, 1939; Tuchel, “Wachmannschaften,” 138–40, 144–45.

  34. Poller, Arztschreiber, 208.

  35. Riedle, Angehörigen, 75; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946, Bl. 380; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 178–79.

  36. Poller, Arztschreiber, 210. See also Gostner, 1000 Tage, 137–38.

  37. Quote in Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 175.

  38. Quotes in BArchB, NS 31/372, Bl. 116: Glücks to TS, January 22, 1940. See also BArchB, R 187/598, Erklärung E. Hinz, September 6, 1940.

  39. For example, see BArchB, NS 4/Na 9, Bl. 88–89: KB, September 5, 1941.

  40. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 140; Browning, “One Day,” 179.

  41. K. Heimann to Herr Dostert, November 22, 1939, in Schnabel, Macht, 158, 165.

  42. BArchB, NS 4/Bu 33, Sonderbefehl, August 31, 1939.

  43. Ibid., KB, Nr. 130, November 22, 1939; ibid., KB, Nr. 128, November 9, 1939.

  44. Ibid., KB, Nr. 124, October 20, 1939. See also ibid., Sonderbefehl, August 31, 1939.

  45. Ibid., KB, Nr. 128, November 9, 1939.

  46. Ibid., KB, Nr. 124, October 20, 1939; ibid., KB, Nr. 128, November 9, 1939.

  47. Ibid., KB, Nr. 128, November 9, 1939; ibid., Sonderbefehl, August 31, 1939.

  48. Ibid., KB, Nr. 130, November 22, 1939. For Koch’s use of informants, see BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Morgen, Konrad, 8.6.1909, Bl. 854–64: Ermittlungsergebnis, December 5, 1943.

  49. BArchB, NS 4/Bu 33, KB, Nr. 128, November 9, 1939. See also ibid., KB, Nr. 126, October 31, 1939.

  50. LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 600–601.

  51. For this and the previous paragraphs, see HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch und andere, 1944, ND: NO-2366; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Morgen, Konrad, 8.6.1909, Bl. 854–64: Ermittlungsergebnis, December 5, 1943. See also Kogon, SS-Staat (1947), 268–69; Stein and Stein, Buchenwald, 52–55. For Pister, see Orth, SS, 191–97.

  52. Koch became commandant of Majdanek (see below).

  53. Wachsmann, Prisons, 192–94.

  54. Cited in Domarus, Hitler, vol. 3, 1316.

  55. Wildt, Generation, passim.

  56. Tuchel and Schattenfroh, Zentrale, 125–30; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 124–34.

  57. In Buchenwald, around one in seven political prisoners in the early war years was classified as a “recidivist”; OdT, vol. 3, 313.

  58. Quotes in IfZ, Dc 17.02, Bl. 136: RKPA to Kripoleitstellen, July 7, 1939; ibid., Bl. 147: RdI to Landesregierungen et al., September 12, 1939; ibid., Bl. 157: RSHA to Kripoleitstellen, October 18, 1939. See also Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 333–34.

  59. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 333.

  60. IfZ, Dc 17.02, Bl. 143: RKPA to Kripoleitstellen, September 7, 1939.

  61. Zámečník, Dachau, 116; Sládek, “Standrecht,” 327; Jochmann, Monologe, 197.

  62. Van Dam and Giordano, KZ-Verbrechen, quote on 215–16; OdT, vol. 3, 34–35; Pingel, Häftlinge, 100, 267. Despite this brutality, Czech prisoners initially received some privileges, probably on racial grounds; most important, they were not forced to work.

  63. Ruppert, “Spanier”; Landauer, “Spanienkämpfer”; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 111–13.

  64. Borodziej, Geschichte, 191–201; Noakes and Pridham, Nazism, vol. 3, 323–36.

  65. Longerich, Politik, 251–92.

  66. Rossino, Hitler, 21–22. A few months later, Oswald Pohl expected forty thousand Polish prisoners working inside Germany; Niederschrift über die Besprechung beim Reichsstatthalter am 23.1.1940, in Johe, Neuengamme, 52–53.

  67. August, “Sonderaktion,” 7.

  68. Broszat, “Konzentrationslager,” 404; BArchB, R 58/825, Bl. 1–2: Amtschefbesprechung am 7.9.1939; Külow, “Jüdische Häftlinge,” 180.

  69. Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 67–95. See also Wachsmann, Prisons, 205–206.

  70. Quote in AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 75. See also Kosmala, “Häftlinge,” 96; Zámečník, Dachau, 172–73; Escher, “Geistliche,” 302–303; Eisenblätter, “Grundlinien,” 173.

  71. By August 1940, around one-third of all Sachsenhausen prisoners were Polish (AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. [1945–46], 112). In Neuengamme, Poles even outstripped Germans by spring 1941 (Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 155).

  72. Quote in Buber-Neumann, Dictators, 209. See also Strebel, Ravensbrück, 139.

  73. BArchB, NS 19/4004, Bl. 278–351: Rede bei der SS Gruppenführerbesprechung, November 8, 1938, Bl. 293.

  74. IfZ, Heißmeyer, Vorschlag für endgültige Standortfestlegung, n.d. (November 1939), ND: NO-1995.

  75. Quote in BArchB, NS 19/1919, Bl. 4–5: Himmler to Hildebrandt, December 1939. See also ibid., Bl. 1: Glücks to Wolff, December 16, 1939; ibid., Bl. 10: Himmler to Heißmeyer, January 15, 1940; IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 42: Himmler to Heydrich, Glücks, February 26, 1940. See also Orth, System, 68–69.

  76. Quote in BArchB, Film 14429, Glücks to Himmler, January 30, 1940.

  77. Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 26–28, 66–78; Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, 17–65; BArchB, NS 19/1919, Bl. 25–27: Glücks to Himmler, February 21, 1940; IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 46: Heißmeyer to Himmler, January 25, 1940.

  78. Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 28, 68–69. The area was not entirely unused (as has been suggested). In February 1940, a building company of the German army was still stationed there; BArchB, NS 19/1919, Bl. 25–27: Glücks to Himmler, February 21, 1940.

  79. Steinbacher, Auschwitz, 22–23. See also USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 32, 502-1-192, Neubauleitung Auschwitz to Hauptamt Haushalt u. Bauten, June 7, 1941; ibid., Erläuterungsbericht, November 19, 1940. The decision for Auschwitz was welcome news for the German police in Kattowitz, which had lobbied for a camp to ease the overcrowding in local jails and prisons; Konieczny, “Bemerkungen.”

  80. Strzelecka, “Polen,” 21–24; Wildt, Generation, 483–84.

  81. Quote in Kielar, Anus Mundi, 17. See also Strzelecka, “Polen,” 11, 26–27; Lasik, “Organizational,” 199–200.

  82. Broszat, Kommandant, 135–36, 268–69, quote on 141. See also Orth, SS, 177; Rees, Auschwitz, 48.

  83. For a critical SS assessment, see USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 34, 502-1-218, Erläuterungsbericht, August 11, 1941.

  84. Czech, Kalendarium, 68; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 63–67.

  85. Schulte, “London,” 220–26 (Auschwitz figure for January 6, 1942). The Mauthausen complex (including Gusen) held well over fifteen thousand prisoners; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 126.

  86. Among the Polish prisoners were some Jews arrested for infractions of the myriad Nazi rules; Fulbrook, Small Town, 164–65, 171–72, 217–18.

  87. I am not including the Hinzert camp here. This camp, initially set up to discipline German workers at the Westwall (the line of fortifications on Germany’s western border built from May 1938), had quickly gravitated toward the orbit of the KL system. It was designated an SS Special Camp in October 1939, and Himmler placed it under the control of the IKL in July 1940; the guards became members of the Death’s Head SS and more foreign political prisoners arrived. But while it resembled the other KL in some respects, Hinzert—a small regional camp, holding some eight hundred prisoners on average—never fully became one. As a result of its special status, it was often excluded from the correspondence between IKL and KL. See OdT, vol. 5, 17–42; Orth, System, 94–95.

  88. Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 152–56, quote on 153; Schulte, Konzentrationslager,” 146.

  89. Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 44–46, 88–89, 100–103; Konieczny, “Groß-Rosen,” 309–12; Moors and Pfeiffer, Taschenkalender, 366.

  90. Steegmann, Struthof, 44–45, 323. See also BArchB, NS 4/Na 9, Bl. 75–76: KB, April 28, 1941. Natzweiler had not operated as a Sachsenhausen satellite camp from August 1940 (cf. Orth, System, 85).

  91. BArchB, NS 3/1346, Bl. 56–76: DESt Geschäftsbericht 1940, Bl. 71; Steegmann, Struthof, 64 (2,428 prisoners on December 31, 1943).

  92. John-Stucke, “Niederhagen.” After the Niederhagen main camp closed, a few dozen prisoners stayed behind as part of a Buchenwald satellite commando. See also Schulte, SS; idem, “London,” 224.

  93. Three main KL (Gross-Rosen, Neuengamme, Niederhagen) had started out as satellite camps of Sachsenhausen, and the other two (Auschwitz and Natzweiler) had close links, too.

  94. Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 197–99; 389–90. The new commandant in Neuengamme, Eisfeld, was in a similar position to Rödl; Broszat, Kommandant, 132, 261; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 152–53.

  95. At first, prisoners arrived in the new camps via more established ones. Neuengamme only became an Einweisungslager (receiving prisoners directly from the police) in late 1940, Gross-Rosen in early 1941, Natzweiler in August 1942; Kaienburg, Neuengamme, 155; idem, “Funktionswandel,” 259; Konieczny, “Groß-Rosen,” 312; Orth, System, 85.

  96. Quote in Hitler order, June 25, 1940, in Dülffer et al., Hitlers Städte, 36 (according to Speer, the order was signed on June 28, and backdated). For this and the previous paragraph, Speer to Reichsschatzmeister, February 19, 1941, in ibid., 64–79; ibid., 22–24; Speer, Erinnerungen, 185–88; Kershaw, Nemesis, 299–300; Van der Vat, Nazi, 94–95.

  97. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 763, 768. See also BArchB, NS 3/1346, Bl. 56–76: DESt Geschäftsbericht 1940, Bl. 73.

  98. Ansprache an das Offizierskorps der Leibstandarte-SS, September 7, 1940, IMT, vol. 29, 98–110, quote on 108, ND: 1919–PS.

  99. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 26–27; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 176–78.

100. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 159–67.

101. BArchB, NS 4/Bu 31, Bl. 13: IKL to LK, April 19, 1941; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 27.

102. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 857–78; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 125–31.

103. Seidl, “Himmel”; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 771–92.

104. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 840–55. See also BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Höss, Rudolf, 25.11.1900, Glücks to Wander, January 14, 1941.

105. Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 37–73; Hayes, Industry, xii–xvi, 347–54; Schmaltz, “IG Farbenindustrie.” Wagner and Hayes disagree about the significance of the ready availability of KL labor for the decision by IG Farben to build its nearby factory.

106. BArchB, NS 3/1346, Bl. 56–76: DESt Geschäftsbericht 1940; Moors and Pfeiffer, Taschenkalender, 173, 229, 232, 325, 366; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 660; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 248; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 165.

107. Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 97–112, 149–56, 190–99.

108. BArchB, NS 3/1346, Bl. 56–76: DESt Geschäftsbericht 1940; Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 41–44, 88–89; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 695–96, 715–18; Jaskot, Architecture, 69–70; Moors and Pfeiffer, Taschenkalender, 330.

109. BArchB, NS 3/1346, Bl. 56–76: DESt Geschäftsbericht 1940; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 616, 626, 635, 660, 664, 671, 727–45; Maršálek, Gusen, 3–5. The Lungitz brick works were also attached to Gusen.

110. Quote in BArchB, NS 4/Na 103, Bl. 58: “Ein Weg zur Freiheit,” n.d. (1940). See also ibid., Bl. 57: Glücks to LK, September 7, 1940; ibid., NS 3/1346, Bl. 56–76: DESt Geschäftsbericht 1940, Bl. 60.

111. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 672, 1060.

112. The creation of the DAW, for example, promised a financial windfall; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 858, 867–70.

113. StANü, Chef Amt D II, Häftlingssätze, February 24, 1944, ND: NO-576. See also Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 117–19.

114. BArchB, NS 3/1346, Bl. 56–76: DESt Geschäftsbericht 1940; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 633, 681; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 440; Allen, Business, 85–86.

115. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 613, 637; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 119; Fabréguet, Mauthausen, 272–73.

116. Quotes in Levi, If, 95–96.

117. Quotes in Marszałek, Majdanek, 105; Caplan, “Gender,” 95. Muselmann was a common German word for Muslim, widely used in the nineteenth century (Herders Conversations-Lexikon [1809–11], in Directmedia, Lexika, 51214; Pierer’s Universal-Lexikon [1857–65], ibid., 212659). There are different theories as to why this term was applied to the living dead in the KL; Wesołowska,Wörter, 115–21. For the term Muselweiber, ibid., 120; Kremer, “Tagebuch,” 219.

118. Ryn and Kłodziński, “Grenze.”

119. On postwar representations, see Körte, “Stummer Zeuge.” For a prominent example, see Agamben, Remnants, 82.

120. Quote in Szalet, Barracke, 97. See also Naujoks, Leben, 262; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 67.

121. For smells, see also Gigliotti, Train Journey, 156–57.

122. BArchB, NS 4/Bu 18, Bl. 21, 34, 37. The figure for October includes some 2,200 inmates from the temporarily closed KL Dachau. The Buchenwald figures do not include prisoners in work details absent during the roll call.

123. 6,563 prisoners (late August 1939) became 12,168 (end of 1939); AS, R 214, M 58.

124. NMGB, Buchenwald, 698–99.

125. BArchB, R 3001/alt R 22/1442, Bl. 125: RM Ernährung u. Landwirtschaft to Landesregierungen et al., January 16, 1940; Naujoks, Leben, 139; Kaienburg, “Systematisierung,” 63 (n. 19).

126. Quote in IfZ, statement P. Wauer, May 21, 1945, ND: NO-1504. See also Maršálek, Mauthausen, 57–58.

127. DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 222. See also August, “Sonderaktion,” 244.

128. LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, p. 701. For similar cases, see LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 586, 596.

129. Zámečník, Dachau, 147; Naujoks, Leben, 161–62; DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 228.

130. DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 185.

131. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 77.

132. For a general overview, see Helweg-Larsen et al., Famine.

133. Naujoks, Leben, 159–67; Schlaak, “Wetter,” 180. The IKL eventually allowed prisoners some additional clothes from home, but this came too late for many; BArchB, NS 3/425, Bl. 34: IKL to LK, September 24, 1941.

134. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 112, 138.

135. Ziółkowski, Anfang, 27. See also Szalet, Baracke, 322; Helweg-Larsen et al., Famine, 124–60; DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 220–21.

136. For example, see AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 138. More generally, see Süβ, “Volkskörper,” 223–24, 233. The largest KL, Mauthausen, was hit at least twice by typhus epidemics in the early war years; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 47.

137. In December 1940, less than four percent of Buchenwald inmates were inside the infirmary; BArchB, NS 4/Bu 143, Schutzhaftlager-Rapport, December 2, 1940. Apparently, the Camp SS operated quotas determining how many inmates were allowed inside infirmaries. An SS doctor in Sachsenhausen who tried to change this practice in summer 1940 was thwarted and soon left the camp; Naujoks, Leben, 162, 209–10.

138. Quotes in DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 259, 282.

139. Urbańczyk, “Sachsenhausen,” 221–22.

140. Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, 45–46; Naujoks, Leben, 162–64; Zámečník, Dachau, 162–66.

141. Dante, Divine Comedy, 241–42.

142. Quote in “The Stone Quarry,” 1945, in Hackett, Buchenwald, 184. See also ibid., 51. For prisoner and SS references to Dante, see Levi, If, 115–21; SMAB, Inmitten, 263;Świebocki, Resistance, 260; Kremer, “Tagebuch,” 211.

143. For one revealing case study of the SS quarry in Gross-Rosen, see Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 708–15.

144. Ibid., 713.

145. Quotes in USHMM, RG-11.001M.01, reel 17, 500–5–1, Bl. 98: Chef Sipo und SD to RSHA et al., January 2, 1941; YUL, MG 1832, Series II—Trials, 1945–2001, box 10, folder 50, Bl. 1320–23: statement J. Niedermayer, February 6, 1946. More generally, see Pingel, Häftlinge, 81, 260 (n. 74); Dillon, Dachau, chapter 4; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 35; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 41–42. For the Mordhausen reference, see Gross, Zweitausend, 298. Female prisoners were not affected by the classification, as there was still only one KL for women in the early war years; BArchB, NS 4/Bu 31, Bl. 3: RSHA to Sipo, July 30, 1942.

146. Prisoner files were supposed to include the classifications (BArchB, NS 4/Na 6, Bl. 12–13: Glücks to LK, July 7, 1942; ibid., Bl. 14: Liebehenschel to LK, September 4, 1942). Over time, further camps were added and the status of some camps changed. Gross-Rosen, for example, another KL with a notorious quarry, was later moved from stage two to three (BArchB, NS 4/Bu 31, Bl. 1: IKL to LK, n.d. (autumn 1942).

147. There were 3,809 registered dead in Sachsenhausen and 1,772 in Buchenwald; StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, Anlage, ND: PS-1469; OdT, vol. 3, 347.

148. In early 1941, Auschwitz I was declared a stage 1 camp and Auschwitz II a stage 2 camp (USHMM, RG-11.001M.01, reel 17, 500–5–1, Bl. 98: Chef Sipo und SD to RSHA et al., January 2, 1941). This is perplexing, since Auschwitz was not officially divided into separate camps until autumn 1943 (see chapter 7). In any case, the Auschwitz camp as a whole was officially moved to stage 2 around autumn 1942 (BArchB, NS 4/Bu 31, Bl. 1: IKL to LK, n.d.). More generally on classifications during the second half of the war, see StANü, testimony O. Pohl, June 13, 1946, pp. 13–14, ND: NO-4728.

149. Piper, “Exploitation,” 80–88; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 67.

150. LG Cologne, Urteil, October 30, 1967, JNV, vol. 26, 751–61, quote on 756. For the figure, AM Datenbank (my thanks to Andreas Kranebitter, also for other details from the Mauthausen prisoner database used in this chapter).

151. Weiss-Rüthel, Nacht, 65–67, quote on 66; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 301–20; Trouvé, “Klinkerwerk,” 122–35; LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, 708–709.

152. For Gusen, see LG Cologne, Urteil, October 30, 1967, JNV, vol. 26, 752.

153. Quote in AS, 62/1, “Sachsenhausen. Mahnung und Verpflichtung,” n.d., 160. See also Naujoks, Leben, 166–67; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 26.

154. Quotes in Vermerk H. Müller, September 8, 1939, in Engelmann, “Sie blieben,” 76; Heinen to his wife, ibid., 127–28; Broszat, Kommandant, 107. See also ibid., 106; Morsch, Mord, 153–55; Wysocki, “Lizenz,” 238; Gürtner note, October 14, 1939, in Broszat, “Perversion,” 411.

155. Hitler Proklamation, September 3, 1939, in Domarus, Hitler, vol. 3, 1341.

156. Gruchmann, Justiz, 676. See also Gürtner note, September 28, 1939, in Broszat, “Perversion,” 408–409, ND: NG-190.

157. Kershaw, “Working.” It is likely that Hitler had kept his initial instructions to Himmler rather general; Gürtner note, October 14, 1939, in Broszat, “Perversion,” 411.

158. Quote in BArchB, R 58/243, Bl. 202–204: Chef der Sipo to Stapo(leit)stellen, September 3, 1939. See also IfZ, Himmler, Durchführungsbestimmungen für Exekutionen, January 6, 1943, ND: NO-4631; Broszat, Kommandant, 105.

159. BArchB, R 58/243, Bl. 209 and 215: Heydrich to Stapo(leit)stellen, September 7, 1939, and September 20, 1939.

160. Morsch, Mord, 158–61, quote on 158.

161. Gürtner note, September 28, 1939, in Broszat, “Perversion,” 408–409, ND: NG-190; Gruchmann, Justiz, 677–78; Wachsmann, Prisons, 401–403. On the death penalty, see Evans, Rituals, 689–737.

162. Gruchmann, Justiz, 679–81; Gürtner note, October 14, 1939, in Broszat, “Perversion,” 411.

163. Broszat, “Perversion,” 400, 412–15; Gruchmann, Justiz, 686, 689.

164. Morsch, Mord, 79–85, quote on 83; IfZ, statement P. Wauer, May 21, 1945, ND: NO-1504; Naujoks, Leben, 142–43; Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, 22.

165. Quote in USHMM, RG-06.025*26, File 1551, Bl. 249–67: Interrogation K. Eccarius, December 20, 1946, Bl. 263. See also AS, J SU 1/61, Anklageschrift UDSSR, October 19, 1947; ibid., D 30A, Bd. 8/2 A, Bl. 126–29: E. Eggert, “Meine Erlebnisse im Zellenbau Sachsenhausen,” n.d.; ibid., D 1 A/1024, Bl. 387: Veränderungsmeldung; LG Munich, Urteil, December 22, 1969, JNV, vol. 33, 309–45; ITS, ARCH/HIST/KL Dachau 4 (200), Bl. 59: Glücks to LK, February 25, 1939; BArchB, R 3001/alt R 22/1467, Bl. 314–17: Besprechung mit den GStA am 23.1.1939.

166. Broszat, Kommandant, 107–109, quote on 107. For secret Camp SS statistics on executions, see Glücks to 1. Lagerärzte, December 28, 1942, in NMGB, Buchenwald, 257–58.

167. The first detailed regulations were apparently passed on October 17, 1940; IfZ, H. Müller to HSSPF, January 14, 1943, ND: NO-4631.

168. Camp SS executioners also occasionally operated outside the KL. In August 1942, for example, Flossenbürg SS men traveled to three Bavarian towns to execute Polish forced workers; NAL, HW 16/11, Flossenbürg to IKL, August 24, 1942; StAAm, StA Weiden Nr. 81/8, Bl. 1624–29: LG Weiden, Beschluss, July 15, 1955.

169. IfZ, Himmler, Durchführungsbestimmungen für Exekutionen, January 6, 1943, ND: NO-4631; ibid., MA 414, Bl. 6117: WVHA-D to LK, June 27, 1942; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Prince zu Waldeck, November 15, 1947, 58; Evans, Rituals, passim.

170. For example, see AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 125.

171. Among the dead were 33 Poles executed in Sachsenhausen on November 9, 128 or more executed in Mauthausen (in six actions between November 12 and 25), and 40 in Auschwitz on November 22; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 123; LG Cologne, Urteil, October 30, 1967, JNV, vol. 26, 691; KL Auschwitz to IKL, November 22, 1940, in HvA 2 (1959), 131. More generally, see Broszat, Polenpolitik, passim.

172. Morsch, Mord, 93–95; Naujoks, Leben, 214–17; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945/6), 123, 150; AS, J D2/43, Bl. 86–98: Vernehmung G. Sorge, April 26, 1957; ibid., Ordner Nr. 10, Vernehmung R. Rychter, November 14, 1946.

173. In Flossenbürg, 184 Polish prisoners were executed (between February 6 and September 8, 1941) “on the order of the Reichsführer SS”; StAAm, StA Weiden Nr. 81/1, Bl. 185–87, 192–97: Augenscheinprotokoll, September 15 and 24, 1953.

174. For background, see Madajczyk, Okkupationspolitik, 187–89; Majer, “Non-Germans,” 453–54; Broszat, Kommandant, 154.

175. Majer, “Non-Germans,” 449–69, 512–19; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 284. In the incorporated territories, summary police courts were temporarily suspended between 1940 and 1942.

176. Steinbacher, “‘Mord,’” 274–80. The first recorded session of the Auschwitz court was on January 25, 1943; Piper, Mass Murder, 46.

177. On the last point, see NAL, HW 16/11, Glücks to Hinzert, September 1, 1942; BArchL, B 162/7999, Bl. 768–937: StA Koblenz, EV, July 25, 1974, Bl. 906.

178. Kershaw, Nemesis, 271–75; Domarus, Hitler, vol. 3, 1415.

179. Kershaw, “Myth,” 146.

180. Apel, Frauen, 143–44, quote on 144; Szalet, Baracke, 193–99; LG Cologne, May 28, 1965, JNV, vol. 21, 113.

181. Kautsky, Teufel, 36; Hackett, Buchenwald, 252–53; Poller, Arztschreiber, 133–34; HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, ND: NO-2366, pp. 53–54; Stein, Juden, 93–95; LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, February 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 22, 785–87.

182. LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, February 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 22, 785. The term “willing executioners” was popularized by Goldhagen, Executioners.

183. HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, ND: NO-2366, pp. 53–54; LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, February 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 22, 787–88; BArchB, NS 4/Bu 18, Bl. 56.

184. Quote in HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, ND: NO-2366, p. 53. See also Hackett, Buchenwald, 170–71, 196–204; LG Bayreuth, Urteil, July 3, 1958, JNV, vol. 14, 809–16; Anklage gegen Sommer, in Van Dam and Giordano, KZ-Verbrechen, 21–27.

185. Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 89–102; LG Nürnberg-Fürth, Urteil, October 21, 1953, JNV, vol. 11, 455–63.

186. Naujoks, Leben, 176–79. Of the 680 Sachsenhausen prisoners who died in January 1940, around 160 perished between January 18 and 20, many of them as victims of Höss’s action (AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 111; AS, Totenbuch; StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, Anlage, ND: PS-1469.

187. In Mauthausen, lethal injections probably commenced sometime between autumn 1939 and summer 1940; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 162; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 108–109.

188. Riedle, Angehörigen, 163–79; LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 416–21, 653–54; IfZ, statement P. Wauer, May 21, 1945, ND: NO-1504, p. 7. More generally, see Mann, Dark Side, 212–39; Orth, SS, 87–90. The cart driver Gustav Hermann had found fame in the 1920s as “Iron Gustav” by driving from Berlin to Paris; his feat inspired a novel by Hans Fallada (Der eiserne Gustav [Berlin, 1938]).

189. Prisoner quote in NAL, WO 208/3596, CSDIC, SIR Nr. 727, August 11, 1944; Sorge quotes in LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, 628. See also LG Cologne, Urteil, May 28, 1965, JNV, vol. 21, 93–94; Kogon, Theory, 52; BArchB, NS 3/391, Bl. 4–22: Aufgabengebiete in einem KL, n.d. (1942), Bl. 20–21.

190. Riedle, Angehörigen, 204–14, quote on 208; LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 421–22, 655–56; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 87.

191. Quote in Naujoks, Leben, 179. See also LG Munich, Urteil, January 20, 1960, JNV, vol. 16, 277–85; Trouvé, “Bugdalle.”

192. AS, J D2/43, Bl. 146–54: Vernehmung G. Sorge, May 6, 1957, quote on 147.

193. For example, see AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 97–98.

194. Quote in Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, 26. See also LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 474–75.

195. LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 535, 538, 601–602, quote on 571.

196. For the SS court system, see Vieregge, Gerichtsbarkeit, 6–17, 247–48; Longerich, Himmler, 501–505; Gruchmann, Justiz, 654–58. In theory, regular courts retained the right to prosecute alleged crimes among KL prisoners themselves. In practice, such prosecutions were very rare. For some exceptions, see Eiber, “Kriminalakte,” 32–33.

197. Quote in LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, 626.

198. Kautsky, Teufel, 35–36; DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 248.

199. Browning, Origins, 309–30.

200. Quote in LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, 627.

201. For Sorge, see Riedle, Angehörigen, 184.

202. AS, J D2/43, Bl. 146–54: Vernehmung G. Sorge, May 6, 1957, quote on 152.

203. Kershaw, “Working.”

204. DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 245.

205. Buchenwald: 802 dead (BwA, Totenbuch); Dachau: 243 (DaA, Häftlingsdatenbank); Flossenbürg: 12 (AGFl, Häftlingsdatenbank); Mauthausen: 15 (AM, Zugangslisten und Totenbücher); Sachsenhausen: 243 (AS, Totenbuch); Lichtenburg: 0 (Fahrenberg and Hördler, “Lichtenburg,” 173).

206. Buchenwald: 1,838 dead (BwA, Totenbuch); Dachau: at least 1,574 (DaA, Gedenkbuch, 19); Flossenbürg: 242 (StAAm, StA Weiden Nr. 81/1, Bl. 185–87); Mauthausen-Gusen: 3,846 (Maršálek, Mauthausen, 146); Neuengamme: 430 (Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 473); Ravensbrück: 36 (Strebel, Ravensbrück, 506); Sachsenhausen: 3,809 (StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, Anlage, ND: PS-1469); Auschwitz: there is no exact data, but a figure of 2,500 is a reasonable guess. For the Mauthausen percentage, see Kranebitter,Zahlen.

207. For emaciated corpses, see NMGB, Buchenwald, 177–78. More generally on causes of death in the KL, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 200–203.

208. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 128–29, 139–40; HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, ND: NO-2366, p. 51; Kamieński, “Erinnerung,” 130.

209. Pressac, Krematorien, 4–15; OdT, vol. 4, 30.

210. In larger KL such as Mauthausen and Auschwitz, registry offices were set up in 1941 (Lasik, “Structure,” 180; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 150). In some smaller camps, with lower death rates, registry offices were not set up until later in 1942 (StAAm, StA Weiden Nr. 81/1, Bl. 192–97: Augenscheinprotokoll, September 24, 1953; Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 221).

211. Pingel, Häftlinge, 99–100; Fabréguet, Mauthausen, 168.

212. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 180.

213. Wachsmann, “Introduction,” in Buber-Neumann, Dictators, vii–xxii.

214. Buber, Dictators, 186–93, quote on 192.

215. For reform, see IfZ, Himmler to Pohl, November 15, 1942, ND: PS-1583.

216. Ibid.; BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 16: Glücks to LK, January 20, 1943.

217. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 189–93, 250; Buber, Dictators, 190.

218. IfZ, Geschäftsbericht Texled, June 28, 1941, ND: NO-1221, quote on 11; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 939–77; Allen, Business, 72–78; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 213–28. The SS paid a daily rate of ten Pfennig for unskilled female labor, compared to thirty Pfennig for men.

219. Quote in Koegel to Eicke, March 14, 1939, NCC, doc. 258. See also Strebel, Ravensbrück, 56–65; Segev, Soldiers, 232–36.

220. Heike, “Langefeld,” 10–16; Buber-Neumann, Flamme, 30–43; Buber, Dictators, 263–65; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 67–68.

221. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 157, 483.

222. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 283–84. Initially, almost all the dead were Polish women accused of resistance by summary courts.

223. Calculations based on Strebel, Ravensbrück, 180, 293, 506, 509. Strebel argues that the death rate among men was unusually high because this subcamp was classed as a punishment camp until late 1942 (Strebel, “‘Unterschiede,’” 120). However, its death rate was in fact lower than in some other KL. For the crematorium, see OdT, vol. 4, 476.

224. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 105–108, 185, 250; Buchmann, Frauen, 8–9.

225. Quotes in Buber-Neumann, Dictators, 164; Rózsa, “Solange,” 186 (referring to Auschwitz in 1944). See also Amesberger et al., Gewalt, 70–85; Caplan, “Gender,” 93–94; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 269–71; Suderland, Extremfall, 298.

226. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 140, 251; Buchmann, Frauen, 9.

227. Apel, Frauen, 47–48, 138–52, 339–44.

228. Böhler, Auftakt, 158.

229. Kees, “‘Greuel,’” 87–126, quote on 106 (n. 69); Krzoska, “‘Blutsonntag’”; Wildt, Generation, 432–47; Weckbecker, Freispruch, 442–45; Sydnor, Soldiers, 40.

230. Quotes in Domarus, Hitler, vol. 3, 1360.

231. Deutschland-Berichte, vol. 6, 1031–32.

232. Szalet, Baracke, 28–31; Külow, “Jüdische,” 180–82.

233. Stein, Juden, 83–84. See also BArchB, NS 4/Bu 18, Bl. 48.

234. Quote in BwA, 5244–16, Bericht J. Ihr, n.d., 1. See also Stein, Juden, 83–88.

235. Quote in WL, P. III.g. No. 998, F. Rausch, “Allen Gewalten zum Trotz,” 1959, 3. See also BArchB, NS 4/Bu 18, Bl. 53–54.

236. Hackett, Buchenwald, 184–86, 271–76.

237. Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Buchenwald, 118.

238. BwA, 31/450, Bericht E. Frommhold, n.d. (1945), 71–72.

239. Stein, Juden, 88.

240. For this and the previous paragraph, see Szalet, Baracke, especially pages 31–42, quotes on 31, 64; Meyer, “Nachwort”; Külow, “Häftlinge,” 182–83, 198; LG Cologne, Urteil, May 28, 1965, JNV, vol. 21, 113. Szalet’s papers are held at the Leo Baeck Institute (New York), AR 10587.

241. LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, 658; LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 563; Szalet, Baracke, 222.

242. Szalet, Baracke, 320. See also Külow, “Häftlinge,” 191–92.

243. Quote in LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, 627. More generally, see Wünschmann, Before Auschwitz, chapter 6.

244. Buber, Dictators, 265; Heike, “Langefeld,” 15. See also Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 181.

245. BArchB, R 58/1027, Bl. 128: RSHA, Vermerk, April 23, 1940.

246. For releases after April 1940, see Strebel, Ravensbrück, 175; Stein, Juden, 65.

247. Szalet, Baracke, quote on 417.

248. Ibid.; Meyer, “Nachwort.” Szalet and his daughter left for Shanghai on May 10, 1940, and later settled in the United States.

249. Stein, Juden, 82.

250. Quote in LG Bonn, Urteil, February, 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 482. See also Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 125; OdT, vol. 1, 105; YVA, O-51/64.

251. Quote in Kwiet, “‘Leben,’” 236. More generally, see Stein, Juden, 74–82; Naujoks, Leben, 210; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 139; LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 564–65, 578–79, 588–89.

252. Seidl, “Himmel,” 169–70; Zámečník, Dachau, 120–24. Zámečník worked on Freiland II in 1941.

253. Quote in Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 173.

254. Quote in ibid., 175–76.

255. AM Datenbank. According to SS figures, 2,064 Jews were taken to this KL between 1939 and 1942; by the end of 1942, 1,985 had died; BArchB, NS 19/1570, Bl. 12–28: Inspekteur für Statistik, Endlösung der Judenfrage (1943), Bl. 24.

256. Browning, Origins, 203; Hilberg, Vernichtung, vol. 2, 610; Moore, Victims, 71–72; Stein, Juden, 96. For the use of the term “hostages,” see Befehlshaber Sipo und SD, Meldungen aus den Niederlanden, Jahresbericht 1942, in Boberach, Regimekritik, doc. rk 1593, Bl. 420673.

257. Testimony M. Nebig, 1945, in Hackett, Buchenwald, 250–51 (Nebig was one of the few Jews who stayed in Buchenwald). See also Perz, “‘Vernichtung,’” 97; Stein, Juden, 99–100; ITS, KL Buchenwald GCC 2/193, Ordner 168, KL Buchenwald to Hauptamt Haushalt und Bauen, May 21, 1941; ibid., KL Buchenwald to Deutsche Reichsbahn, May 16, 1941.

258. Quotes in AM, Totenbuch (my thanks to Andreas Kranebitter for the copy); testimony A. Kuszinsky and L. Neumeier, 1945, in Hackett, Buchenwald, 251–52. See also AM, Datenbank; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 85 (with the erroneous date June 14, 1941).

259. For example, see August, “Sonderaktion,” 269; Hackett, Buchenwald, 251.

260. For such isolated calls, see NSDAP Kreisleitung Kitzingen-Gerolzhofen, Stimmungs-Bericht, September 4 and 11, 1939, in Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, docs. 2986, 2988.

261. Pohl, Forced Labor; Corni, Ghettos.

262. Moore, Victims, 82–83; NAL, FO 371/26683–0033, Memorandum for Political Intelligence Department, Holland, December 16, 1941; LG Munich, Urteil, February 24, 1967, JNV, vol. 25.

263. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 219, 260–61, 275 (confusing the first names of the two escapees). Just seven prisoners fled from Mauthausen in 1940.

264. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 145–47, 218–19, 303–304; idem, Gusen, 5–6, 14, 39; Fabréguet, Mauthausen, 167–69; OdT, vol. 4, 371–72. The figures for the average monthly mortality refer to the period April 1940 to June 1941.

265. Quote in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Chmielewski, Karl, 16.7.1903, Personalbericht 1940. See also ibid., Lebenslauf, n.d.; LG Ansbach, Urteil, April 11, 1961, JNV, vol. 17, 153–231; OdT, vol. 4, 373.

266. Naujoks, Leben, 192–95.

267. Siegert, “Flossenbürg,” 458; JVL, DJAO, RaR, United States v. E. Ziehmer, January 16, 1948.

268. Kielar, Anus Mundi, 99. See also Strzelecka, “Polen.”

269. Piper, Zahl, 153–54. This figure includes neither prisoner corpses taken straight to the crematorium, nor the thousands of Soviet POWs who perished during this period (see chapter 5).

270. Quote in Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Buchenwald, 76. See also ibid., 74; Zimmermann, Rassenutopie, 121–22; Broszat, Kommandant, 31; BwA, 31/450, Bericht E. Frommhold, n.d. (1945), 67.

271. Quote in “Der Steinbruch.” See also AM Datenbank; Kranebitter, Zahlen; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 305; idem, Gusen, 15; Pingel, Häftlinge, 101–102; Fabréguet, Mauthausen, 169; Sofsky, Ordnung, 142. More generally, see Pike, Spaniards.

272. Snyder, Bloodlands, 123–41, 150–51; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 304–305; Pingel, Häftlinge, 98; Naujoks, Leben, 196–97, 201–203.

273. Quote in Kupfer-Koberwitz, Häftling, 273. See also Maršálek, Mauthausen, 309.

274. Szalet, Baracke, 95, 285, quote on 388.

275. Ibid., 120–21, 125, 198, 290, 349, 351.

276. August, “Sonderaktion,” 137.

277. In Mauthausen, the reasonably well-equipped infirmary was reserved for Germans, while foreign inmates were left to die in the so-called special ward (Sonderrevier); Maršálek, Mauthausen, 159–62.

278. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 31, 37.

279. Quote in StAMü, StA Nr. 34398, KL Dachau, Vernehmung G. Brandt, June 10, 1940. See also ibid., LG Munich, Vernehmung P. Höferle, June 10, 1940; ibid., LG Munich, Urteil, November 4, 1940. Ordinarily, prisoner deaths at the hands of other inmates were not reported to the legal authorities. For reasons that remain unclear, the Dachau SS made an exception in the case of Brüggen, who was found guilty of homicide by the Munich District Court and sentenced to eight years in a penitentiary. For background, see Eiber, “Kriminalakte,” 20–21, 32.

280. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 98–99.

5. Mass Extermination

    1. Mennecke to his wife, letters of April 2, 4, 5, and 6, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 183–85, 192; ibid., 1–14; Kersting, Anstaltsärzte, 286–96; Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 309–10; Klee, “Euthanasie,” 226; idem, Was sie taten, 301 (n. 19); Burleigh, Death, 222; StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, ND: 1469–PS.

    2. Quotes in Mennecke to his wife, April 4, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 185. See also ibid., 185, 191–96; Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, 27. In 1965, a GDR court sentenced Hebold to life imprisonment; he died in jail in 1975; Klee, Personenlexikon, 234–35.

    3. Quotes in AS, P 3 Hüttner, Johann/1, part 1 and 2, Interview J. Hüttner, n.d. (early 1970s; my thanks to Monika Liebscher for this document); BStU, MfS HA IX/11 ZUV 45 Bd. 1, Bl. 362–64: Vernehmung O. Hebold, October 23, 1964, Bl. 363. See also AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 141; Naujoks, Leben, 247–49; Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 317.

    4. Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, 27; Naujoks, Leben, 247–48; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 141.

    5. Quote in BStU, MfS HA IX/11 ZUV 45 Bd. 1, Bl. 358–61: Vernehmung O. Hebold, August 12, 1964, Bl. 360. See also Mennecke to his wife, April 7, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 195.

    6. Naujoks, Leben, 248–49, quote on 249; Ley, “‘Aktion,’” 235 (n. 16); Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, 27. My thanks to Astrid Ley for the dates of these transports.

    7. Mennecke to his wife, April 7, 1941, March 18, 1942, in Chroust, Mennecke, 195, 335; BArchL, B 162/7995, Bl. 271–304: Aussage F. Mennecke, January 16–17, 1947, Bl. 289–91.

    8. Quote in Friedlander, Origins, 93. More generally, see ibid., passim; Burleigh, Death; Schmuhl, “Bouhler.”

    9. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 111 (n. 46); In ’t Veld, SS, 323; Moors and Pfeiffer, Taschenkalender, 244.

  10. Glücks’s order is summarized in StANü, KL Buchenwald, Hauptabteilung I/5 to Koch, October 28, 1940, ND: NO-2102. The security police described Dachau as a place for prisoners who were old and partially able to work on the plantation; IfZ, RSHA, AE, 2. Teil, Bl. 204–205: Heydrich to RSHA et al., January 2, 1941.

  11. ITS, KL Sachsenhausen GCC 10/84, Ordner 93; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 112, 136; USHMM, RG-06.025*26, File 1558, Bl. 157–75: Vernehmung G. Sorge, December 19, 1946, Bl. 173.

  12. Stein, “Vernichtungstransporte,” quotes on 35; ITS, KL Buchenwald GCC 2/191, Ordner 164, Transport nach Dachau, October 24, 1940.

  13. DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), quotes on 252–53.

  14. DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971).

  15. Zámečník, Dachau, 162–64, quote on 163 (diary entry for February 4, 1941).

  16. Quotes in Stein, “Vernichtungstransporte,” 35.

  17. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 112.

  18. This was largely a result of the terrible conditions inside. In addition, the Dachau SS partially subverted Glücks’s orders by sending some of “their” invalids to other camps; Stein, “Vernichtungstransporte,” 35 (n. 19).

  19. LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 215.

  20. Quote in DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 253.

  21. For the term “cumulative radicalization,” see Mommsen, “Radicalization.”

  22. Goerdeler, “Zeit” (written in November 1940).

  23. Himmler talked about “euthanasia” with Brack on January 13, 1941 (Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 107). For the discussion with Bouhler, LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 215.

  24. Friedlander, Origins, 68, 142–43; Berger, Experten, 41, 300–301.

  25. LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 273; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 141.

  26. LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 215.

  27. Quotes in August, “Auschwitz,” 72, citing notes by M. Grabner; StANü, WVHA to LK, March 26, 1942, ND: 1151–P-PS. See also ibid., EE by Dr. J. Muthig, April 16, 1947, ND: NO-2799; LG Cologne, Urteil, October 30, 1967, JNV, vol. 26, 722; HLSL, EE by Dr. W. Hoven, October 1946, ND: NO-429.

  28. StANü, Aussage W. Neff, December 17, 1946, ND: NO-2637; StAMü, StA Nr. 34868/18, Vernehmung H. Schwarz, July 11, 1960; ibid., Vernehmung W. Leitner, October 17, 1961; Zámečník, Dachau, 215. For quotas, see StANü, SlF to Kommandantur Gross-Rosen, December 16, 1941, ND: 1151–G-PS.

  29. For most of the dates, see Ley, “‘Aktion,’” 235–40, with corrections and additions from Chroust, Mennecke, 265–70, 318–21. The list of camps is not complete. According to an IKL document of November 12, 1941 (see StANü, IKL to LK, December 10, 1941, ND: 1151–C-PS), return visits by T-4 doctors to Dachau, Sachsenhausen, Auschwitz, and Mauthausen were scheduled before the end of the year. At least the visit to Mauthausen appears to have taken place; in addition, T-4 doctors were also scheduled to visit Niederhagen, sometime in early 1942.

  30. In addition to Nitsche and Heyde, the doctors included Dr. Mennecke, Dr. Steinmeyer, Dr. Wischer, Dr. Lonauer, Dr. Renno, Dr. Robert Müller, Dr. Schmalenbach, Dr. Ratka, Dr. Gorgass, and Dr. Hebold. For personal details, see Klee, “Euthanasie,” 227–29, 242–43.

  31. For visits to asylums, see Klee, “Euthanasie,” 242–48; Chroust, Mennecke, 6.

  32. Mennecke to his wife, November 19, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 203–204; BArchL, B 162/7995, Bl. 271–304: Aussage F. Mennecke, January 16–17, 1947, Bl. 296.

  33. For example Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 185–86.

  34. For example Mennecke to his wife, November 20, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 205.

  35. Quotes in HLSL, Meldebogen 1, ND: 1151–A-PS. For the early use of the form, during selections in Buchenwald in summer 1941, BArchL, B 162/7996, Bl. 360–64: Vernehmung R. Gottschalk, November 14, 1960.

  36. StAMü, StA Nr. 34868/18, Vernehmung K. Zimmermann, February 25, 1960; Mennecke to his wife, November 26, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 243; Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 185.

  37. Quotes in Mennecke to his wife, September 3, 1941, and November 20, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 199, 205. Calculations based on Mennecke to his wife, April 7, 1941, November 22, 1941, in ibid., 195, 222. Selections also sped up because Camp SS officials now completed more details on forms before the arrival of T-4 doctors; StANü, IKL to LK, December 10, 1941, ND: 1151–C-PS.

  38. For the exemption of some veterans from the “euthanasia” action, see Friedlander, Genocide, 81. The T-4 forms used in the KL asked about war injuries (HLSL, Meldebogen 1, ND: 1151–A-PS); consequently, some T-4 doctors questioned prisoners as to whether they had been wounded; StAMü, StA Nr. 34868/18, Vernehmung H. Schwarz, July 11, 1960; StANü, Aussage W. Neff, December 17, 1946, ND: NO-2637.

  39. LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 217. For the standard “euthanasia” form, see Klee, “Euthanasie,” 176.

  40. This procedure of the “euthanasia” program (Friedlander, Origins, 83) was also applied to 14f13; BArchL, B 162/7996, Bl. 360–64: Vernehmung R. Gottschalk, November 14, 1960.

  41. StANü, testimony Dr. Mennecke, n.d., ND: NO-2635, pp. 7, 14.

  42. StANü, Pflegeanstalt Bernburg to KL Gross-Rosen, March 3, 1942, ND: 1151–J-PS.

  43. BArchL, B 162/1281, Bl. 18–23: Vernehmung Walter M., October 23, 1964.

  44. NAL, HW 16/18, KL Flossenbürg to IKL, May 12, 1942.

  45. LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 219–21, 233, 245, 248–49, 261, 275; LG Cologne, Urteil, October 30, 1967, ibid., vol. 26, 718; Friedlander, Genocide, 95–97; Trunk, “Gase,” 27–30.

  46. For this view, see Lifton, Doctors, 419; Todorov, Facing, 241. Lifton draws on the Mennecke papers, but appears to disregard some of the evidence. For similar criticism, see Burleigh, Death, 224.

  47. His letters (and the replies from his wife) are reprinted in Chroust, Mennecke. His verbosity proved his undoing: after the war, the letters were used as evidence against him in court and contributed to his death sentence.

  48. Mennecke to his wife, November 28, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 248.

  49. BArchL, B 162/7996, Bl. 310–20: Vernehmung E. Mennecke, June 1–2, 1960.

  50. Mennecke to his wife, November 21, 1940 (wrongly dated 1941), in Chroust, Mennecke, 177.

  51. Mennecke to his wife, December 2, 1941, and November 29, 1941, in ibid., 269, 253.

  52. Around two thousand prisoners perished in Dachau during the first half of 1941. DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971); Kimmel, “Dachau,” 385.

  53. Mennecke to his wife, September 3 and 4, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 197–200; Ley, “‘Aktion,’” 241 (n. 35); BArchL, B 162/491, Bl. 229–50: LG Limburg, Vernehmung W. Heyde, November 20, 1961, Bl. 244.

  54. Quote in Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 185. For other camps, see Kłodzinski, “‘Aktion,’” 138, 142.

  55. StAMü, StA Nr. 34868/18, Vernehmung K. Krämer, August 27, 1960.

  56. LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 217.

  57. For the “euthanasia” program, see Friedlander, Genocide, 89–96.

  58. Friedlander, Genocide, 106–107.

  59. Mennecke to his wife, April 2 and 4, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 183, 185; Bezirksgericht Cottbus, Urteil, July 12, 1965, in Rüter, DDR-Justiz, vol. 2, 730.

  60. Stein, “Vernichtungstransporte,” 38.

  61. Kogon et al., Massentötungen, 66; BArchL, B 162/7996, Bl. 360–64: Vernehmung R. Gottschalk, November 14, 1960.

  62. Stein, Juden, 110.

  63. For this and the previous two paragraphs, see Mennecke to his wife, November 19–22, 1941, November 25, 1941, January 5, 1942, January 6, 1942, January 12, 1942, January 14, 1942, in Chroust, Mennecke, 202–10, 221–27, 236–41, 284–90, 312–16, 318–30, quotes on 207, 208 (partially underlined in original). See also Ley, “‘Aktion,’” 238–39; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 323–36.

  64. In November 1941 and January 1942, the Ravensbrück SS apparently presented 334 men (forty-two percent of all male prisoners) and 810 women (twelve percent of all female prisoners) to Mennecke; Chroust, Mennecke, 205, 208–209, 222; Ley, “‘Aktion,’” 239 (n. 26, with slightly different calculations).

  65. Quotes in Mennecke to his wife, November 25, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 237; F. Itzkewitsch to his son, June 29, 1941, in Stein, Juden, 107. See also ibid., 100–110; idem, “Vernichtungstransporte,” 39–40, 43–45, 49–50; BArchL, B 162/7996, Bl. 360–64: Vernehmung R. Gottschalk, November 14, 1960; Kłodzinski, “‘Aktion,’” 139–40.

  66. Kłodzinski, “‘Aktion,’” 143–44; StAMü, StA Nr. 34868/18, Vernehmung F. Eberlein, November 30, 1961.

  67. Quotes in BArchL, B 162/7996, Bl. 360–64: Vernehmung R. Gottschalk, November 14, 1960; Stein, “Vernichtungstransporte,” 50.

  68. For example, see August, “Auschwitz,” 81–83.

  69. LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 217, 220; Kłodzinski, “‘Aktion,’” 141–42. For the efforts by a Dachau Kapo to save some “invalids” from the transports, see StAMü, StA Nr. 34433, LG Munich, Urteil, December 30, 1948.

  70. Of the 510 Gusen prisoners gassed in Hartheim in August 1941, four hundred seventy-five came from Poland or Spain; ITS, ARCH/KL Mauthausen, Ordner 231. See also Maršálek, Gusen, 15.

  71. Ley, “‘Aktion,’” 238.

  72. In Ravensbrück, “asocial” men made up four percent of the prisoner population but fourteen percent of the victims of Action 14f13 (Strebel, Ravensbrück, 302, 332). In Sachsenhausen, 115 of 269 men taken to Sonnenstein in June 1941 were classed as professional criminals, far exceeding their share among the prisoner population (Külow, “Häftlinge,” 194).

  73. HLSL, Meldebogen 1, ND: 1151–A-PS; StANü, IKL to LK, December 10, 1941, ND: 1151–C-PS; Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 185–86. For the impact of “criminality” and “asociality” on T-4 selections in asylums, see LG Frankfurt a. M., Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 196.

  74. Mennecke to his wife, April 7, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 195.

  75. Many men sent as invalids from other KL to Dachau in 1940 were Jews. The transports from Sachsenhausen in September 1940 contained almost half of all the Jewish prisoners in the camp (Külow, “Häftlinge,” 198). And a transport from Buchenwald on October 24, 1940, included 169 Jews among its 371 prisoners (ITS, KL Buchenwald GCC 2/191, Ordner 164, Transport nach Dachau, October 24, 1940).

  76. Friedlander, Genocide, 263–83. For the classification of working Jewish prisoners as unemployed, BArchB, NS 4/Bu 143, Unbeschäftigte, October 14, 1940; ibid., Unbeschäftigte, January 6, 1941; ibid., Unbeschäftigte, January 4, 1941.

  77. BwA, KL Buchenwald, Transportliste, July 14, 1941; ibid., Transport II, July 15, 1941; BArchB, NS 4/Bu 143, Schutzhaftlager-Rapport, July 6, 1941.

  78. As note 77, above. On average, the Buchenwald Jews gassed in Sonnenstein in mid-July 1941 were over fifty years old.

  79. Testimony Dr. Mennecke, January 16–17, 1947, in Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 215–16, and BArchL, B 162/7995, Bl. 271–304. When Mennecke came to Buchenwald in November 1941, he expected that 1,200 Jews would be examined (note 82, below)—almost all the approximately 1,400 Jews in the camp at the time (BArchB, NS 4/Bu 143, Schutzhaftlager-Rapport, November 30, 1941).

  80. Longerich, Holocaust, 219–304.

  81. The extension of Action 14f13 may well have caused the flurry of confusing orders Mennecke received in Ravensbrück in November, just before he went to Buchenwald; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 324–25.

  82. Mennecke to his wife, November 25, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 243; BArchB, NS 4/Bu 143, Schutzhaftlager-Rapport, November 30, 1941.

  83. Quote in Mennecke to his wife, November 26, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 243.

  84. Stein, Juden, 117; Schulte, “London,” 221.

  85. HLSL, LK Gross-Rosen to Pflegeanstalt Bernburg, March 6, 1942, ND: 1151–K-PS; ITS, OuS Archiv, 1.1.5.1., Ordner 679, Lagerarzt Buchenwald to Pflegeanstalt Bernburg, February 2, 1942.

  86. This caused some disagreements with the Camp SS. In Gross-Rosen, the SS held back forty-two Jewish men earmarked by T-4 for the gas chambers, because they were still fit for work; HLSL, LK Gross-Rosen to WVHA, March 26, 1942, ND: 1151–N-PS.

  87. Testimony Dr. Mennecke, January 16–17, 1947, in Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 215–16, and BArchL, B 162/7995, Bl. 271–304.

  88. HLSL, ND: NO-3060; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 103. For Mennecke’s ambitions, see his letter to his wife, April 7, 1941, in Chroust, Mennecke, 195.

  89. Quotes on photos in HLSL, ND: NO-3060. See also Strebel, Ravensbrück, 325; Stein, Juden, 117.

  90. Quote on photo in HLSL, ND: NO-3060. See also ITS, docs. 6891552–6891562; BwA, Nachtrag zur Veränderungsmeldung vom 12. März 1942. Radinger was a “second-time-rounder.” He had first been arrested in June 1938 and was detained in Dachau and Buchenwald until his release in August 1939. He was rearrested in June 1940 and taken back to Buchenwald in August 1940.

  91. Dates in Ley, “‘Aktion 14f13,’” 240; Römmer, “‘Sonderbehandlung.’”

  92. Action 14f13 claimed the lives of at least 269 prisoners from Sachsenhausen; 575 from Auschwitz; 571 from Buchenwald; 295 from Neuengamme; around 1,000 from Ravensbrück (estimate; Mennecke is known to have examined c. 1,150 prisoners in November 1941 and January 1942). For these figures, see Ley, “‘Aktion,’” 235–36, 239–40. In addition, Action 14f13 claimed 127 prisoners from Gross-Rosen (HLSL, LK Gross-Rosen to WVHA, March 26, 1942, ND: 1151–N-PS) and 209 prisoners from Flossenbürg (NAL, HW 16/18, KL Flossenbürg to IKL, May 12, 1942). Action 14f13 also claimed 2,013 men from Dachau, in two waves of transports to Hartheim (1,452 men between January 15 and March 3, 1942, and 561 men between May 4 and June 11, 1942; ITS, KL Dachau GCC 3/92 II E, Ordner 152, Invaliden-Transporte KL Dachau, May 18, 1945). It has been argued that this second wave of transports from Dachau was not really part of Action 14f13, including instead prisoners selected autonomously by Dachau SS doctors (Ley, “‘Aktion,’” 238). This seems unlikely, since the transports fall into the period of the main Action 14f13, and since a second round of T-4 selections had been scheduled for Dachau in this period (StANü, IKL to LK, December 10, 1941, ND: 1151–C-PS). Furthermore, Action 14f13 claimed c. 1,380 prisoners from Mauthausen, deported to Hartheim in three waves in August 1941, December 1941, and January–February 1942 (Maršálek, Mauthausen, 222–23, 225, 227). Given the overall course of Action 14f13 and the fact that a return to Mauthausen by the T-4 commission was imminent toward the end of 1941 (StANü, IKL to LK, December 10, 1941, ND: 1151–C-PS), the deportations to Hartheim in late 1941/early 1942 must have formed part of Action 14f13 rather than marking an independent initiative by the local Camp SS (cf. Ley, “‘Aktion 14f13,’” 237).
      The real number of victims was higher still, since the number of murdered Niederhagen prisoners is unknown (OdT, vol. 7, 23). Also, further T-4 selections may have been carried out in late 1941 or early 1942 in Auschwitz and Sachsenhausen (StANü, IKL to LK, December 10, 1941, ND: 1151–C-PS).

  93. StANü, WVHA to LK, March 26, 1942, ND: 1151–P-PS. By now, the IKL was officially called Office Group D of the WVHA (see chapters 6 and 8). However, I will continue to use the term Camp Inspectorate in this chapter to avoid confusion.

  94. On paper, the program continued into 1943; as late as April 1943, Glücks still referred to selections by T-4 doctors (DaA, 3220, WVHA to LK, April 27, 1943). However, there is no evidence for any visits after spring 1942 (Ley, “‘Aktion 14f13,’” 234, 240).

  95. See also Orth, System, 133–34.

  96. The Sachsenhausen SS sent 232 prisoners to Bernburg in October 1942 (Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 320). The Dachau SS sent over 500 prisoners to Hartheim between August and December 1942 (ITS, KL Dachau GCC 3/92 II E, Ordner 152, Invaliden-Transporte KL Dachau, May 18, 1945, September 20, 1968). Sonnenstein and Bernburgstopped operating in 1942, Hartheim did not operate in 1943 (Ley, “‘Aktion 14f13,’” 234).

  97. Stein, Juden, 110–12; Hackett, Buchenwald, 76–77.

  98. LG Ansbach, Urteil, April 11, 1961, JNV, vol. 17, 174–78; LG Hagen, Urteil, October 29, 1968, ibid., vol. 30. For more detail, see Orth, System, 134–37.

  99. Quote in NAL, WO 235/307, Examination of Dr. Rosenthal, January 21, 1947, 25. See also Strebel, Ravensbrück, 243, 248–49; Klee, Auschwitz, 22–23; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 139–40; Kaienburg, “Funktionswandel,” 265; HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, ND: NO-2366, p. 58.

100. This is what happened in Mauthausen. See Maršálek, Mauthausen, 46, 94; YUL, MG 1832, Series II—Trials, 1945–2001, Box 10, folder 50, Bl. 1326–27: statement J. Niedermayer, February 11, 1946.

101. The SS sometimes still used the code name “Action 14f13” for these murders; NAL, HW 16/11, Maurer to LK Dachau, October 29, 1942.

102. Quotes in HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, ND: NO-2366, pp. 47, 69. Several Camp SS officials testified after the war that they had received orders to murder sick, infirm, and infectious prisoners; YVA, Tr-10/1172, LG Düsseldorf, Urteil, June 30, 1981, 78; IfZ, EE by F. Entress, April 14, 1947, ND: NO-2368.

103. Quote in BArchB, NS 3/425, Bl. 119: WVHA to LK, November 4, 1942. On the afternoon of October 29, 1942, the IKL informed the Dachau commandant about the plan to move most “infirmary patients” from other KL to Dachau, and made clear the murderous intentions behind this order (NAL, HW 16/11, Maurer to LK Dachau, October 29, 1942). The first of these transports was in fact already under way. Early the same day, the Buchenwald SS had cabled Dachau that a group of 181 “debilitated and invalid prisoners” was about to depart (NAL, HW 16/11, KL Buchenwald to KL Dachau, October 29, 1942). The old program of deporting “invalids” to Dachau had never been fully abandoned, it seems, although the number of transports had declined in the wake of mass killings elsewhere (for one transport in summer 1942, see NAL, HW 16/21, GPD Nr. 3, Pister to WVHA-D, August 24, 1942).

104. The former Sachsenhausen commandant Kaindl testified that more than five thousand invalid prisoners were sent from his camp to Dachau for extermination between 1942 and 1944; BStU, MfS HA IX/11, ZUV 4/23, Bl. 320–46: Vernehmungsprotokoll, September 16, 1946, Bl. 344.

105. Tired of corpses spilling out of the trains, the Dachau SS complained to the IKL, which duly banned transfers of prisoners who were about to die. BArchB, NS 3/425, Bl. 119: WVHA to LK, November 4, 1942.

106. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 206–10, quote on 210; Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 31–32, 36, 41.

107. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 213–14; DaA, A 3675, testimony F. Blaha.

108. For a direct link between “invalid transports” and the construction of the Dachau gas chamber, see Rascher to Himmler, August 9, 1942, in Comité, Dachau (1978), 161. By contrast, it is highly unlikely that the gas chamber was built for the mass murder of Soviet POWs (cf. Zámečník, Dachau, 297–98), since their systematic killing actually ended around the time the construction began. For background, see Distel, “Gaskammer.”

109. For Mauthausen, see Maršálek, Mauthausen, 174; YUL, MG 1832, Series II—Trials, 1945–2001, Box 10, folder 50, Bl. 1326–27: statement J. Niedermayer, February 11, 1946.

110. Overy, Russia’s War, 72–85; Kershaw, Nemesis, 388–93.

111. Halder diary, in Noakes and Pridham, Nazism, vol. 3, 483.

112. Gerlach, Krieg, 15–30; Aly and Heim, Vordenker, 365–76.

113. Jochmann, Monologe, 60; OKW, Kriegsgefangenenwesen, June 16, 1941, ND: PS-888, in Jacobsen, “Kommissarbefehl,” doc. 23, pp. 510–12.

114. Quote in Rosenberg to Keitel, February 28, 1942, in Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 17, 350. More generally, see Gerlach, Krieg, 30–56.

115. OKW, Richtlinien für Behandlung politischer Kommissare, June 6, 1941, in Jacobsen, “Kommissarbefehl,” doc. 12, pp. 500–503. See also ibid., 457–58; Neitzel and Welzer, Soldaten, 122, 199; Römer, Kommissarbefehl, passim.

116. Quotes in RSHA, Einsatzbefehl Nr. 8, July 17, 1941, in Jacobsen, “Kommissarbefehl,” doc. 24, pp. 512–16.

117. Quote in Keller and Otto, “Kriegsgefangene,” 22. See also Otto, Wehrmacht, 61–69, 111.

118. For figures, see Gestapo Regensburg to RSHA, January 19, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, 452–54, ND: 178–R. For Jews, see Nolte, “Vernichtungskrieg”; Römer, Kommissarbefehl, 299.

119. Keller and Otto, “Kriegsgefangene,” 20.

120. Otto, Wehrmacht, 110–11.

121. Gestapo Munich, Überprüfung der russischen Kriegsgefangenen, November 15, 1941, IMT, vol. 38, 424–28, ND: 178–R.

122. RSHA, Einsatzbefehl Nr. 8, July 17, 1941, in Jacobsen, “Kommissarbefehl,” doc. 24, pp. 512–16.

123. Quote in RSHA, Einsatzbefehl Nr. 9, July 21, 1941, in Jacobsen, “Kommissarbefehl,” doc. 26, pp. 517–19. See also Otto, Wehrmacht, 33–38.

124. Otto, Wehrmacht, 9, 71; StANü, EE by P. Ohler, August 15, 1947, ND: NO-4774; BArchL, B 162/16613, Bl. 15–32: Vernehmung Erwin S., October 11, 1965. Some POW transports were carried out by bus or truck, not train.

125. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 171.

126. Müller to Gestapoleitstellen et al., November 9, 1941, IMT, vol. 27, 42–44, ND: 1165–PS.

127. Quote in Johe, “Volk,” 339–40. For reactions elsewhere, see Steinbacher, Dachau, 184–85.

128. Quote in Müller to Gestapoleitstellen et al., November 9, 1941, IMT, vol. 27, 42–44, ND: 1165–PS.

129. Keller and Otto, “Kriegsgefangene,” 33, 41; Ibel, “Kriegsgefangene,” 120; Römer, Kommissarbefehl, 567. For further KL executions of “commissars” in 1942–43, LaB, B Rep. 057–01, Nr. 296, GStA Berlin, Abschlussvermerke, November 1, 1970, 142–44, 224–27.

130. There are no reports of executions in Natzweiler, while executions in Neuengamme remained highly exceptional (Otto, Wehrmacht, 268). Although it has been suggested that no women were selected in POW camps on German soil (Strebel, “Feindbild,” 164), there are reports of female prisoners being executed alongside male “commissars” in Dachau (Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 186).

131. Figures in OdT, vol. 3, 64.

132. Orth, System, 124–29; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 257–58; AS, JD 21/66 T1, Vernehmung G. Sorge, August 5, 1946 (my thanks to Jörg Wassmer for this document). The meeting cannot have taken place before early August (cf. Orth) because Eicke was recuperating until then in a Berlin hospital; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Universitätsklinik to Himmler, August 4, 1941.

133. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Totenkopfdivision to Reichsführer SS, July 7, 1941. More generally, see Sydnor, Soldiers, 152–66.

134. Quote in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Himmler to Frau Eicke, March 2, 1943. See also Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 199–200; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 111; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946, Bl. 380–81; Tuchel, Inspektion, 50.

135. Quote in AS, J D2/43, Bl. 86–98: Vernehmung G. Sorge, April 26, 1957, Bl. 89. For Eicke’s injuries, see BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Eicke, Theodor, 17.10.1892, Universitätsklinik to Himmler, August 4, 1941.

136. Sorge testimony in Dicks, Licensed, 102.

137. LG Cologne, Urteil, May 28, 1965, JNV, vol. 21, 125–26; AS, J D2/43, Bl. 86–98: Vernehmung G. Sorge, April 26, 1957; ibid., JD 21/66 T1, Vernehmung G. Sorge, August 5, 1946; BArchL, B 162/4627, OStA Cologne, Anklageschrift, November 18, 1963, 146; USHMM, RG-06.025*26, File 1558, Bl. 157–75: Vernehmung G. Sorge, December 19, 1946, Bl. 165.

138. BArchL, B 162/4627, OStA Cologne, Anklageschrift, November 18, 1963, 158; ibid., B 162/16613, Bl. 95–104: Vernehmung G. Link, November 17, 1964, Bl. 101.

139. Naujoks, Leben, 266–67.

140. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 165; Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, 33; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 199; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 111–12.

141. Otto, Wehrmacht, 71; AS, JD 21/66 T1, Vernehmung G. Sorge, August 5, 1946; USHMM, RG-06.025*26, File 1560, Bl. 243–58: Vernehmung M. Knittler, December 20, 1946, Bl. 248. See also the SS photos of POWs taken in September 1941 in Sachsenhausen; Morsch, Mord, 172–73; Naujoks, Leben, 277.

142. Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, 260.

143. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 165–66; Naujoks, Leben, 266; USHMM, RG-06.025*26, File 1560, Bl. 243–58: Vernehmung M. Knittler, December 20, 1946, Bl. 247–48.

144. For this and the previous paragraph, see LG Cologne, Urteil, May 28, 1965, JNV, vol. 21, 126–27, 134; LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, in ibid., vol. 15, 451–52; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 165; BArchL, B 162/4627, OStA Cologne, Anklageschrift gegen M., November 18, 1963, 151; BStU, MfS HA IX/11 ZUV 4, Bd. 24, Bl. 101–105: M. Saathoff, “Erklärungen zu meiner Zeichnung,” September 6, 1946; ibid., Bl. 115–25: Gegenüberstellungsprotokoll, June 21, 1946; ibid., Bl. 207–30: Vernehmungsprotokoll P. Sakowski, August 3, 1946. During the 1934 Röhm purge, the Dachau Camp SS had also covered the sound of shots with loud music; Internationales Zentrum, Nazi-Bastille, 100–101.

145. BStU, RHE-West 329/1, Bl. 282–88: Vernehmungsprotokoll F. Ficker, August 22, 1946 (my thanks to Kim Wünschmann for checking this document); LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 452.

146. BStU, MfS HA IX/11 ZUV 4, Bd. 24, Bl. 207–30: Vernehmungsprotokoll P. Sakowski, August 3, 1946, Bl. 224.

147. USHMM, RG-06.025*26, File 1558, Bl. 157–75: Vernehmung G. Sorge, December 19, 1946, Bl. 167–68; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 222.

148. For the dating, see Orth, System, 128–29.

149. Quote in DöW, Nr. 5547, Vernehmungsprotokoll F. Ziereis, May 24, 1945, 6. See also LG Cologne, Urteil, May 28, 1965, JNV, vol. 21, 131; BArchL, B 162/16613, Bl. 15–32: Vernehmung Erwin S., October 11, 1965, Bl. 18, 20; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 215; Friedlander, Origins, 66, 224.

150. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 208.

151. For background, see Beer, “Gaswagen,” 407; Browning, Origins, 353; Hilberg, Vernichtung, vol. 2, 937.

152. Quote in DöW, Nr. 5547, Vernehmungsprotokoll F. Ziereis, May 24, 1945, 6. “Politruk” is an abbreviation for the political instructors of Red Army units; McCauley, Longman, 221. For Mauthausen, see Speckner, “Kriegsgefangenenlager,” 46.

153. LG Kassel, Urteil, October 20, 1953, JNV, vol. 11, 432–51; LG Waldshut, Urteil, June 13, 1953, in ibid., vol. 10, 746–72. It has been suggested that the Buchenwald execution chamber was built from early August 1941, simultaneous with the Sachsenhausen installation (OdT, vol. 3, 337–38). This seems highly unlikely. According to a well-informed former Buchenwald prisoner, the neck-shooting apparatus was not installed until mid-October 1941 (Polak, Dziennik, 89). After the war, a former SS man confirmed that the Buchenwald killings were carried out “in accordance with the system used at Oranienburg” (JVL, DJAO, United States v. Berger, RaR, February 20, 1948, 10).

154. DA, 37.144, Vernehmung J. Thora, October 20, 1950; Hammermann, “Kriegsgefangene,” 96–97. 102–107; Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 186.

155. Otto, Wehrmacht, 40–41, 111–12; Hammermann, “Kriegsgefangene,” 110.

156. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 188.

157. Siegert, “Flossenbürg,” 465–66; Otto, Wehrmacht, 93–94. For the start of the killings in Flossenbürg, Stapostelle Regensburg to Stapoleitstelle Munich, January 17, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, 449–51.

158. Otto, Wehrmacht, 93; Siegert, “Flossenbürg,” 465–66.

159. Otto, Wehrmacht, 87–90. There is some ambiguity about the date. While several former prisoners and historians prefer September 3, 1941 (e.g., Czech, Kalendarium, 117), September 5, 1941, is more likely, as it is mentioned in two near-contemporaneous documents (Kłodziński, “Vergasung,” 271; Piper, Mass Murder, 120).

160. Kłodziński, “Vergasung”; Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, 174–75.

161. The first murders of Soviet “commissars” in Auschwitz had occurred around late August 1941, with the SS shooting its victims in the gravel pit or outside block 11 (Broszat, Kommandant, 188, 240). The suggestion that several hundred POWs arrived as early as July 1941 (Brandhuber, “Kriegsgefangenen,” 15–16; Smoleń, “Kriegsgefangene,” 131) is probably incorrect (Hałgas, “Arbeit,” 167; Otto, Wehrmacht, 90, n. 17).

162. Several Auschwitz officials saw the Sonnenstein gas chambers in late July 1941; Czech, Kalendarium, 105–106.

163. Kalthoff and Werner, Händler, 152, 156, 173; Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, 292–93; Morsch, “Tötungen,” 260–62.

164. Czech, Kalendarium, 115–17; Broszat, Kommandant, 188; IfZ, Interview with Dr. Kahr, September 19, 1945, p. 3, ND: NO-1948. Fritzsch had begun his Camp SS career in Dachau in 1934; DAP, p. 220.

165. Kłodziński, “Vergasung”; Kogon et al., Massentötungen, 282–85; Broszat, Kommandant, 188–89; Trunk, “Gase,” 37, 40.

166. Broszat, Kommandant, 189–90, 241.

167. Kłodziński, “Vergasung,” 272–74, quote on 274.

168. Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, 293; Piper, Mass Murder, 128.

169. Some historians have dated this action to September 16, 1941 (Czech, Kalendarium, 122), though September 13, 1941, is a more likely date (DAP, Aussage Lebedev, October 1, 1964, 19870).

170. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 189. See also ibid., 241; DAP, 12705–07.

171. Otto, Wehrmacht, 92; Czech, “Calendar,” 139.

172. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 190.

173. Perz and Freund, “Tötungen,” 248–55; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 198–200. Ziereis may have been inspired to build a gas chamber by the killings in nearby Hartheim, rather than the Auschwitz experiments; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 119.

174. Maršálek, Vergasungsaktionen, 16–17; OdT, vol. 4, 323; Freund and Perz, “Tötungen,” 257–58; BArchB, R 58/871, Bl. 7: Rauff letter, March 26, 1942.

175. Beer, “Entwicklung”; Morsch, “Tötungen,” 262–64; Kalthoff and Werner, Händler, 188.

176. Morsch, “Tötungen,” 264–74.

177. Möller, “‘Zyklon B.’” The Camp SS also constructed gas chambers in Majdanek (summer 1942), Natzweiler (April 1943), and Stutthof (June 1943); Kranz, “Massentötungen”; Orski, “Vernichtung”; Schmaltz, “Gaskammer.”

178. The other exception was Majdanek (see chapter 6). In Mauthausen, too, the gas chamber was used continuously until 1945, though on a far smaller scale; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 377.

179. Broszat, Kommandant, 189–90, 240–41.

180. A well-placed former prisoner estimated that five thousand or more Soviet POWs were gassed in the Auschwitz crematorium in 1941–42 (Piper, Mass Murder, 129, n. 405). This figure probably includes Soviet POWs who had initially been taken to Auschwitz for forced labor (see below). The figure of Soviet POWs executed as “commissars,” following Gestapo selections, was smaller, probably more in the region of two thousand (Otto, Wehrmacht, 268).

181. In Dachau alone, some forty SS men are said to have participated in each mass shooting; Affidavit J. Jarolin, n.d. (c. autumn 1945), in JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 22–25.

182. Hördler, “Ordnung,” 125.

183. For Schubert, see LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 452.

184. Affidavit J. Jarolin, n.d. (c. autumn 1945), in JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 23; Musial, “Konterrevolutionäre,” 200–209; BArchL, B 162/16613, Bl. 15–32: Vernehmung Erwin S., October 11, 1965, Bl. 20; ibid., Nr. 4627, OStA Cologne, Anklageschrift, November 18, 1963, 146; Neitzel and Welzer,Soldaten, 135–36. For praise for SS executioners more generally, see IfZ, Himmler, Durchführungsbestimmungen für Exekutionen, January 6, 1943, ND: NO-4631.

185. For background, see G. Sorge testimony in Dicks, Licensed, 103.

186. Quote in Gruner, Verurteilt, 90. See also JVL, DJAO, United States v. Berger, RaR, February 20, 1948, 14; Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 183; Neitzel and Welzer, Soldaten, 14–15, 101.

187. Quote in DA, 37144, Vernehmung J. Thora, October 20, 1950.

188. LG Cologne, Urteil, May 28, 1965, JNV, vol. 21, 127–28; JVL, DJAO, United States v. A. Berger, RaR, February 20, 1948, 8–11; Riedle, Angehörigen, 241 (n. 355). For epidemics in POW camps, see Gerlach, Krieg, 34–35, 49.

189. Naujoks, Leben, 273–74; Major Meinel to Kommandeur der Kriegsgefangenen im Wehrkreis VII, January 12, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, 439–40, ND: 178–R; Siegert, “Flossenbürg,” 465; Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 188; LG Cologne, Urteil, May 28, 1965, JNV, vol. 21, 143; LG Kassel, Urteil, October 20, 1953, JNV, vol. 11, 443–44; BArchL, B 162/4627, OStA Cologne, Anklageschrift, November 18, 1963, 160. For task forces, see Klee et al., “Schöne Zeiten,” 64–70.

190. Quotes in LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 453; BArchL, B 162/16613, Bl. 15–32: Vernehmung Erwin S., October 11, 1965, Bl. 21. See also LG Kassel, Urteil, October 20, 1953, JNV, vol. 11, 443; Naujoks, Leben, 274; Kühne, Kameradschaft, 272–73.

191. For example, see Riedle, Angehörigen, 239–40.

192. For the practice of excusing SS men from executions (though not specifically in the context of 14f14), see Langbein, Menschen, 326–27.

193. StAMü, StA Nr. 28791/3, Bl. 114: Vernehmung K. Minderlein, July 25, 1949; Hammermann, “Kriegsgefangene,” 107–108.

194. IfZ, Himmler, Durchführungsbestimmungen für Exekutionen, January 6, 1943, ND: NO-4631.

195. Quotes in BArchL, B 162/16613, Bl. 15–32: Vernehmung Erwin S., October 11, 1965, Bl. 16; Vernehmung F. Ficker, August 22, 1946, in Orth, SS, 174. See also Hördler, “Ordnung,” 125–26.

196. Quote in BStU, MfS HA IX/11 ZUV 4, Bd. 24, Bl. 207–30: Vernehmungsprotokoll P. Sakowski, August 3, 1946, Bl. 223. See also BArchL, B 162/4627, OStA Cologne, Anklageschrift, November 18, 1963, 152.

197. JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 28; BArchL, B 162/16613, Bl. 15–32: Vernehmung Erwin S., October 11, 1965, Bl. 21.

198. AS, J D2/43, Bl. 146–54: Vernehmung G. Sorge, May 6, 1957, Bl. 153; BArchB, NS 4/Na 9, Bl. 78: KB Nr. 3/41, May 26, 1941.

199. For alcohol and murders during the Holocaust, see Browning, Männer, 103, 122.

200. Quote in Riedle, Angehörigen, 241.

201. Quote in BArchB, NS 4/Gr 3, Bl. 35: Liebehenschel to LK, November 14, 1941. See also Orth, SS, 175–76. Himmler discussed military decorations with his intimate Karl Wolff on November 14, 1941 (Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 260), the same day the telex from Liebehenschel went to the commandants.

202. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 273–75; Morsch, Mord, 179; Hammermann, “Kriegsgefangene,” 109–10; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 222.

203. Riedle, Angehörigen, 241.

204. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 187; DaA, 6170, A. Carl to H. Schwarz, December 3, 1967.

205. Quote in Morsch, Mord, 175.

206. Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, quote on 35; Naujoks, Leben, 274–75.

207. The best analysis of the historiography of the Third Reich is still Kershaw, Dictatorship.

208. Jäckel, Weltanschauung, 29–54; Kershaw, Nemesis, 775–76.

209. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 260–61, quote on 261.

210. Quote in Picker, Tischgespräche, 93. See also ibid., 94–95; Jochmann, Monologe, 63, 90.

211. H. Johst, Ruf des Reiches—Echo des Volkes (Munich, 1940), translated in Van Pelt, “Site,” 101–103. See also Longerich, Himmler, 33–65; Düsterberg, Johst.

212. Erlaßzur Festigung deutschen Volkstums, October 7, 1939, IMT, vol. 26, 255–57, ND: 686–PS.

213. Aly, “Endlösung,” 29–203; Aly and Heim, Vordenker, 125–256.

214. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 261.

215. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 179.

216. For background, see Aly and Heim, Vordenker, 394–440; Roth, “‘Generalplan Ost’”; Madajczyk, Generalplan Ost.

217. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 296–99, 311, 345; Allen, Business, 158, 176.

218. Quotes in BArchB, NS 19/2065, Bl. 8–9: Himmler to Pohl, January 31, 1942. See also ibid., Pohl to Himmler, (mid) December 1941; ibid., Bl. 20–32: Kammler, Aufstellung von SS Baubrigaden, February 10, 1942; ibid., Bl. 36–37: Himmler to Pohl, March 23, 1942.

219. BArchB, NS 19/2065, Bl. 8–9: Himmler to Pohl, January 31, 1942.

220. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 189.

221. BArchB, NS 4/Na 103, Bl. 147–49: Glücks to LK, September 29, 1941. More generally, see Allen, Business, 117–22; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 381–84. The KL labor representatives, who now reported to their local commandant and the IKL, remained marginal figures. See BArchB, NS 4/Na 103, Bl. 140–42: Burböck to SlF E, November 28, 1941; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 385–86.

222. IfZ, Himmler to Pohl et al., December 5, 1941, ND: NO-385. See also BArchB, NS 19/2065, Bl. 8–9: Himmler to Pohl, January 31, 1942.

223. IfZ, Dienstanweisung für SlF E, November 7, 1941, ND: 3685–PS, underlined in the original. See also BArchB, NS 4/Na 103, Bl. 26: WVHA to LK, April 14, 1942.

224. Even before the war, Himmler had envisaged a role for the Camp SS in the internment of POWs; Himmler to Hess, July 23, 1938, in IfZ, Akten, vol. 3, 230.

225. Streit, Kameraden, 192–95; Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 132–40; Keller, Kriegsgefangene, 158–72; Gruchmann, Krieg, 120.

226. Keller and Otto, “Kriegsgefangene,” 23.

227. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 208–10. For Himmler’s conversation with Pohl about “prisoners” on September 15, 1941, missing from this publication of his official diary, see BArchB, Film 3570.

228. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 215; IKL to LK Flossenbürg, September 15, 1941, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 73.

229. Streit, Kameraden, 220–21. The initial OKW order on September 25 had earmarked up to one hundred thousand POWs for a project around Lublin.

230. Otto, Wehrmacht, 187–88, quote on 188; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 113; Schulte, “Kriegsgefangenen-Arbeitslager,” 82–83; USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, 502–1–13, H. Kammler, Bericht des Amtes II, December 1941, p. 4; IKL to LK Flossenbürg, September 15, 1941, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 73 (similar messages must have gone out to other KL).

231. At first, Majdanek was called a POW camp, even though it was subordinated to the IKL and belonged to its system of concentration camps; it was officially designated as a KL on February 16, 1943. See Kranz, “KL Lublin,” 363–69; Kranz, “Konzentrationslager,” 237–39; OdT, vol. 7, 33–36, 39; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 332–36; White, “Majdanek”; IfZ, Himmler Vermerk, n.d., ND: NO-3031. For the SS economy in Lublin, see Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 529–63. Frank quote in Präg and Jacobmeyer, Diensttagebuch, 219.

232. The interest zone was designed to protect the SS and to provide it with opportunities for farming and fishing. For the above, see Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 238–39; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 336–38; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 70–74, 80–81; USHMM, RG-11.001M.76, reel 421, folder 156, Erläuterungsbericht zum Vorentwurf, October 30, 1941, p. 6; ibid., Vorgang für die Erstellung eines Kriegsgefangenenlagers, October 9, 1941, pp. 1–2. Many historians have argued that Himmler ordered the construction of Birkenau earlier, on March 1, 1941. But Steinbacher and Schulte show convincingly that this did not happen until September 1941.

233. Michael Thad Allen suggests that the new Auschwitz crematorium (in the works since October 1941, and later built as crematorium II in Birkenau) was designed from the start to include a gas chamber, a decision he links to the Nazi Final Solution (Allen, “Devil”; idem, “Not Just a ‘Dating Game,’” 186–87). This is contradicted by the research of Robert Jan van Pelt, who argues that the transformation of crematorium II to allow for gassings did not occur until 1942 (Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, 269–71, 321–24). Even if Allen’s thesis were to prove correct, however, this would not suggest that the SS planned (in autumn 1941) to use this gas chamber to murder the Jews of Europe (Schulte, “Auschwitz,” 571).

234. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 338–39, 362; Steinbacher, “Musterstadt”; Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz; Wegner, Soldaten, 46, 62.

235. Stutthof was referred to as a KL by Glücks on January 7, 1942, but was only formally taken over the following month. See Orski, “Organisation”; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 516–22; OdT, vol. 6, 477–80; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 271 (n. 84). For the 1940 discussions, see IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 53–55: IKL to Himmler, January 30, 1940; BArchB, NS 19/1919, Bl. 25–27: IKL to Himmler, February 21, 1940; ibid., NS 19/3796, Bl. 2: IKL to Himmler, April 30, 1940. The initial rejection of Stutthof was probably linked to the decision to establish a camp on former Polish soil in Auschwitz.

236. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 519–23; OdT, vol. 6, 479, 483–85; IfZ, Maurer, Besichtigung von Stutthof, December 11, 1941, ND: NO-2147.

237. On January 6, 1942, there were 9,884 prisoners in Auschwitz, not counting Soviet POWs; Schulte, “London,” 222.

238. Quotes in DAP, Vernehmung N. Wassiljew, October 23, 1964, 22443–44; Wassiljew was registered under the name Iwanow (ibid., 22437–38). See also ibid., Vernehmung A. Pogoschew, October 23, 1964, 22641–47; ibid., Vernehmung P. Stjenkin, October 29, 1964, 23066; Brandhuber, “Kriegsgefangenen,” 19; Czech, Kalendarium, 126.

239. Quotes in DAP, Vernehmung N. Wassiljew, October 23, 1964, 22446, 22533. See also Brandhuber, “Kriegsgefangenen,” 18–20; Hałgas, “Arbeit,” 167–69; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 101–103. More generally, see Smoleń, “Kriegsgefangene”; Strzelecka, “Quarantine.”

240. Figures in Czech, Kalendarium, 126–34; Schulte, “London,” table 7, p. 222.

241. Otto, Wehrmacht, 188–89; Keller and Otto, “Sowjetische Kriegsgefangene,” 25–27; Kranz, “Erfassung,” 242 (n. 67). Apparently, no transports went to Niederhagen, Natzweiler, or Ravensbrück, which were also not copied into key IKL correspondence (e.g., BArchB, NS 4/Gr 2, Bl. 6–7: IKL to LK, October 23, 1941).

242. Quotes in NARA, RG 549, 000–50–9, Box 440A, statement B. Lebedev, April 22, 1945 (Lebedev dated his arrival to October 19, 1941). See also AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 182; Otto, Wehrmacht, 189.

243. Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 190–92; Streim, Behandlung, 116. It is unclear if the prisoners were barred because the barracks were not ready yet, or because their clothes had not been disinfected.

244. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 230–31.

245. Quote inŚwiebocki, Resistance, 346. See also Hałgas, “Arbeit,” 170–71; Brandhuber, “Kriegsgefangenen,” 23–25; Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, 272.

246. Ibel, “Kriegsgefangene,” 132–33.

247. Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 190–94, quote on 194; Keller and Otto, “Kriegsgefangene,” 25.

248. DAP, Vernehmung N. Wassiljew, October 23, 1964, 22412–14, quote on 22415; Hałgas, “Arbeit,” 168, 171.

249. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 159. See also USHMM, RG-06.025*26, File 1558, Bl. 157–75: Vernehmung G. Sorge, December 19, 1946, Bl. 167; Hałgas, “Arbeit,” 169; LG Cologne, Urteil, May 28, 1965, JNV, vol. 21, 126; Vernehmung A. Joseph, December 1, 1958, in Van Dam and Giordano, KZ-Verbrechen, 210.

250. For one example, see BArchB, NS 4/Fl 388, Bl. 54: Lagerarzt to Kommandantur, February 15, 1942.

251. Marszałek, Majdanek, 123.

252. For Himmler’s views, see Süß, “Volkskörper,” 229 (n. 72).

253. DAP, Vernehmung N. Wassiljew, October 23, 1964, 22416, 22457–58, 22465–67, 22489–91, 22501.

254. OdT, vol. 4, 322; ibid., vol. 7, 51; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 298–99.

255. Brandhuber, “Kriegsgefangenen,” 21–22, quote on 22; Smoleń, “Kriegsgefangene,” 142–45; Otto, Wehrmacht, 193–95.

256. BArchB, NS 3/425, Bl. 45–46: IKL to LK, November 15, 1941; Hammermann, “Kriegsgefangene,” 99.

257. For the murder of Jews, see Longerich, Holocaust, 314–15, 429.

258. Majdanek held 112 Soviet POWs on January 16, 1942; Schulte, “London,” table 10, p. 224.

259. Quote in Broszat, Kommandant, 157. By January 6, 1942, Auschwitz held 2,095 Soviet POWs (Schulte, “London,” table 7, p. 222), which means that at least 7,900 of the men who had arrived in October 1941 were now dead. For the other figures, see Brandhuber, “Kriegsgefangenen,” 33, 35.

260. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 175.

261. Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 194.

262. Iwaszko, “Reasons,” 22–23; Brandhuber, “Kriegsgefangenen,” 20; Hałgas, “Arbeit,” 169. German prisoners (except for Jews) in Auschwitz were not normally tattooed; see Strzelecka, “Women,” 182, also for other exceptions. In the weeks after the November 1938 pogrom, Jews in Dachau and Buchenwald had their prisoner numbers stamped on their arms; NCC, doc. 247; Stein, Juden, 45.

263. Bischoff quote in Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, 177. See also Piper, Mass Murder, 128; Brandhuber, “Kriegsgefangenen,” 26; Hałgas, “Arbeit,” 172.

264. Quote in AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 181.

265. RSHA to KL, October 11, 1941, cited in Otto, Wehrmacht, 199, underlined in the original.

266. Himmler Rede bei der SS Gruppenführertagung in Posen, October 4, 1943, IMT, vol. 29, 121–22, ND: 1919–PS; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 230–31.

267. Quote in AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 95. For Knittler’s crimes, see USHMM, RG-06.025*26, File 1560, Bl. 243–58: Vernehmung M. Knittler, December 20, 1946, Bl. 252–53.

268. For this belief among the Camp SS, see Broszat, Kommandant, 159.

269. BArchB, NS 4/Gr 2, Bl. 6–7: IKL to LK, October 23, 1941; ibid., NS 4/Fl 389, Bl. 11: IKL to SlF E, November 29, 1941; ibid., NS 4/Na 103, Bl. 126: IKL to SlF E, October 27, 1941.

270. IKL to LK Flossenbürg, September 15, 1941, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 73.

271. Quote in Himmler Rede bei der SS Gruppenführertagung in Posen, October 4, 1943, IMT, vol. 29, 123. See also Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, 262–68; Streit, Kameraden, 197.

272. Apparently, there were already plans in late autumn 1941 for further transports of Soviet POWs to the KL; Keller and Otto, “Sowjetische Kriegsgefangene,” 26–27.

273. Streit, Kameraden, 191–208; Keller, Kriegsgefangene, 215–17, 322–23; Gerlach, Krieg, 42–43, 52–53; Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 137–43.

274. USHMM, RG-11.001M.76, reel 421, folder 156, Kammler to Himmler, December 19, 1941.

275. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Koch, Karl, 2.8.1897, Koch to SS und Polizeigericht VI Krakow, August 2, 1942.

276. Kranz, “KL Lublin,” 369; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 536–37.

277. Quote in “Bericht von Rudolf Vrba,” 200. See also Brandhuber, “Kriegsgefangenen,” 25–26; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 86.

278. Figures in Schulte, “Kriegsgefangenen-Arbeitslager,” 89; idem, “London,” 220–24; Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 194; OdT, vol. 3, 35; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 156. According to the available figures, there were around five to six thousand Soviet POWs in the KL in spring 1942. Not all were survivors of the October 1941 transports; among them were also some “commissars” temporarily spared execution.

279. DAP, Vernehmung N. Wassiljew, October 23, 1964, 22564–66.

280. The other main KL in early 1942 were Buchenwald, Dachau, Flossenbürg, Gross-Rosen, Mauthausen, Neuengamme, Niederhagen, Ravensbrück, and Sachsenhausen.

281. OdT, vol. 3, 29; Pingel, Häftlinge, 301 (n. 174).

6. Holocaust

    1. Himmler’s itinerary (also used below) in Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 491–93.

    2. Langbein, Menschen, 327; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 106–107; Longerich, Himmler, 34–66; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 841–42.

    3. Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 80–81; BArchB, Film 44564, Interrogation O. Pohl, January 25, 1947, p. 17.

    4. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 352.

    5. Broszat, Kommandant, 243, quote on 275; Czech, Kalendarium, 250–51; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 86–88. For Himmler’s presence during a mass killing in Auschwitz, see also Langbein, Menschen, 327–28; Adler et al., Auschwitz, 204.

    6. Longerich, Himmler, 552.

    7. Broszat, Kommandant, 276–78, quote on 278; Laqueur and Breitman, Mann, 9–11; Mulka to Führer des Standortes Auschwitz, July 17, 1942, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 154–55.

    8. Broszat, Kommandant, 278–79; testimony S. Dubiel, August 7, 1946, in Bezwińska and Czech, KL Auschwitz, 287–92.

    9. Himmler order, March 3, 1942, cited in WVHA Befehl, March 13, 1942, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 88; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 369–71; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 201. The official transfer of the IKL from the nominal control of Jüttner’s SS Leadership Main Office to the WVHA took place on March 16, 1942; Pohl to Glücks, March 11, 1942, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 89.

  10. Longerich, Himmler, 590–92; Arad, Belzec, 46–47; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 491–93; Berger, Experten, 91; Browning, “Final Hitler Decision.” Late on July 18, Himmler also met with Pohl, who had been unable to accompany him to Auschwitz.

  11. Broszat, Kommandant, 279; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Höss, Rudolf, 25.11.1900, Bl. 258: WVHA to SS-Personalhauptamt, July 27, 1942. Several other Auschwitz SS men involved in the Holocaust were also decorated or promoted after Himmler’s visit; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 152.

  12. Hilberg, “Auschwitz”; Piper, Zahl, table D; Arad, Belzec, 370–76; OdT, vol. 8, 359–60.

  13. In a path-breaking essay, Robert Jan van Pelt coined the phrase of Auschwitz as a “site in search of a mission”; Van Pelt, “Site.” While this phrase captures the dynamic nature of the camp and its changes in function, it is still overly teleological, implying that the Holocaust was the true mission of Auschwitz. However, earlier missions—the brutal repression of the Polish opposition, say, or the lethal imprisonment of Soviet POWs—had been no less real to the Camp SS.

  14. Most recently, OdT, vol. 5, 140.

  15. For this and the previous paragraphs on the genesis of the Holocaust, see Longerich, Holocaust; Browning, Origins; Pohl, Holocaust; Friedländer, Jahre. On the death camps, see Berger, Experten; Montague, Chełmno; Krakowski, Todeslager; OdT, vol. 8, 301–28.

  16. Arad, Belzec; Berger, Experten, 71, for the reference to the Warsaw ghetto.

  17. Paradigmatically, Arad, Belzec.

  18. For Majdanek, see Witte and Tyas, “Document.” For Auschwitz, see Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz.” As the latter two authors point out, the link between the KL and Operation Reinhard is confirmed by the itinerary of Pohl’s visit to Auschwitz in September 1942. Here, the barracks used for sorting and storing the property of murderedJews (Canada I) are referred to as “Disinfestation & Effect Chamber/Action Reinhard,” while the gas chambers at bunker 2 are referred to as “Station 2 of Action Reinhardt [sic]”; USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, folder 19, Besichtigung durch SS Obergruppenführer Pohl am 23.9.1942. For another example, see NAL, HW 16/21, GPD Nr. 3, October 22, 1942.

  19. Quotes in Browning, “Final Hitler Decision,” 7; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 359–68: R. Höss, “Globocnik,” January 1947. More generally, see Pohl, “Judenpolitik”; Longerich, Himmler, especially pages 361–64.

  20. For this and the previous paragraph, see Berger, Experten, quote on 41; Arad, Belzec; Kogon et al., Massentötungen, 146–86; Rieß, “Wirth.” The T-4 organization of the Chancellery of the Führer was also involved in the management of the death camps.

  21. According to SS statistics intercepted by British intelligence, 2,024 prisoners were classified as Jews in January 1942. However, these statistics only covered around seventy-five to eighty percent of all KL prisoners; Schulte, “London,” 210, 227. Also, the statistics did not account for Jews among Soviet POWs.

  22. Wannsee conference minutes, in Noakes and Pridham, Nazism, vol. 3, 535–41, quote on 538. See also Longerich, Politik, 466–72; Friedländer, Jahre, 367–71; Haus der Wannsee-Konferenz, Wannsee-Konferenz; Berger, Experten, 79. For the term “annihilation through labor” (not used in the official minutes), see Wachsmann, “‘Annihilation.’”

  23. For IKL awareness of the poor health and high mortality of Soviet POWs in the KL, see BArchB, NS 4/Gr 9, Bl. 63: Glücks to LK, January 23, 1942; KL Gross-Rosen to IKL, January 27, 1942, referenced in Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 194.

  24. IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 61: Himmler to Glücks, January 26, 1942. See also Van Pelt, “Site,” 148–49; Allen, “Anfänge,” 568–69; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 356–62.

  25. Quotes in Jochmann, Monologe, 229; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 326–27.

  26. ITS, KL Buchenwald GCC 2/313, Ordner 519, IKL to LK, January 19, 1942; ibid., IKL to all [LK], January 26, 1942. The only camps excluded from the initial IKL order were the small KL Natzweiler and Stutthof. Few, if any, of the selected Jewish prisoners had been sent to Majdanek by the time the order was rescinded; on February 3, 1942, there were no registered Jewish prisoners in Majdanek; Schulte, “London,” 224.

  27. IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 61: Himmler to Glücks, January 26, 1942. Deportations of Jews from the Greater German Reich resumed in mid-March 1942, but none of the transports over the coming weeks went to the KL; Longerich, Politik, 483–86.

  28. Longerich, Politik, 491–95.

  29. Initially, there may have been plans to select some skilled prisoners among the Jews deported to Auschwitz and Majdanek, and transfer them to other KL earmarked for armaments works; StANü, K.-O. Saur, Niederschrift über Besprechung, March 17, 1942, ND: NO-569.

  30. Pressac, Krematorien, 31–34, 45–48; Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 199, 210–12.

  31. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 367–69; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 342–43.

  32. NAL, HW 16/17, GPD Nr. 3, March 10, 1942.

  33. NARA, RG 549, 000–50–11 Ravensbruck CC (Box 522), testimony J. Langefeld, December 26 and 31, 1945; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 344; Strzelecka, “Women,” 172; USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, 502–1–6, WVHA to Bauinspektion Posen, March 18, 1942.

  34. Czech, Kalendarium, 189–93.

  35. For this and the previous paragraph, see testimony of S. Jankowski (also known as Alter Feinsilber), April 16, 1945, in SMAB, Inmitten, 25–57, quote on 32. See also YIVO, RG 294.1, MK 488, series 20, folder 542, Bl. 7–17: testimony V. Walder, n.d. (1945–49).

  36. Longerich, Politik, 584; Hayes, “Auschwitz.”

  37. Piper, Zahl, 187, 195. A further one thousand Slovak Jews arrived in May via Majdanek; Czech, Kalendarium, 215.

  38. Quote in ITS, KL Buchenwald GCC 2/313, Ordner 519, IKL to LK, January 19, 1942. This order was issued in relation to Jewish KL prisoners earmarked for deportation to Majdanek. See also IfZ, Verwaltung Auschwitz to WVHA, March 25, 1942, ND: NO-2146.

  39. SS statistics summarized in APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 114–20: O. Wolken, Kommentar, n.d. (c. spring 1945).

  40. Grotum, Archiv, 255–56; Longerich, Politik, 492.

  41. Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 86–87; testimony of S. Jankowski, April 16, 1945, in SMAB, Inmitten, 32–33; Schulte, “Kriegsgefangenen-Arbeitslager,” 87; Czech, Kalendarium, 206.

  42. For this and the previous paragraph, see Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 78–79; Strzelecka, “Women,” 172; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 349–51; WL, P.III.h. No. 1174a, Vernehmung R. Kagan, December 8–10, 1959; APMO, Oswiadczenia, vol. 124, Bl. 152–66: testimony of M. Schvalbova, June 8, 1988; Broszat, Kommandant, 172–73; IfZ, RSHA, AE, 2. Teil, RunderlaßRSHA, July 10, 1942.

  43. Figures in Schulte, “London,” 222; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 349.

  44. Several historians have argued that sporadic murders of nonworking Silesian Jews had begun earlier, with small groups sent to Auschwitz for extermination from late 1941. Sybille Steinbacher has provided the most detailed account in her otherwise excellent study of Auschwitz. Starting in late 1941, she argues, selections were carried out among Jews in forced labor camps run by SS Oberführer Schmelt (mostly in Upper Silesia); those selected as “unfit for work” were sent to Auschwitz and murdered in crematorium I (Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 276–77; on the Schmelt camps, see ibid., 138–53). However, her sources do not fully bear out this conclusion. One source refers to a transport to Auschwitz in late 1940, another to small transports from mid-1941 (BArchL, B 162/20513, Bl. 83: Vermerk, October 11, 1967; ibid., Bl. 47–54: Vernehmungsniederschrift Hirsch B., September 21, 1961). As for the assumed murder of a transport of Jews from Beuthen (Upper Silesia) on February 15, 1942, in crematorium I, this information is based on erroneous data in the Auschwitz chronicle (Czech, Kalendarium, 174–75); there was no such transport at the time (Gottwaldt and Schulle, “Judendeportationen,” 393).
      Christopher Browning also dates the first gassings of Jews “no longer capable of work” in crematorium I to autumn 1941 (Browning, Origins, 357). In addition to Steinbacher’s work, Browning relies on another piece of evidence: the postwar account of SS man Hans Stark. Testifying before German legal officials, Browning recounts, Stark stated that small groups of Jews were brought to Auschwitz on trucks in October 1941 and gassed there (Browning, Origins, 527, n. 211). Stark was among the accused of the first Frankfurt Auschwitz trial, where he was sentenced to ten years in prison. In his first pretrial interrogation, Stark did indeed state that he had participated in the gassing of small groups of Jewish men, women, and children, deported to Auschwitz for immediate extermination in crematorium I in autumn 1941 (DAP, Vernehmung H. Stark, April 23, 1959, 4537–50). However, in a subsequent interrogation Stark corrected himself, stating that the date he had given previously was wrong. He was unaware of any gassings in autumn 1941, he now said, adding that the murders of Jewish men, women, and children he had described could only have occurred afterhe returned to Auschwitz in spring 1942 from a period of study leave (the Frankfurt court found that Stark had been on leave until March 15, 1942; DAP, 36765). Stark gained no advantage from changing these dates, as he still admitted his participation in the gassings. Most likely, therefore, he corrected what he regarded as a genuine mistake (DAP, Vernehmung H. Stark, July 24, 1959, 4578–79). During his later trial testimony in 1964, Stark reiterated that the first transports of Jews gassed in crematorium I as “unfit for work” had arrived in April–May 1942. He also admitted to his participation in the gassing of a group of 150 to 200 Polish and Jewish men and women in October 1941. However, these victims had not been selected as “unfit for work” as part of the Nazi Final Solution. Rather, Stark testified, they had been sentenced to death by court martial (DAP, Aussage H. Stark, January 16, 1964, 4813–26). This seems plausible, given the practice of mass executions in Auschwitz in late 1941 at the behest of Summary Courts.

  45. Browning, Origins, 421, though with different dating (see above).

  46. Schulte, “Vernichtungslager,” 65.

  47. Orth, “Höß”; Gerlach, “Eichmann”; Wojak, Memoiren.

  48. Quotes by Eichmann in his postwar talks with W. Sassen, in BArchK, All. Proz. 6/97, Bl. 24–25. See also ibid., Bl. 22–27; ibid., 6/106, Bl. 23; State of Israel, Trial, vol. 7, 371–72; Broszat, Kommandant, 199.

  49. Broszat, Kommandant, 191, 238. The former Auschwitz camp compound leader Aumeier testified that Eichmann (whom he wrongly called Hildebrand) appeared at the time when the first RSHA transports arrived; NAL, WO 208/4661, statement of H. Aumeier, July 25, 1945, p. 2.

  50. Quote by Eichmann in his postwar talks with W. Sassen, in BArchK, All. Proz. 6/99, Bl. 31.

  51. For the date of Pohl’s visit, see USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, folder 19, R. Höss, Bericht über Schlussbesprechung des Hauptamtschefs am 23.9.1942; NARA, RG 549, 000–50–11 Ravensbrück CC (Box 522), testimony of J. Langefeld, December 26 and 31, 1945.

  52. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 397–98; Longerich, Himmler, 582–83.

  53. Piper, Zahl, 183; Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 286–87, 290; Gottwaldt and Schulle, “Judendeportationen,” 393–94; Fulbrook, Small Town, 2, 31, 222–24.

  54. Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 170–73, quote on 172; DAP, Aussage F. Müller, January 5, 1964, 20489–20507, quote on 20494. See also Müller, Eyewitness, 30–39; Van Pelt, Case, 224–25; Piper, Mass Murder, 128–33; DAP, Vernehmung H. Stark, April 23, 1959, 4517–62; NAL, WO 208/4661, statement of H. Aumeier, July 25, 1945, p. 6.

  55. For the perspective of the SS, see Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 173; NAL, WO 208/4661, statement of H. Aumeier, July 25, 1945, pp. 6–7 (with erroneous dates).

  56. Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 212; Pressac, Krematorien, 49; Piper, Mass Murder, 134.

  57. For the May date, see Pressac, Krematorien, 49. This seems the most plausible dating, given the broader historical context. By contrast, many historians favor an earlier date, March 20, 1942, for the first gassing in bunker 1, relying on the work of Danuta Czech. However, the two sources used by Czech (Kalendarium, 186–87) do not support her conclusions, a concern also raised by Schulte (“Vernichtungslager,” 64, n. 121). The first of Czech’s sources, the so-called memoirs of Rudolf Höss, is notoriously unreliable as regards dates. The second source, the account by Pery Broad, actually contradicts Czech’s dating, as Broad only arrived in Auschwitz in April 1942 and initially served with the Guard Troop, which would not have allowed him to closely observe murders in the Birkenau bunkers. It was only from around June 1942, after Broad was transferred to the political department (which was closely involved with the gassings) that he could have watched the extermination process close-up (DAP, Vernehmung P. Broad, April 30, 1959, 3424–25). Gassings in crematorium I apparently stopped in autumn 1942 (Piper, Mass Murder, 133).

  58. Piper, Mass Murder, 131–32; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 64; Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 173; Müller, Eyewitness, 16–17; NAL, WO 208/4661, statement of H. Aumeier, July 25, 1945, p. 5. Structural faults eventually forced the SS to dismantle the old chimney in June 1942 and build a new one; Pressac, Krematorien, 49–50.

  59. Himmler quote in Friedländer, Jahre, 378. See also Dannecker, Vermerk, June 15, 1942, in Klarsfeld, Vichy, 379–80; Longerich, Himmler, 586–91; idem, Politik, 495–96; Cesarani, Eichmann, 139–40. For the continuing focus on forced labor, see NAL, HW 16/19, GPD Nr. 3, WVHA-D to Auschwitz, June 17, 1942.

  60. Broszat, Kommandant, 237; interrogation R. Höss, April 1, 1946, in Mendelsohn, Holocaust, vol. 12, 81.

  61. Höss quote in USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 20, folder 26, Vermerk, Besprechung mit Kammler, May 22, 1943.

  62. Kalthoff and Werner, Händler, 148–51. See also UN War Crimes Commission, Law Reports, 95. For the Zyklon B production by Degesch, and its distribution, see Hayes, Cooperation, 272–300.

  63. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 461–62.

  64. IfZ, F 13/7, Bl. 383–88: R. Höss, “Richard Glücks,” November 1946.

  65. State of Israel, Trial, vol. 7, 392; BArchK, All. Proz. 6/99, Bl. 31; ibid., 6/101, Bl. 36; YVA, M-5/162, D. Wisliceny, Betrifft: Adolf Eichmann, October 27, 1946.

  66. O. Pohl testimony, June 4, 1946, extract in NCA, supplement B, 1590.

  67. APMO, D-AUI-1/3a, Bl. 58: Führer vom Dienst, June 16–17, 1942; ibid., Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 114–20: O. Wolken, Kommentar, n.d. (c. spring 1945).

  68. An inspection of the crematorium by a high-ranking SS officer on June 17 or 18, 1942, is attested by Filip Müller (Kraus and Kulka, Todesfabrik, 131–32). Like Wolken (see previous note), Müller believed that the SS officer was Heinrich Himmler. But by the time Himmler visited Auschwitz in mid-July, Müller had already left the cremation commando in the main camp (DAP, Aussage F. Müller, October 5, 1964, 20507).

  69. For bunker 2, see Piper, Mass Murder, 134–36; Van Pelt, Case, 267; Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 213–14; Broszat, Kommandant, 242.

  70. Quote in NAL, HW 16/19, GPD Nr. 3, KL Auschwitz to Glücks, June 24, 1942. See also ibid., WVHA-D to KL Auschwitz, June 24, 1942; ibid., Liebehenschel to KL, June 18, 1942.

  71. Piper, Zahl, 183–97; Longerich, Politik, 521. In addition, it is likely that around 1,700 Jews were deported from Germany to Auschwitz in July 1942; Gottwaldt and Schulle, “Judendeportationen,” 395–96.

  72. Piper, Zahl, 191, 198, and table D; Gottwaldt and Schulle, “Judendeportationen,” 397–98; Longerich, Himmler, 710–12; Ahnert, Vermerk, September 1, 1942, in Klarsfeld, Vichy, 447–48; NAL, HW 16/21, GPD Nr. 3, WVHA to Auschwitz, August 22 and 24, 1942.

  73. Piper, Zahl, table D and 15; Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 295–302.

  74. For Westerbork, see Boas, Boulevard; Hillesum, Letters. For the Slovakian camps, from an SS perspective, see YVA, M-5/162, Verhör D. Wisliceny, May 7, 1946.

  75. For Drancy, see Wellers, L’Étoile.

  76. Quotes in Stuldreher, “Konzentrationslager,” 328; WL, P.III.h. No. 573, A. Lehmann, “Das Lager Vught,” n.d., 5. See also OdT, vol. 7, 133–50; Van Pelt, “Introduction.”

  77. For this and the previous paragraph, see WL, P.III.h. No. 573, A. Lehmann, “Das Lager Vught,” n.d., quote on 15; Deen, “Wenn,” quote on 21; Koker, Edge, 20, 104, 198, 256, 294, 340, 369, quote on 341; Stuldreher, “Herzogenbusch”; OdT, vol. 7, 133–50.

  78. Figures for ghettos in BArchB, NS 19/1570, Bl. 12–28: Inspekteur für Statistik, Endlösung der Judenfrage. These figures are not always accurate and should be used with some caution. For the Schmelt camps in Silesia and parts of the Sudetenland, see Rudorff, “Arbeit”; Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 138–53.

  79. Around two hundred thousand Jews were deported to Auschwitz during 1942; Piper, Zahl, table D. In early January 1943, 11,112 Jewish men and 1,540 Jewish women were still alive in Auschwitz; Schulte, “London,” 223.

  80. Berger, Experten, 177, 254–55.

  81. Pohl, “Holocaust,” 152–54.

  82. SMAB, Inmitten, 62, 70–71; Langfus, “Aussiedlung,” 80, 87 (n. 9), 104–105, 114, 117–120; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 204–207, 374, 380; Greif, Wir weinten, 56.

  83. Langfus, “Aussiedlung,” quotes on 121. See also Steinke, Züge, 58; Gigliotti, Train, 101–10; Greif, Wir weinten, 57. More generally on profiteering during the Holocaust in Poland, see Gross, Golden Harvest.

  84. Quotes in Langfus, “Aussiedlung,” 81, 114; Fulbrook, Small Town, 288; Bacharach, Dies, 99. See also Friedländer, Jahre, 549–50; Dörner, Die Deutschen, 324–25; Koker, Edge, 256–57; Hájková, “Prisoner Society,” 283–84.

  85. RSHA, Richtlinien zur Durchführung der Evakuierung von Juden, February 20, 1943, in Gottwaldt and Schulle, “Judendeportationen,” 373–79; NAL, HW 16/21, Höss to Eichmann, October 7, 1942.

  86. Quotes in Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 174; Van Pelt, Case, 240. See also DAP, Vernehmung H. Stark, April 23, 1959, 4540–41; Iwaszko, “Reasons,” 17; Citroen and Starzyńska, Auschwitz, 57–90.

  87. For this and the previous paragraph, see Langfus, “Aussiedlung,” 121–22, quotes on 122; Greif, Wir weinten, 57–58; Czech, Kalendarium, 352. More generally on the arrival of deportation trains, see Adler et al., Auschwitz, 59–62; Gradowski, “Tagebuch,” 156–57; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 145; Gigliotti, Train, 179, 185–90. SS men acted more brutally when they expected Jews to resist; Fulbrook, Small Town, 303–304.

  88. Czech (Kalendarium, 241) dates the first selection to July 4, 1942. Even after selections at the ramp became routine, some transports were taken to Birkenau transit compounds and selected there instead; Piper, Mass Murder, 109.

  89. Piper, Zahl, 183, 190, 193, 198; Czech, Kalendarium, 347–70; Broszat, Kommandant, 208.

  90. Quote in Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 188. During the first months, the responsibility for selections apparently fell to camp compound leaders. From around spring 1943, it lay with SS doctors; Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 101–104; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 174; DAP, Vernehmung H. Stark, April 23, 1959, 4540–41. However, some prisoners testified to the participation of doctors prior to spring 1943 (e.g., Greif, Wir weinten, 58). For labor action leaders, BArchB, Film 44840, Interrogation G. Maurer, March 13, 1947, p. 9.

  91. The SS had not encountered children, women, or old men during the selections among Soviet “commissars” in 1941.

  92. Quote in Van Pelt, Case, 238.

  93. Kubica, “Children,” 205, 217, 289; Buser, Überleben, 116–21; Pohl, Holocaust, 106–107; the figures exclude deportations from Theresienstadt (see chapters 7 and 9). I use the term “children” for all those under the age of eighteen.

  94. Strzelecka, “Women,” 171; IfZ, EE by F. Entress, April 14, 1947, ND: NO-2368; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 46–50, O. Wolken, “Frauen u. Kinderschicksale,” February 18, 1945.

  95. Lengyel, Chimneys, 27 (first published in 1947).

  96. Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 290; men could claim to be slightly older than forty.

  97. For example, see Wiesel, Nacht, 50–53 (first published in 1958).

  98. Langer, “Dilemma,” quote on 224. See also Shik, “Erfahrung,” 108.

  99. NAL, HW 16/21, Höss to Eichmann, October 7, 1942; Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 278.

100. Broszat, Kommandant, 205–206, quote on 205.

101. Broad, “Erinnerungen,” quote on 188; Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 102.

102. Broszat, Kommandant, 246; IfZ, F 13/8, Bl. 480–85: R. Höss, “Dr. Grawitz,” January 1947.

103. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 355–58: R. Höss, “Gerhard Maurer,” November 1946; Broszat, Kommandant, 246; testimony of R. Höss, April 2, 1946, in Mendelsohn, Holocaust, vol. 12, 109.

104. Broszat, Kommandant, 208, 246.

105. Piper, Mass Murder, 143.

106. Langfus, “Aussiedlung,” 123; Czech, Kalendarium, 352; Greif, Wir weinten, 58; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 5, Bl. 24–38: testimony of Dr. B. Epstein, April 7, 1945; Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 204; BoA, testimony of H. Frydman, August 7, 1946.

107. Quotes in Delbo, Auschwitz, 7 (in Delbo’s text, the last phrase precedes the first one); IfZ, F 13/8, Bl. 480–85: R. Höss, “Dr. Grawitz,” January 1947, Bl. 485. See also Friedler et al., Zeugen, 71; Piper, Mass Murder, 136–37.

108. Quotes in IfZ, G 20/2, testimony of J. P. Kremer, July 18, 1947; LSW, Bl. 44–66: Vernehmung S. Dragon, May 10, 11, and 17, 1946. See also Friedler et al., Zeugen, 73; Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 173. The two wooden barracks were completed after mid-August 1942.

109. Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 213–14; NAL, WO 208/4661, statement of H. Aumeier, July 25, 1945, p. 9.

110. For this and the previous paragraph, see LSW, Bl. 44–66: Vernehmung S. Dragon, May 10, 11, and 17, 1946, Bl. 45–46; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 92–98, 206; Greif, Wir weinten, 60–63; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 142; Schmid, “Moll,” 125–28; Czech, Kalendarium, 356. Earlier on December 9, 1942, the SS had murdered all prisoners of the old Special Squad, following a spate of escapes.

111. Greif, Wir weinten, 49–58; Czech, Kalendarium, 352; Piper, Zahl, 204.

112. Quotes in LSW, Bl. 44–66: Vernehmung S. Dragon, May 10, 11, and 17, 1946, Bl. 47, 51. For “dentists,” see also Friedler et al., Zeugen, 176.

113. Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 215–16; Van Pelt, Case, 255; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 88; “Bericht Tabeau,” 154.

114. Van Pelt, Case, 80, 214, 352, 465–66; Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 216–19, 223–24; Piper, Mass Murder, 164–73; Fröbe, “Kammler,” 310–11. Another reason why SS planners regarded the new crematoria complex as more effective was related to the chemical reaction of Zyklon B. During the long winter months, cyanide took longer to evaporate in the unheated bunkers 1 and 2. By contrast, the new crematoria IV and V could be preheated with the help of stoves, while the ovens above the gas chambers of crematoria II and III had a similar effect (I am grateful to Robert Jan van Pelt for clarifying this point).

115. For this and the previous paragraph, see Friedler et al., Zeugen, 88–92, quote on 91; Broszat, Kommandant, 243–44; Arad, Belzec, 170–71; NAL, WO 208/4661, statement of H. Aumeier, July 25, 1945, pp. 3–4; USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 43, folder 336, W. Dejaco, Dienstfahrt nach Litzmannstadt, September 17, 1942; Strzelecki, “Utilization,” 412–13; Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 166; Montague, Chelmno, 114–19. Between September 1942 and March–April 1943, smaller transports of Jews still went to Chelmno, before the camp was closed down, only to be briefly reopened in June–July 1944; OdT, vol. 8, 310–17.

116. Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 223, 232–36; Van Pelt, Case, 450–51. For Topf & Sons, see Knigge, Techniker; Schüle, Industrie.

117. Bischoff to WVHA, June 28, 1943, in Kogon et al., Massentötungen, 219; Van Pelt, Case, 342–50. In addition, 340 corpses could still be burned in the old crematorium I.

118. Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 181.

119. Broszat, Kommandant, quote on 199; USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 20, folder 26, Besuch des Hauptamtschefs in Auschwitz, August 17, 1943; deposition H. Tauber, May 24, 1945, in Piper, Mass Murder, appendix 3, 255.

120. P. Levi, “A Past We Thought Would Never Return,” Corriere della Sera, May 8, 1974, in Belpoliti, Levi, 31–34, p. 33.

121. Bauman, Modernity, 7–9.

122. Quotes in KL Auschwitz to WVHA, February 20, 1943, in Kogon et al., Massentötungen, 222; DAP, Vernehmung H. Stark, July 24, 1959, 4581–82; IfZ, G 20/1, Das Oberste Volkstribunal, Urteil, December 22, 1947, p. 108. See also Van Pelt, Case, 296; Kagan, “Standesamt,” 153; BArchL, B 162/7999, Bl. 768–937: StA Koblenz, EV, July 25, 1974, Bl. 895; ibid., B 162/7998, Bl. 623–44: Vernehmung J. Otto, April 1, 1970, Bl. 641; testimony of defendant Sommer, TWC, vol. 5, 677–78. The Birkenau SS apparently kept a separate record of corpses burned; deposition of H. Tauber, May 24, 1945, in Piper, Mass Murder, appendix 3, 262.

123. For one example, see Kotek and Rigoulot, Jahrhundert, 416.

124. Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 233–39. Faults and breakdowns forced the quick closure of crematorium IV.

125. For some thoughts on the mechanical nature of Nazi genocide, see Bauman, Modernity, 83–116.

126. DAP, Aussage R. Böck, August 3, 1964, 14149–50; Kogon et al., Massentötungen, 228; Kremer, “Tagebuch,” 222.

127. Deposition of H. Tauber, May 24, 1945, in Piper, Mass Murder, appendix 3, 251–57; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 164–65.

128. Quote in Langfus, “Aussiedlung,” 126.

129. On the historiography, see Marrus, “Jewish Resistance.”

130. Quotes in Bettelheim, “Foreword,” 7, 12. See also Wünschmann, “‘Scientification,’” 112 (n. 5).

131. For this and the previous paragraph, see Friedler et al., Zeugen, 150, 158, quote on 147; Greif, Wir weinten, xxxi–ii; Müller, Eyewitness, 75–80.

132. Quote in Greif, Wir weinten, 32.

133. Borowski, “This Way,” 89 (first published in 1946).

134. Quotes in Unbekannter Autor, “Einzelheiten” (1943–44), 180, 183.

135. Bettelheim, “Foreword,” 12.

136. YVA, 03/2874, protocol I. Gönczi, January 11, 1966; Longerich, Politik, 492–93.

137. Marszałek, Majdanek, 74–75; Schwindt, Majdanek, 103–11.

138. OdT, vol. 7, 42, 47; Schulte, “London,” 224; Glücks to Pohl, July 15, 1942, in Marszałek, Majdanek, 155.

139. For this and the previous paragraph, see Lenard, “Flucht,” quotes on 149, 150, 161. Lenard’s trail disappears after summer 1944. See also OdT, vol. 7, 56–59, 62; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 86–90; Marszałek, Majdanek, 97–99; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 128, 133; HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, p. 2, ND: NO-2366; YVA, 03/2874, protocol I. Gönczi, January 11, 1966; Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, quote on 187.

140. Quote in USHMM, RG-11.001M.76, reel 421, folder 157, WVHA-C/III, Dienstreise zur Zentralbauleitung Lublin, January 20, 1943. For mortality figures, see Kranz, “Erfassung,” 234, 241.

141. Marszałek, Majdanek, quote on 136–37; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 288–93; OdT, vol. 7, 51; YVA, Tr-10/1172, LG Düsseldorf, Urteil, June 30, 1981, 78.

142. Arad, Belzec, 56–58; White, “Majdanek”; Marszałek, Majdanek, 14–15; Berger, Experten, 82. In some cases, Jews were even selected in Sobibor and Treblinka for slave labor in Majdanek; ibid., 391.

143. Schwindt, Majdanek, 158–67, 289; Kranz, “Massentötungen,” 220–22; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 310–12. The first gassings probably took place some weeks before the completion of the killing complex.

144. OdT, vol. 8, 354–55; Arad, Belzec, 370–71. There were only sporadic killings of Jews in Belzec in 1943; Berger, Experten, 190.

145. Witte and Tyas, “Document,” 471–72; Kranz, “Erfassung,” 234.

146. Quotes in testimony of R. Awronska, in Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 101. See also Schwindt, Majdanek, 290; OdT, vol. 7, 54; Marszałek, Majdanek, 150; Longerich, Politik, 539; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 322–23; Kranz, “Massentötungen,” 219; idem, “Erfassung,” 243.

147. Quotes in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Florstedt, Hermann, 18.2.1895, Glücks to SS-Personalhauptamt, March 5, 1943; “Bericht Vrba” (1944), 282. See also Conway, “Augenzeugenberichte,” 269; OdT, vol. 7, 61–65. For most of its life, Majdanek held ten thousand prisoners or less; ibid., 50.

148. Arad estimates that around 135,000 of 1.7 million Jews murdered in the Globocnik death camps came from outside Poland and the Soviet Union; Arad, Belzec, 149, 379. See also Hayes, “Auschwitz,” 339; BArchK, All. Proz. 6/106, Bl. 24.

149. Quote in IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 359–68: R. Höss, “Globocnik,” January 1947. See also Black, “Globocnik,” 112; Berger, Experten, 85.

150. Berger, Experten, 252–53; Piper, Zahl, tables D and 15.

151. Arad, Belzec, 30, 69, 84, 153; Pohl, “Holocaust,” 153; Berger, Experten, 224–25; YVA, TR-10/1069, vol. 8, Bl. 78–88: Vernehmung Erich B., December 10, 1962; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 73; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO Pohl, Oswald, 30.6.1892, Pohl to Himmler, April 5, 1944; Schulte, “London,” 223.

152. Quote in YVA, O.3/4039, Bl. 1921–29: Vernehmung E. Rosenberg, February 11, 1961, Bl. 1921–22. See also Arad, Belzec, 23–88; Berger, Experten, 52, 78, 96, 110–11, 129, 144–46, 207, 210–13; Krakowski, Todeslager, passim.

153. Friedlander, Origins, 279–302; Berger, Experten, 190.

154. YVA, TR-10/1069, vol. 6, Bl. 74–76: Vernehmung Karl F., April 10, 1962, quotes on 74; Arad, Belzec, 105–13; Berger, Experten, 300–301.

155. Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 291–93; Berger, Experten, 180–81.

156. To fully exploit his labor camps, Globocnik set up the limited company Osti (Ostindustrie GmbH) in a joint venture with the WVHA; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 550–51.

157. See, for example, the involvement of the Gauleiter of Upper Austria, August Eigruber, in Mauthausen; YUL, MG 1832, Series II—Trials, 1945–2001, Box 10, folder 50, Affidavit A. Eigruber, February 19, 1946.

158. YVA, Globocnik to Himmler, January 5, 1944, p. 12, ND: 4024–PS.

159. Schwindt, Majdanek, 75–76; Kranz, “Konzentrationslager Majdanek,” 239–41; idem, “Massentötungen,” 220.

160. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Florstedt, Hermann, 18.2.1895, SS Personalhauptamt to SS Oberabschnitt Fulda-Werra, September 14, 1943; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 359–68: R. Höss, “Globocnik,” January 1947.

161. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 359–68: R. Höss, “Globocnik,” January 1947, quotes on 364, 367.

162. Affidavit of R. Höss, April 5, 1946, IMT, vol. 33, 275–79, ND: 3868–PS, quotes on 277; Broszat, Kommandant, 256–57.

163. Hilberg, Vernichtung, vol. 2, 955; Arad, Belzec, 100–104; Berger, Experten, 98.

164. Quote in IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 359–68: R. Höss, “Globocnik,” January 1947, Bl. 366.

165. For this view, see Orth, System, 199.

166. Quote in Himmler to Pohl et al., October 2, 1942, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 189–90 (another publication dates the letter to October 9, 1942; TWC, vol. 5, 616–17). See also Longerich, Himmler, 684–88; Pohl, “Holocaust,” 156–57, also used below.

167. Kárný, “Waffen-SS,” 246.

168. Paserman, “Bericht,” quotes on 151–52. See also OdT, vol. 8, 91–109; Finder, “Jewish Prisoner Labour”; Longerich, Himmler, 684–85; Snyder, Bloodlands, 286–92; Friedländer, Jahre, 550–53. Himmler had first ordered the establishment of a KL in Warsaw back in October 1942, to bring its ghetto workshops under SS control. This order was never implemented, however, and once Himmler decided to liquidate the ghetto, the function of the proposed camp changed.

169. IfZ, Himmler to Pohl et al., June 21, 1943, ND: NO-2403. More generally, see Snyder, Bloodlands, 189–94, 228; Dieckmann, Besatzungspolitik, vol. 1, 451; ibid., vol. 2, 1248–49.

170. Quote in USHMM, RG-11.001M.05, reel 75, 504–2–8, Einsatzgruppe A, Vermerk, October 1, 1941. See also ibid., Stahlecker to RSHA, August 21, 1941 and October 6, 1941; Angrick and Klein, “Endlösung,” 207–11.

171. OdT, vol. 8, 17–87; Angrick and Klein, “Endlösung,” 391–405, 420; IfZ, F 37/2, Himmler diary, entries for March 13, 14, and 16, 1943.

172. Quote in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Aumeier, Hans, 20.8.1906, Glücks, Personal-Antrag, August 22, 1944. See also OdT, vol. 8, 131–83.

173. Quote in unknown correspondent to M. Lubocka, August 27, 1943, in Harshav, Last Days, 660. See also Dieckmann, Besatzungspolitik, vol. 2, especially pages 1268–1321; idem, “Ghetto”; IfZ, Himmler to Pohl et al., June 21, 1943, ND: NO-2403; OdT, vol. 8, 185–208. Jürgen Matthäus suggests that Kovno was not subordinated to the WVHA (OdT, vol. 8, 200). This conclusion rests on a misunderstanding of the role of the regional SS economic officer (see below). The WVHA certainly regarded Kovno as one of its KL (e.g., BArchB, NS 4/Na 9, Bl. 9–11).

174. OdT, vol. 1, 223; ibid., vol. 8, 18, 106, 133, 200; Dieckmann, “Ghetto,” 454; idem, Besatzungspolitik, vol. 2, 1282, 1287–96; Megargee, Encyclopedia, I/B, 1230.

175. SS economic officers were attached to regional higher SS and police leaders, with whom they shared reports from local KL commandants; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 313–20; Allen, Business, 180–81; OdT, vol. 8, 132.

176. Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 305; Rudorff, “Arbeit,” 35–36; OdT, vol. 5, 186–91; OdT, vol. 6, 204.

177. Quote in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO Pohl, Oswald, 30.6.1892, Aktenvermerk, September 7, 1943. See also YVA, Globocnik to Himmler, January 5, 1944, ND: 4024–PS (here reference to Pohl order of October 22, 1943).

178. Schelvis, Sobibor, 145–72; Pohl, “Zwangsarbeiterlager,” 427–28; Berger, Experten, 254; Friedländer, Jahre, 588; Longerich, Himmler, 687.

179. For this and the previous paragraph, see Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 205, 302–308, 324–26, quote on 305; OdT, vol. 7, 52–53; Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 85, 98, 183.

180. OdT, vol. 7, 48–49; Kranz, “Massentötungen,” 226.

181. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 540–48, 551–52; Berger, Experten, 261–64; Goldhagen, Executioners, 300–311; YVA, Globocnik to Himmler, January 5, 1944, ND: 4024–PS.

182. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 559–61; Longerich, Himmler, 686; Pohl, “Zwangsarbeiterlager,” 429–31; Friedländer, Jahre, 614–15. Himmler was thwarted by the Warthegau Gauleiter Greiser in his efforts to turn the Lodz ghetto into a KL.

183. For this and the previous paragraph, see BArchL, B 162/1124, Bl. 2351–2418: Dr. A. Biberstein, “Das Lager Plaszow,” n.d., quotes on 2396, 2398; OdT, vol. 8, 239–87; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/B, 862–66.

184. Fröhlich, Tagebücher, II/4, June 2, 1942, 432. See also Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 572–73; APMO, Proces Maurer, 6, Bl. 52–56: EE by A. Kaindl, June 15, 1946, ND: NI-280; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 157–58; BStU, MfS HA IX/11 ZUV 4, Bd. 24, Bl. 190–96: Vernehmungsprotokoll H. Hempel, August 23, 1946; Wein, “Krankenrevier,” 51 (n. 27).

185. For the figures, see above and Schulte, “London.” For the nationality of Jewish prisoners, e.g., BArchB, NS 4/Bu 143, Rapport, October 17, 1942.

186. BArchL, B 162/7999, Bl. 768–937: StA Koblenz, EV, July 25, 1974, Bl. 894; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 573 (n. 155); Longerich, Himmler, 644.

187. Quote in HLSL, WVHA to LK, October 5, 1942, ND: 3677–PS. See also ITS, DE ITS 1.1.0.6, RSHA to Stapo(leit)stellen, November 5, 1942, ND: NO-2522. As these documents show, some SS and police leaders wrongly thought of Auschwitz as being located outside the German Reich.

188. Buggeln, System, 47–48.

189. Sprenger, Groβ-Rosen, 130.

190. Külow, “Häftlinge,” 197–98, quote on 197. See also Piper, Mass Murder, 105; Czech, Kalendarium, 325, 328–29; Kwiet, “Leben,” 238.

191. BArchB, NS 19/1570, Bl. 12–28: Inspekteur für Statistik, Endlösung der Judenfrage, Bl. 24. Of course, not all Jews inside the KL were identified by the German authorities (Kogon, Theory, 2006, 192), despite the use of prisoner informants (NAL, HW 16/11, Buchenwald to Auschwitz, October 19, 1942).

192. NAL, HW 16/21, GPD Nr. 3, Pister to WVHA, October 29, 1942.

193. WL, P.III.h. No. 228, Bericht E. Federn, n.d. Federn was liberated from Buchenwald in April 1945.

194. For this and the previous paragraph, see de Rudder, “Zwangsarbeit,” 206–19, quote on 212 (n. 36); Burger, Werkstatt, 89–198 (the source for the film The Counterfeiters, 2007); Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 475; Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, 38–39.

195. Quote in Bauer, Jews, 252.

196. OdT, vol. 7, quotes on 188. See also Wenck, Menschenhandel, 33–93.

197. For the POW camp, see Stiftung, Bergen-Belsen, 41–141.

198. OdT, vol. 1, 220–21; OdT, vol. 7, 188–93; WVHA to LK, June 29, 1943, in Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 208–209. See also Wenck, Menschenhandel, passim.

199. Quotes in WL, P.III.h. No. 555, F. Heilbut, “Bergen-Belsen,” n.d. (1945–49), p. 3; S. H. Herrmann, “Austauschlager Bergen-Belsen,” 1944, in Niedersächsische Landeszentrale, Bergen-Belsen, 53. See also Wenck, Menschenhandel, 58–70, 147–55, 180–81, 220–28; OdT, vol. 7, 190–97.

200. Wenck, Menschenhandel, 248–60; Niedersächsische Landeszentrale, Bergen-Belsen, 36–37; OdT, vol. 7, 191–96; Buser, Überleben, 267.

7. Anus Mundi

    1. Quotes in IfZ, G 20/2, Aussage J. P. Kremer, July 18, 1947; Kremer, “Tagebuch,” 213. See also Czech, Kalendarium, 295; DAP, Vernehmung J. P. Kremer, June 4, 1964, 9857. More generally, see Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 215–20; Vaisman, Auschwitz, 27–32 (written in 1945).

    2. Quote in Kremer letter, September 5, 1942, cited in Langbein, Menschen, 391. See also Kremer, “Tagebuch,” 209–29; Rawicz, “Dokument.”

    3. Kremer, “Tagebuch,” quotes on 212, 217. See also NAL, HW 16/66, “II. Concentration Camps,” November 27, 1942; Czech, Kalendarium, 209; Schwarz, Frau, 175–76.

    4. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 218–22, 484–85.

    5. Kremer, “Tagebuch,” quotes on 222, 214, 218. See also Czech, Kalendarium, 336; IfZ, G 20/1, Das Oberste Volkstribunal, Urteil, December 22, 1947, 135–36; Klee, Auschwitz, 407–408; Rawicz, “Document,” 13.

    6. For the loot, and its value, see Kremer, “Tagebuch,” 219–28. In 1943, a married SS Untersturmführer without children earned around 2,640 Reichsmark annually (after tax); Buggeln, Arbeit, 401.

    7. DAP, Vernehmung K. Morgen, March 9, 1964, 5560–61.

    8. StN, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, ND: PS-1469; Lasik, “Historical-Sociological,” 274; Schulte, “London,” 223 (using the Auschwitz figures for September 1 and October 1 to calculate the average for September 1942).

    9. NAL, HW 16/6, Part 2, Bl. 534–35: report on German police, September 26, 1942; Glücks to 1. Lagerärzte, December 28, 1942, in NMGB, Buchenwald, 257–58 (the figure of 12,832 includes 99 prisoners officially executed). The estimate of Jews murdered on arrival in August 1942 is largely based on Czech, Kalendarium, 263–92.

  10. Piper, Zahl, 164.

  11. Grotum, Archiv, quote on 297.

  12. Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 97–99.

  13. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946, quote on 350; ibid., F 13/8, Bl. 462–66: R. Höss, “Dr. Ing. Kammler,” n.d. (1946–47).

  14. StN, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, ND: PS-1469.

  15. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO Pohl, Oswald, 30.6.1892, Pohl to Himmler, April 5, 1944. See also IfZ, G 20/1, Das Oberste Volkstribunal, Urteil, December 22, 1947, 104–105; BArchB, NS 4/Na 9, Bl. 8.

  16. APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 129–312: Vernehmung O. Wolken, April 17–20, 1945, Bl. 202; YVA, 033/989, anonymous testimony (by W. Simoni), n.d. (1947), pp. 2, 7. There were some brick barracks in Birkenau, too; Iwaszko, “Housing,” 54.

  17. For this and the previous two paragraphs, see BoA, interview N. Epstein-Kozlowski, August 31, 1946; Boder, Interview; Rosen, Wonder; Matthäus, “Displacing Memory”; Czech, Kalendarium, 531.

  18. For example, see Naasner, Machtzentren, 15–17.

  19. For the debate about ideology versus economics, see Wagner, “Work.” For reservations about the universal applicability of the concept of “annihilation through labor,” see Browning, Remembering, 153.

  20. Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 94; OdT, vol. 7, 63.

  21. Strzelecka, “Women,” 193.

  22. For this and the previous paragraph, see Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 62–107, 162, 180–81, 286, 331–33; Schmaltz, “IG Farbenindustrie.” Quotes in Levi, If, 78. Schmaltz argues that general plans for the establishment of KL Monowitz were probably already made in late 1941 or early 1942; even if this is correct, the final decision was not reached until summer 1942.

  23. Quotes in WL, P.III.h. No. 198, F. Pagel, “Eines der Vielen Tausende[n] von Schicksalen,” autumn 1955, p. 9; Levi, If, 78, 143. See also ibid., 142–47; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 141–63.

  24. Quotes in Kautsky, Teufel, 254; Levi, If, 43; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 5, Bl. 24–38: testimony Dr. B. Epstein, April 7, 1945 (translation from Polish by K. Friedla). See also Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 97–100, 125–33, 165, 280–81.

  25. LG Osnabrück, Urteil, February 10, 1953, JNV, vol. 10, 347–91, quote on 357.

  26. LG Frankfurt, Urteil, June 14, 1968, JNV, vol. 29, 421–523, quote on 514.

  27. Setkiewicz, “Häftlingsarbeit,” 584–605, quotes on 599.

  28. APMO, Proces Maurer, 7, Bl. 56–64: Auszüge aus IGF Auschwitz-Wochenberichten, ND: NI-15256, quote on 63 (February 10, 1943); Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 125–33, quote on 129; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 166–67, 173–92, 217–18, 289.

  29. DAP, Aussage S. Baretzki, November 20, 1964, 25627–35, quote on 25634.

  30. APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 2a, Bl. 20–21: Untersturmführer Kinna, Bericht zu dem Transport nach Auschwitz, December 16, 1942.

  31. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 46, 94; Kaienburg, “Funktionswandel,” 265.

  32. APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 2a, Bl. 20–21: Untersturmführer Kinna, Bericht zu dem Transport nach Auschwitz, December 16, 1942.

  33. Historians and survivors of Auschwitz generally date the shift in SS policy to spring or summer 1943 (e.g., Piper, Mass Murder, 103; Strzelecka, “Hospitals,” 322; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 129–312: Vernehmung O. Wolken, April 17–20, 1945, Bl. 203), though it may in fact have occurred in late 1942 (see previous note). For Majdanek, see OdT, vol. 7, 55.

  34. Interview with L. Lady, September 19, 1947, in Tych et al., Kinder, 182.

  35. Glücks to LK, July 28, 1942, cited in Greiser, “‘Sie starben,’” 106. See also Strzelecka, “Quarantine.”

  36. For one example, see APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 38–45: O. Wolken, “Lager-Bilder,” n.d. (c. spring 1945), Bl. 43.

  37. Quote in BArchL, B 162/2985, Bl. 2029–31: Vernehmung Sarah A., October 3, 1973. See also ibid., Nr. 26150, Bl. 541–657: LG Düsseldorf, Urteil, August 14, 1985, Bl. 579–80; OdT, vol. 8, 48; Piper, Mass Murder, 110–12.

  38. Testimony of D. Medryk, in Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 162–67; Langbein, Menschen, 409.

  39. YVA, 033/8, “Was is forgekom in di lagern fon estonia,” December 1944; Klüger, weiter, 118.

  40. Quote in USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 20, folder 26, Besprechung mit Amtsgruppenchef Kammler, May 22, 1943.

  41. NAL, WO 208/4661, statement of H. Aumeier, July 25, 1945, p. 5.

  42. Strzelecka, “Hospitals,” 311–12; “Bericht Tabeau,” 132–36.

  43. Vaisman, Auschwitz, 21.

  44. Hördler, “Ordnung,” 142.

  45. BArchL, B 162/26150, Bl. 541–657: LG Düsseldorf, Urteil, August 14, 1985, Bl. 596–606. The infirmary for men could hold around sixty prisoners; ibid., 591.

  46. Ibid., 594–95, 612–17, quote on 617. See also ibid., Nr. 26148, Bl. 174–82: Vernehmung Ewald A., February 12, 1980, Bl. 181; ibid., Bl. 148–54: Aussage Jindrich S., November 6, 1979, and April 18, 1980; OdT, vol. 8, 28, 41.

  47. Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 210.

  48. WL, P.III.h. No. 158, R. Lasker-Allais, “Auschwitz,” n.d. (before November 1955), p. 7.

  49. Langbein, Menschen, 90, citing Jean Améry’s work.

  50. Levi, “Grey Zone,” 37.

  51. NARA, M-1174, roll 3, Bl. 1441–65: examination E. Mahl, December 6, 1945, quote on 1447.

  52. For this and the previous paragraph, see Piper, Mass Murder, 180–90, 251; Kilian, “‘Handlungsräume’”; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 121, 136–38, 198–200, 372; Nyiszli, Auschwitz, 44; SMAB, Inmitten, 264; ITS, document ID 5618957.

  53. C. Herman to his wife and daughter, November 6, 1944, in SMAB, Inmitten, 262. See also Friedler et al., Zeugen, 377.

  54. Friedler et al., Zeugen, 134–35; Greif, Wir weinten, 190–93; Piper, Mass Murder, 190.

  55. Nyiszli, Auschwitz, 43–44; Kilian, “‘Handlungsräume,’” 127; Piper, Mass Murder, 190–92.

  56. Levi, “Grey Zone,” 38. See also Greif, “Sanity,” 50–53; Nyiszli, Auschwitz, 60.

  57. Friedler et al., Zeugen, 136; Vaisman, Auschwitz, 42.

  58. Quotes in “Bericht Vrba,” 229. See also Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 246; Levi and de Benedetti, Auschwitz Report, 73.

  59. Quote in Unbekannter Autor, “Einzelheiten,” 182.

  60. Müller, Eyewitness, 47–48; Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 215.

  61. Kilian, “‘Handlungsräume,’” 121; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 7; Greif, Wir weinten, xli. Recent research by historians like Greif and Kilian has done much to change undifferentiated judgments about the Special Squad.

  62. Greif, “Sanity,” 38–41, quote on 41; Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” quote on 211.

  63. Deposition of H. Tauber, May 24, 1945, in Piper, Mass Murder, appendix 3, pp. 250, 258; Nyiszli, Auschwitz, 84.

  64. Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 212.

  65. Quote in Langer, “Dilemma,” 224.

  66. Levi, “Grey Zone,” quote on 37; Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 209, 213, 224; Nyiszli, Auschwitz, 61, 134.

  67. Quote in Unbekannter Autor, “Notizen,” 185. The State Museum in Oświęcim honored the wishes of the unknown prisoner by using his title for its edition of writings by Special Squad prisoners discovered on the grounds of the camp; SMAB, Inmitten.

  68. OdT, vol. 7, 48–49. The number of female prisoners was also exceptionally high in the two camps for Jews in western Europe, Herzogenbusch and Bergen-Belsen.

  69. Czech, Kalendarium, 691; Strzelecka, “Women,” 180–81.

  70. StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, ND: PS-1469.

  71. Piper, Zahl, 158–62.

  72. StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, ND: PS-1469; Kranz, “Erfassung,” 240. The passage above is based on Majdanek and Auschwitz. There are, as yet, no detailed statistics from the KL for Jews set up in eastern Europe in 1943–44.

  73. BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 94: Runderlass, Chef Sipo und SD, May 6, 1943; Wachsmann, Prisons, 93.

  74. NAL, WO 208/4200, CSDIC, SR Report, statement Obergefreiter Till, September 25, 1944; Lengyel, Chimneys, 112.

  75. Quote in NAL, WO 309/1699, deposition of J. Schwarzhuber, January 23, 1946. See also APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 129–312: Vernehmung O. Wolken, April 17–20, 1945, Bl. 254; ibid., Oswiadczenia, vol. 124, Bl. 152–66: testimony of M. Schvalbova, June 8, 1988; Kubica, “Children,” 240, 267–73; OdT, vol. 8, 139; WL, P.III.h. No. 1007, E. Wuerth-Tscherne to Zentralstelle der baltischen Flüchtlinge, April 5, 1949.

  76. Lengyel, Chimneys, 111.

  77. Kielar, Anus Mundi, 122.

  78. Shik, “Mother-Daughter,” 117.

  79. WL, P.III.b. No. 1164, N. Rosenberg, “Zwangsarbeiter fuer Siemens-Schuckert,” January 1960, 2; “Bericht Vrba,” 285; Lévy-Hass, Vielleicht, 10–11; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 194–95.

  80. WL, P.III.h. No. 782, E. Zwart, “Incidents in Birkenau,” n.d. (before February 1958), pp. 8–9; ibid., No. 271, interview with L. Reig, June 2, 1956, p. 3 (my thanks to Jeff Porter for the translation); APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 51–62: O. Wolken, “Chronik des Lagers Auschwitz II,” n.d. (c. spring 1945), Bl. 60; Delbo, Auschwitz, 117.

  81. OdT, vol. 8, 159–61, 260; WL, P.III.h. No. 1007, E. Wuerth-Tscherne to Zentralstelle der baltischen Flüchtlinge, April 5, 1949; Rolnikaite, Tagebuch, 189.

  82. For example, see Kielar, Anus Mundi, 127.

  83. Quote in P. Levi, “Films and Swastikas,” La Stampa, February 12, 1977, in Belpoliti, Levi, 37–38. See also Kootz, “Nachwort,” 193–94; Mailänder Koslov, “Meshes.”

  84. Frankl, Ja, 67; Cohen, Human, 73–74; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 196–98.

  85. YVA, 033/989, anonymous testimony (by W. Simoni), n.d. (1947), p. 8. See also Bass, “Love,” 344.

  86. Rózsa, “‘Solange,’” quote on 187. On menstruation, see Amesberger et al., Gewalt, 85–88; Flaschka, “‘Pretty,’” 81.

  87. Shik, “Erfahrung,” 110–13; Hughes, “Forced Prostitution,” 249; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 198–201.

  88. Langbein, Menschen, 452; Hájková, “Barter,” 516.

  89. Semprun and Wiesel, Schweigen, 35. For a discussion of the thesis that the Holocaust was unique, see Stone, “Historiography.”

  90. Gradowski, “Tagebuch,” quotes on 162, 166. Gradowski may have arrived on December 8, 1942; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 376.

  91. Quote in Cohen, Abyss, 84.

  92. YVA, 03/5787, interview with M. Zelikovitz, 1985, quotes on 4 (translation from Hebrew by Kim Wünschmann).

  93. Cited in Unger, “Encounter,” 280.

  94. OdT, vol. 7, 46; Grotum, Archiv, 255–57; Kubica, “Children,” 206.

  95. Interview with J. Erner, n.d. (1945–46), in Tych et al., Kinder, 106; Interview with Z. Minc, April 28, 1947, ibid., 200; Rolnikaite, Tagebuch, 189–93; Buser, Überleben, 158–79; Kubica, “Children,” 246–47.

  96. Kubica, “Children,” 249–50; Lenard, “Flucht,” 164.

  97. LG Ulm, Urteil, September 8, 1969, JNV, vol. 33, 209. See also OdT, vol. 8, 170–73.

  98. Quote in APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 38–45: O. Wolken, “Lager-Bilder,” n.d. (spring 1945), Bl. 43.

  99. Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 87, 127, 153, 167, 197, Mitron quote on 125; OdT, vol. 7, 55–56.

100. Shik, “Mother-Daughter,” 124.

101. Stargardt, Witnesses, 216–17, 378; Heberer, Children, 300.

102. J. Avram testimony, 1955, in Heberer, Children, 177–80, quote on 179. For “camp mothers,” see Amesberger et al., Gewalt, 251–52. It is not clear if the term “camp fathers” was used at the time, though it seems likely. Otto Wolken, for example, referred to an Italian boy he saved (see chapter 10) as “my son in the camp”; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 129–312: Vernehmung O. Wolken, April 17–20, 1945, Bl. 260.

103. Shik, “Mother-Daughter,” 112–21.

104. Buser, Überleben, 133, 215–16.

105. BArchL, B 162/5109, Bl. 1885–90: letter Molly I., October 27, 1964, quote on 1889. Molly I. joined her daughter on the deportation train to Auschwitz and survived the camps, liberated in Bergen-Belsen in April 1945. More generally, see OdT, vol. 8, 138–39, 152–55.

106. OdT, vol. 1, 20–21.

107. For this and the previous paragraph, see Kárný, “Familienlager”; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 84–85, 96–97; Kubica, “Children,” 240; “Bericht Vrba,” 252.

108. Keren, “Family Camp”; Stargardt, Witnesses, 215–16; Kárný, “Familienlager,” 134, 172–73, 194–97, 204; Kubica, “Children,” 230, 289; Vrba, Forgive, 190–92; Heberer, Children, 168, 312.

109. Steiner and Steiner, “Zwillinge,” quote on 127; Kárný, “Familienlager,” 214–23; Czech, Kalendarium, 731, 734–37.

110. Buggeln, Arbeit, 262, 550.

111. DAP, Aussage S. Baretzki, February 18, 1965, 29242–43; Buser, Überleben, 150, 188; Stargardt, Witnesses, 216.

112. USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, folder 19 (labelled 17 on microfilm), Besichtigung durch SS Obergruppenführer Pohl am 23.9.1942.

113. BArchB, NS 19/14, Bl. 131–33: Pohl to Himmler, September 16, 1942; Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 292; Schulte, “London,” 223.

114. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 557–58.

115. USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, folder 19, R. Höss, Besprechungen im “Haus der Waffen-SS,” September 24, 1942.

116. Ibid., Besichtigung durch SS Obergruppenführer Pohl am 23.9.1942; Kremer, “Tagebuch,” 217.

117. Quotes in USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, folder 19, R. Höss, Bericht über Schlussbesprechung des Hauptamtschefs am 23.9.1942. See also Friedler et al., Zeugen, 89. Though the visit to bunker 2 was on Pohl’s agenda, it is not clear whether it took place; there is no mention in Höss’s summary of the places Pohl saw; USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, folder 19, Besichtigung durch SS Obergruppenführer Pohl am 23.9.1942.

118. Ibid. In the end, the brothel was not opened until 1944; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 45.

119. Broszat, Kommandant, 145.

120. IfZ, F 13/8, Bl. 486–87: R. Höss, “Dr. Lolling,” November 1946; ibid., Bl. 467: R. Höss, “Karl Bischoff,” n.d. (1946–47); ibid., F 13/7, Bl. 393–96: R. Höss, “Hartjenstein,” November 1946; Broszat, Kommandant, 137 (note 2), 138 (note 1).

121. USHMM, 1998.A.0247, reel 15, Bl. 184–93: statement H. Aumeier, December 15, 1947; Dicks, Licensed, 122.

122. IfZ, KL Auschwitz to WVHA, March 25, 1942, ND: NO-2146; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO Pohl, Oswald, 30.6.1892, Pohl to Himmler, April 5, 1944.

123. Pohl to LK et al., April 30, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, 365–67, ND: 129–R; Perz, “Wehrmacht,” 69.

124. Quote in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Koch, Karl, 2.8.1897, Glücks to Pohl, August 28, 1942.

125. BArchL, B 162/5222, Bl. 28–39: Vernehmung Hans K., May 22, 1962. See also Lasik, “SS Garrison,” 329.

126. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 195–201, 224–29.

127. Tuchel, “Wachmannschaften,” 140–41; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 369–82: R. Höss, “Theodor Eicke,” November 1946, Bl. 382.

128. Leleu, Waffen-SS, 54–87, 169–89, 1090. For brief overviews, see Heinemann, “Rasse,” 341–49, 539–42; Longerich, Himmler, 621–22, 693–701.

129. Tuchel, “Wachmannschaften,” 142–43; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 130–31.

130. Some also came from western Europe, from countries such as Holland, France, and Denmark; OdT, vol. 7, 137; Buggeln, Arbeit, 457–60.

131. Tuchel, “Wachmannschaften,” 144; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 163–64.

132. Hördler, “Wehrmacht,” 13; idem, “Ordnung,” 168–69; Golczewski, “Kollaboration,” 179–80; Arad, Belzec, 19–22; Pohl, “Trawniki-Männer”; Black, “Foot Soldiers.” One of the transferred Trawniki men was Ivan Demjanjuk, a former Sobibor guard, who arrived in Flossenbürg in autumn 1943. After several decades of investigations, trials, and appeals, Demjanjuk was sentenced to five years’ imprisonment by a Munich court in 2011, one year before his death; Volk, Urteil; Benz, “John Demjanjuk.”

133. Stiller, “Zwangsgermanisierung,” 118.

134. For example, see BArchB, R 187/598, KL Buchenwald, KB 5/43, May 12, 1943.

135. Quote in BArchB, NS 4/Au 1, Meldung an die Lagerführung Birkenau, July 13, 1944. On dismissals, and on the further fate of SS Private Marschall (who was sent back to sentry duty as a disciplinary measure), see Hördler, “Ordnung,” 178–79. For SS appeals to comradeship, see Tuchel, “Wachmannschaften,” 148.

136. Leleu, Waffen-SS, 271–77.

137. Buggeln, Arbeit, 424; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 269; Stiller, “Zwangsgermanisierung,” 121; Golczewski, “Kollaboration,” 180; Riedle, Angehörigen, 84–85.

138. BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 101: WVHA to LK, 10 July 1943; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 359–68: R. Höss, “Globocnik,” January 1947, Bl. 364–65.

139. For example, see Langbein, Menschen, 438–39.

140. Buggeln, Arbeit, 427–28.

141. WL, P.III.h. No. 228, Bericht E. Federn, n.d.; ibid., No. 418, E. Clemm, Erfahrungsbericht über Auschwitz, November 27, 1945.

142. For example, see Langbein, Menschen, 469–70.

143. Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 211–12; BArchL, B 162/7999, Bl. 924: KL Gross-Rosen to WVHA-D, June 16, 1944; ibid., Bl. 925: KL Gross-Rosen to WVHA-D, August 26, 1944.

144. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 20–21, 124–25, 259–66, 273, 280–81, 486–87.

145. From early 1944, Pohl prevented commandants from punishing female guards with detention; StN, WVHA to LK, January 17, 1944, ND: NO-1549.

146. Broszat, Kommandant, 177.

147. NARA, RG 549, 000–50–11 Ravensbrück CC (Box 522), testimony of J. Langefeld, December 26 and 31, 1945; Broszat, Kommandant, 177–78; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 70–71; Heike, “Langefeld,” 13–14; Hördler, “SS-Kaderschmiede,” 119. More generally, see Schwartz, “Eigensinn.”

148. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 210–11, 240, 282–86. See also Tillion, Ravensbrück, 147; Schwarz, Frau, 170–76; Mühlenberg, SS-Helferinnenkorps, 322–25, 418–20.

149. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 439. See also ibid., 435–39; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 142; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 348–49.

150. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 218, 411–24, 441–50, 487–88.

151. For example, see YVA, Tr-10/1172, LG Düsseldorf, Urteil, June 30, 1981, pp. 238–39.

152. BArchL, B 162/5109, Bl. 1859–69: Protokoll Efim K., September 19, 1962; ibid., Bl. 1853–58: Protokoll Zelik G., November 5, 1962.

153. Quotes in BArchL, B 162/5109, Bl. 1854: Protokoll Zelik G., November 5, 1962; ibid., Nr. 5120, Bl. 2423: Vernehmungsniederschrift Sima S., October 14, 1965. See also ibid., Nr. 5117, Bl. 1670–75: Protokoll Zusman S., September 9, 1962; OdT, vol. 8, 133, 139, 172. Pannicke could not be traced after the war and was never prosecuted; ibid., 143.

154. Mühlhäuser, Eroberungen. See also Berger, Experten, 344–46; Sémelin, Säubern, 315–19; Weitz, Century, 227–33; Gourevitch, We Wish, 115.

155. Shik, “Sexual Abuse”; Amesberger et al., Gewalt, 142–46; Langbein, Menschen, 457–58. The suggestion that KL guards could rape with impunity (e.g., Hedgepeth and Saidel, “Introduction,” 9, n. 6) is incorrect. For the official SS ban on sexual relations with prisoners, see KB Nr. 5/43, February 18, 1943, in Frei et al.,Kommandanturbefehle, 224. There has been plenty of speculation about an illicit relationship between Rudolf Höss and a female Auschwitz prisoner, but the evidence is patchy; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 205, 414 (n. 123).

156. Quote in Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 202.

157. DAP, Aussage R. Böck, August 3, 1964, 14194.

158. Langbein, Menschen, 421.

159. For example, see Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 151, 181.

160. Schmid, “Moll.”

161. Broszat, Kommandant, 197.

162. Quote in Kohlhagen, Bock, 87 (written in 1945). See also Langbein, Menschen, 474, 480–81; Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 168–69; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 292–93.

163. Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 96; Lasik, “Garrison,” 337. Such offers by superiors were not unprecedented during the Holocaust; Browning, Männer, 22, 105.

164. IfZ, F 13/8, Bl. 488–91: R. Höss, “Dr. Eduard Wirths,” November 1946; Lifton and Hackett, “Doctors,” 310–11; Lifton, Doctors, 384–414; Langbein, Menschen, 411–32; Beischl, Wirths, 93–113, 217–225, 229.

165. For parallels with German soldiers during the Nazi war of extermination, see Werner, “‘Hart.’”

166. Broszat, Kommandant, 197–201, quote on 198; Stangneth, Eichmann, quote on 359; Langbein, Menschen, 331, 363–64.

167. Langbein, Menschen, 473–74, 476–78.

168. For example, see Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 338–39.

169. Quotes in Kremer, “Tagebuch,” 213–14. See also Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 166, 176; Berger, Experten, 119, 197, 332–33.

170. Interrogation A. Hradil, August 13, 1963, in Friedler et al., Zeugen, 70.

171. BArchL, B 162/1124, Bl. 2288–2316: Volksgerichtshof Krakow, Urteil, September 5, 1946; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Göth, Amon, 11.12.1908.

172. Orth, SS, 202, 300.

173. The compound leaders were Karl Fritzsch, Hans Aumeier, Franz Johann Hofmann, and Franz Hössler; Lasik, “Organizational,” 154–55, 199–201. For Hofmann, see LG Hechingen, Urteil, March 18, 1966, JNV, vol. 23, 372.

174. BArchL, B 162/2985, Bl. 2032–34: Vernehmung Calelzon B., September 7, 1973. See also OdT, vol. 8, 65, 73, 83; Riedle, Angehörigen, 193–94.

175. LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 420; LG Cologne, Urteil, May 28, 1965, ibid., vol. 21, 87, 95; LG Munich, Urteil, December 22, 1969, ibid., vol. 33, 313; LG Ansbach, Urteil, April 11, 1961, ibid., vol. 17, 154.

176. Most prisoners in the protective custody compound moved on after a few months, either released or transferred to a harsher camp inside the German prewar borders. See OdT, vol. 7, 133–50; Stuldreher, “Konzentrationslager.”

177. Riedle, Angehörigen, 193; WL, P.III.h. No. 573, A. Lehmann, “Das Lager Vught,” n.d., pp. 6, 30.

178. Stuldreher, “Herzogenbusch,” quote on 327; LG Munich, Urteil, December 22, 1969, JNV, vol. 33, 313.

179. Orth, “Lagergesellschaft,” 127–28. His successor as commandant, Adam Grünewald, also lost his job, after ten female prisoners suffocated in a cell in January 1944. Despite a cover-up, their deaths became known locally, causing Rauter to step in once more. In March 1944, Grünewald was sentenced to forty-two months in prison by the SS and Police Court in Den Haag (The Hague); BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Grünewald, Adam, 20.10.1902, Feldurteil, March 6, 1944.

180. Testimony of Zakis, in Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 96–98, quote on 98.

181. Mallmann and Paul, “Sozialisation,” 15; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 236–37.

182. Todorov, Facing, 158–61; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 128.

183. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 89.

184. Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 178.

185. For example, see Welzer, Täter, 215–16.

186. Orth, “Höβ,” 55; Broszat, Kommandant, 43–45.

187. DAP, Aussage S. Baretzki, October 1, 1964, 19661–68.

188. USHMM, 1998.A.0247, reel 15, Bl. 184–93: statement H. Aumeier, December 15, 1947, Bl. 189. See also Broszat, Kommandant, 197; Himmler speech to generals, May 5, 1944, in Noakes and Pridham, Nazism, vol. 3, 618.

189. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 206–24, 229–35, 252–53, 333, 414.

190. Kagan, “Standesamt,” 148. See also DAP, 44709; NAL, HW 16/66, “II. Concentration Camps,” November 27, 1942.

191. NAL, WO 208/4661, statement H. Aumeier, July 25, 1945, p. 5.

192. For example, see Welzer, Täter, 202–203.

193. Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 327, 484, 489.

194. Kremer, “Tagebuch,” 211–29.

195. Quote in WL, P.III.h. No. 418, E. Clemm, Erfahrungsbericht über Auschwitz, November 27, 1945, p. 3.

196. Schwarz, Frau, 128–30; Lifton, Doctors, 309–11; Langbein, Menschen, 405–406. Delmotte apparently shot himself in 1945 as he was about to be taken into Allied custody.

197. Broszat, Kommandant, 9, 174–75, 202, quotes on 201; BArchK, All. Proz. 6/97, Bl. 25; Langbein, Menschen, 351; testimony S. Dubiel, August 7, 1946, in Bezwińska and Czech, KL Auschwitz, 288–91. For Höss’s life in Auschwitz, see also Setkiewicz, Życie, 103–16.

198. KB Nr. 16/42, September 3, 1942, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 169; Rundschreiben, February 10, 1943, ibid., 220; Rundschreiben, April 19, 1943, ibid., 248; StB Nr. 11/44, April 4, 1944, ibid., 432; StB Nr. 19/44, July 14, 1944, ibid., 470; StB Nr. 30/44, December 11, 1944, ibid., 520. See also Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 188–89; Czech, Kalendarium, 296; Merziger, Satire, 148–49, 342–44; Bahro, SS-Sport. In 1944, the actor Johannes Riemann toured both Stutthof and Auschwitz (Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 426; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 186).

199. WL, P.III.h. No. 782, E. Zwart, “Incidents in Birkenau,” n.d. (before February 1958), pp. 5–6. See also Langbein, Menschen, 435–37; WL, P.III.h. No. 1174a, LG Frankfurt, Vernehmung R. Kagan, December 8–10, 1959, p. 7; Fackler, “‘Lagers Stimme,’” 484–89; Gilbert, Music, 175–90. Memoirs of prisoners from the Birkenau orchestra include Fénelon, Musicians; Lasker-Wallfisch, Inherit; Menasche, Birkenau.

200. KB Nr. 5/41, April 18, 1941, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 31; StB Nr. 7/44, February 14, 1944, ibid., 406; Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 189; Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 150–51, 163–64.

201. There were also brothels for Ukrainian guards at some KL deeper inside the Reich (these guards were banned from municipal German brothels); some women abused here were KL prisoners. See Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 44–47, 95–97, 440 (n. 5); Vossler, Propaganda, 351.

202. Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 183–84, 205–40, 242–45. See also Dwork and Van Pelt, Auschwitz, passim; Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 163; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 73; KB Nr. 5/41, April 18, 1941, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 31.

203. Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 184–86; Schwarz, Frau, 115–19, 150, 158–60. See also StB Nr. 9/43, April 10, 1943, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 242; StB Nr. 12/43, April 15, 1943, ibid., 245–46; StB Nr. 33/43, August 21, 1943, ibid., 328–29.

204. Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 154–55, 165–66; Schwarz, Frau, 118–19; Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 185–86; Langbein, Menschen, 511; KB Nr. 10/41, May 28, 1941, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 43. Women in the service of the Camp SS were mostly unmarried.

205. Lifton, Doctors, 395–99, quote on 398; Schwarz, Frau, 102, 168–69.

206. BArchB, NS 3/391, Bl. 4–22: Aufgabengebiete in einem KL, n.d. (1942), Bl. 7; KB Nr. 8/42, April 29, 1942, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 130.

207. Schwarz, Frau, 141–42.

208. For example, see Van Pelt, Case, 238; BArchB, NS 4/Sa 2, Bl. 10–12: KL Sachsenhausen, Tatbericht, June 18, 1942.

209. Testimony S. Dubiel, August 7, 1946, in Bezwińska and Czech, KL Auschwitz, quote on 290; Langbein, Menschen, 353.

210. StB Nr. 7/43, March 30, 1943, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 239; StB Nr. 9/44, March 8, 1944, ibid., 420; StB Nr. 30/44, December 11, 1944, ibid., 519–20.

211. Affidavit R. Höss, April 5, 1946, IMT, vol. 33, 275–79, ND: 3868–PS, p. 278; Schwarz, Frau, 151.

212. For example, see KB Nr. 25/43, June 11, 1943, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 292.

213. StB Nr. 25/43, July 12, 1943, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 306. See also Langbein, Menschen, 516; Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 166–68; Schwarz, Frau, 124; DAP, Vernehmung E. Bednarek, November 29, 1960, 3130.

214. Schwarz, Frau, 103, 146–47, 151–52, 279–80.

215. Quote in Segev, Soldiers, 195.

216. Testimony S. Dubiel, August 7, 1946, in Bezwińska and Czech, KL Auschwitz, 288–91; Schwarz, Frau, 142; Langbein, Menschen, 352; Strzelecki, “Plundering,” 168.

217. Longerich, Himmler. More generally on Nazism and morality, see Welzer, Täter, 18–75; Koonz, Conscience; Weikart, Ethic.

218. See contribution by Dan Diner in Frei and Kantsteiner, Holocaust, 103–104.

219. Rede bei der SS Gruppenführertagung in Posen, October 4, 1943, IMT, vol. 29, ND: 1919–PS, quotes on 145–46; IfZ, F 37/5, Himmler diary, October 4, 1943. More generally, see Orth, “‘Anständigkeit.’”

220. Rede bei der SS Gruppenführertagung in Posen, October 4, 1943, IMT, vol. 29, ND: 1919–PS, quotes on 146. An audio recording of the speech is archived at NARA.

221. Bajohr, Parvenüs, 96–97, 162–63, quote on 162; Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 296; Scheffler, “Praxis,” 232–34; BArchB, NS 19/1916, Bl. 124–31: Kriminalstatistik für das 1. Vierteljahr 1943. More generally, see Dean, Robbing.

222. Strzelecki, “Plundering,” 147–48; K. E. Möckel, “Aktion ‘R,’” July 7, 1947, extract in Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 304; “Bericht Vrba,” 229.

223. Strzelecki, “Plundering,” 149; idem, “Utilization,” 404–406, 408–409; Czech, Kalendarium, 790. For the rumors about soap, see Strzelecki, “Utilization,” 415; Neander, “‘Seife.’”

224. USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 37, folder 275, Zentralbauleitung Auschwitz to WVHA-C, June 9, 1942; ibid., reel 19, folder 19, Besichtigung durch SS Obergruppenführer Pohl am 23.9.1942; Strzelecki, “Plundering,” 149–52; Broszat, Kommandant, 253.

225. K. Hart, I Am Alive (London, 1961), extract in Adler et al., Auschwitz, 82–84, quote on 82. See also Strzelecki, “Plundering,” 137–38, 151; K. E. Möckel, “Aktion ‘R,’” July 7, 1947, extract in Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 304–305; testimony K. Morla, n.d., cited in ibid., 297–98.

226. YVA, Globocnik to Himmler, January 5, 1944, ND: 4024–PS, pp. 11–12; K. E. Möckel, “Aktion ‘R,’” July 7, 1947, extract in Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 305; Broszat, Kommandant, 254.

227. Strzelecki, “Utilization,” 407–12; WVHA to LK, January 4, 1943, in Schnabel, Macht, 262–63.

228. Frank to SS Administration in Lublin and Auschwitz, September 26, 1942, TWC, vol. 5, 695–97, ND: NO-724; Pohl to Himmler’s office, February 6, 1943, ibid., 699–703, ND: NO-1257; YVA, Globocnik to Himmler, January 5, 1944, ND: 4024–PS, p. 13. See also Lumans, Auxiliaries, especially page 203.

229. Judgment U.S. Military Tribunal II, November 3, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 958–1064, quote on 988.

230. Quotes in Hildebrandt to Himmler, n.d. (1943), in Schnabel, Macht, 248; BArchK, All. Proz. 6/12, Bl. 53. See also Pohl to Himmler, November 29, 1944, in ibid., 249; BArchB, Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, March 21, 1947, pp. 1–4; StN, EE by K. Sommer, January 22, 1947, ND: NO-1578, pp. 2–3; de Rudder, “Zwangsarbeit,” 221–25; NAL, HW 16/21, GPD Nr. 3, WVHA-D to KL Auschwitz, October 22, 1942; ibid., HW 16/22, GPD Nr. 3, WVHA-D to KL Auschwitz, December 18, 1942.

231. Testimony O. Pohl, June 3, 1946, in NCA, supplement B, 1582–85; K. E. Möckel, “Aktion ‘R,’” July 7, 1947, extract in Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 306; ibid., 291; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, September 26, 1946, 57–60. Having been suspected of dishonesty before, Globocnik was evidently at pains to demonstrate his integrity.

232. Hayes, Cooperation, esp. 181–84. By no means all deliveries of precious metals were sent for processing; dozens of caches were recovered in their original state by the U.S. army in 1945.

233. WVHA-A to Himmler, October 8, 1942, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 151. See also Strzelecki, “Utilization,” 400.

234. Strzelecki puts the value of loot in Auschwitz alone at a minimum of hundreds of millions of Reichsmark; Strzelecki, “Plundering,” 169. More generally, see Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 1079.

235. For overall Nazi gains, see Aly, Volksstaat, 311–27; Dean, Robbing, 391–95.

236. Marszałek, Majdanek, 92; YVA, Globocnik to Himmler, January 5, 1944, ND: 4024–PS, p. 23.

237. Bajohr, Parvenüs, 189–90.

238. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 316–29.

239. Gross, Golden Harvest.

240. Arad, Belzec, 92, quote on 161–62; Bajohr, Parvenüs, 120–36.

241. Kautsky, Teufel, 94.

242. For example, see Langbein, Menschen, 442.

243. Quote in Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 254. See also Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 295–97; Kilian, “‘Handlungsräume,’” 135–36; Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 176; DAP, Urteil LG Frankfurt August 19–20, 1965, 37195–96.

244. OdT, vol. 8, 262; Paserman, “Bericht,” 154.

245. Greif, Wir weinten, 277–78. For envy of the Canada Commando, see also BoA, testimony of G. Kaldore, August 31, 1946.

246. Rózsa, “‘Solange,’” 133; Kautsky, Teufel, 253.

247. Quote in Harshav, Last Days, 696, diary entry, July 19, 1944.

248. Levi, If, 84–85, quote on 84; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 138–39.

249. Lenard, “Flucht,” 145.

250. Kielar, Anus Mundi, 131; Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 149, 160, 190.

251. Testimony O. Wolken, 1945, in Adler et al., Auschwitz, 120.

252. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 53; Marszałek, Majdanek, 137; BArchL, B 162/21846, Bl. 167–254: W. Neff, “Recht oder Unrecht,” n.d., Bl. 219–20; OdT, vol. 8, 261; NAL, WO 235/309, Aussage L. Ramdohr, August 21, 1946, pp. 1–2.

253. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Aumeier, Hans, 20.8.1906, KL Auschwitz, Aktenvermerk, November 30, 1943; ibid., Vernehmungsniederschrift, January 17, 1944.

254. Langbein, Menschen, 457–58; Schwarz, Frau, 167–68; OdT, vol. 6, 196; Citroen and Starzyńska, Auschwitz, 162–63; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 144; Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 168.

255. Orth, “Kommandanten,” 760.

256. BArchB, NS 4/Sa 2, Bl. 22–26: K. Wendland to Gestapo, April 1942, quote on 23; ibid., Bl. 10–12: KL Sachsenhausen, Tatbericht, June 18, 1942; ibid., Bl. 14–20: RKPA, Vernehmung H. Loritz, June 20, 1942; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 214–15.

257. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 273–86; OdT, vol. 2, 493–95; BArchB, NS 4/Sa 2, Bl. 22–26: K. Wendland to Gestapo, April 1942.

258. BArchB, NS 4/Sa 2, Bl. 14–20: RKPA, Vernehmung H. Loritz, June 20, 1942; ibid., Bl. 27: Loritz to Pohl, June 24, 1942; IfZ, statement P. Wauer, May 21, 1945, ND: NO-1504, p. 5.

259. Bajohr, Parvenüs, 164–66. For Himmler’s spending, see his recently unearthed private correspondence; www.welt.de/himmler/.

260. On Loritz’s career, see Riedel, Ordnungshüter, passim.

261. BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, January 2, 1947, pp. 4–6 (Pohl largely disputed this episode); Dillon, “Concentration Camp SS,” 84.

262. For WVHA awareness, see BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 82: WVHA-D to LK, June 12, 1943.

263. Orth, “Kommandanten,” 760; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Piorkowski, Alex, 11.10.1904, Himmler to Piorkowski, May 31, 1943.

264. Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 288–326; OdT, vol. 2, 494.

265. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Koch, Karl, 2.8.1897, KL Lublin to WVHA-D, July 15, 1942; ibid., Stab Reichsführer SS to SS Personalhauptamt, July 25, 1942; ibid., Koch to SS und Polizeigericht Krakow, August 2, 1942; ibid., SS Polizeigericht Berlin, EV, February 17, 1943; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 345–50; Marszałek, Majdanek, 136 (with incorrect dates and figures); Witte et al.,Dienstkalender, 493.

266. Quote in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Koch, Karl, 2.8.1897, Himmler to Berger, March 12, 1943. See also ibid., Brandt to Berger, March 24, 1943; Himmler to Pohl, March 5, 1943, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 245–47.

267. HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, ND: NO-2366; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Koch, Karl, 2.8.1897, Weuster to Jüttner, August 25, 1943. The first SS investigation of Koch, begun in 1941, had been shut down by Himmler in July 1943.

268. Weingartner, “Law”; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Morgen, Konrad, 8.6.1909, Chef des Hauptamtes SS-Gericht to Himmler, August 3, 1944; testimony K. Morgen, August 7, 1946, IMT, vol. 20, 488–89; Gross, Anständig, 145–48.

269. For a perceptive analysis of Morgen’s postwar testimony, and its uncritical use by some historians, see Wittmann, Beyond Justice, 160–74.

270. For example, see testimony of K. Morgen, August 7–8, 1946, IMT, vol. 20, 490, 504–505, 511. The USSR chief prosecutor counted Morgen among the “famous perjurers” of the trial; ibid., vol. 22, 323.

271. HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, pp. 46–47, 74–75, ND: NO-2366.

272. Ibid., quote on 35.

273. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Morgen, Konrad, 8.6.1909, K. Morgen, Ermittlungsbericht, December 5, 1943; ibid., ZBV-Gericht Kassel, Anklageverfügung gegen G. Michael, December 5, 1943. It is not clear if or when Michael was sentenced.

274. BArchL, B 162/4782, Anklageschrift gegen H. Hackmann, November 15, 1974, pp. 120–23. See also ibid., B 162/7998, Bl. 746–47: Zentrale Stelle to StA Koblenz, May 14, 1970; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Hackmann, Hermann, 11.11.1913; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 50. Released from U.S. custody in 1955, Hackmann was later tried in Düsseldorf and sentenced in 1981 to ten years in prison for crimes in Majdanek.

275. HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, pp. 38–39, 48, ND: NO-2366; IfZ, F 65, pp. 57–68: Dr. Morgen, Die Unrechtsbekämpfung in Konzentrationslagern, December 21, 1945 (here comments by Wiebeck); ibid., Bl. 10–20: Cernely to RKPA, June 30, 1944, Bl. 19.

276. HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, pp. 40–46, ND: NO-2366; StAAu, Vernehmungsniederschrift I. Koch, April 29, 1949, pp. 13–14; BArchB, Film 2922, Bl. 2699424: Polizeipräsident Weimar to Hauptamt SS-Gericht, March 26, 1945; NARA, RG 549, 000–50–9, Box 437, Interrogation H. Schmidt, March 2, 1947; Weingartner, “Law,” 292–93.

277. Testimony G. Reinecke, August 7, 1946, IMT, vol. 20, 436; testimony K. Morgen, August 7, 1946, ibid., 488; IfZ, F 65, Bl. 10–20: Cernely to RKPA, June 30, 1944, Bl. 11.

278. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Morgen, Konrad, 8.6.1909, Chef des Hauptamtes SS-Gericht to Himmler, August 3, 1944; ibid., Morgen to Breithaupt, February 2, 1944; Weingartner, “Law,” 289; IfZ, F 65, Bl. 57–68: Dr. Morgen, “Unrechtsbekämpfung in Konzentrationslagern,” December 21, 1945, Bl. 67; ibid., Bl. 111–12: Morgen to RKPA, June 16, 1944. Cases of fraud and theft in the KL were also pursued by other authorities, including the local SS, the RSHA, and the WVHA (e.g., OdT, vol. 8, 110; OdT, vol. 6, 652–58). Among the larger cases was a police investigation of sleaze in Sachsenhausen, which began in November 1943; according to a well-informed survivor, two SS men were shot in autumn 1944 for stealing clothes and valuables that had found their way to the camp from Auschwitz and Majdanek (IfZ, F 65, Bl. 10–20: Cernely to RKPA, June 30, 1944, Bl. 10; Weiss-Rüthel, Nacht, 128, 160–61; Banach, Elite, 171; Riedle, Angehörigen, 244–45).

279. In addition to Buchenwald, Morgen’s commission worked in Auschwitz, Majdanek, Plaszow, Sachsenhausen, and Dachau. After the war, Morgen also claimed credit for investigations in Herzogenbusch and Warsaw, though he was not instrumental in either case; IfZ, F 65, Bl. 57–68: Dr. Morgen, “Unrechtsbekämpfung in Konzentrationslagern,” December 1, 1945, Bl. 66; ibid., Bl. 111–12: Morgen to RKPA, June 16, 1944.

280. Quotes in IfZ, F 65, Bl. 111–12: Morgen to RKPA, June 16, 1944.

281. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Florstedt, Hermann, 18.2.1895, Glücks to SS Personalhauptamt, March 5, 1943; ibid., Terminnotiz, November 10, 1943; ibid., Film 2922, Bl. 2699424: Polizeipräsident Weimar to Hauptamt SS-Gericht, March 26, 1945. There are unconfirmed reports that Florstedt was executed before the end of the war; Orth, SS, 208 (n. 13).

282. BArchL, B 162/1124, Bl. 2288–2316: Volksgerichtshof Krakow, Urteil, September 5, 1946, Bl. 2312–13; OdT, vol. 8, 271. Göth was sentenced to death in Krakow in September 1946 and executed.

283. DAP, Aussage H. Bartsch, March 13, 1964, 5798 [with wrong date], 5820, 5857; ibid., Aussage G. Wiebeck, October 1, 1964, 19700–701.

284. Quote in StB Nr. 51/43, November 16, 1943, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 359. Such draconian threats were not unusual. In May 1944, Auschwitz camp staff had to acknowledge in writing that they knew that “I will be punished by death if I take any sort of Jewish property”; Strzelecki, “Plundering,” 167.

285. DAP, Aussage H. Bartsch, March 13, 1964, 5799; Langbein, Menschen, 339; Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 297.

286. IfZ, F 65, Bl. 111–12: Morgen to RKPA, June 16, 1944, quote on 112; ibid., Bl. 72–74: Erklärung G. Wiebeck, March 22, 1954.

287. Tuchel, “Registrierung”; Lasik, “Organizational,” 170–92; Langbein, Menschen, 371–73; IfZ, G 20/1, Das Oberste Volkstribunal, Urteil, December 22, 1947, p. 108; BArchB, RS B5261, Lebenslauf M. Grabner, n.d. (1939).

288. IfZ, G 20/1, Das Oberste Volkstribunal, Urteil, December 22, 1947, p. 111.

289. StB Nr. 54/43, December 1, 1943, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 371; DAP, Vernehmung F. Hofmann, April 22, 1959, 3880.

290. DAP, Aussage G. Wiebeck, October 1, 1964, 19700–701; ibid., Aussage H. Bartsch, March 13, 1964, 5866. Morgen later claimed that Grabner was charged with murder in two thousand cases (testimony K. Morgen, August 7–8, 1946, IMT, vol. 20, 507). However, another member of Morgen’s team testified that Grabner was charged with fewer than two hundred killings (DAP, Aussage H. Bartsch, March 13, 1964, 5864–65). Morgen’s team also issued charges for illicit prisoner killings against two Buchenwald officials, the camp doctor Waldemar Hoven and the bunker supervisor Martin Sommer, though neither man was convicted before the end of the war.

291. DAP, Aussage G. Wiebeck, October 1, 1964, 19700–703, Boger quote on 19703; ibid., Aussage W. Hansen, November 27, 1964, 26002–3; ibid., Aussage W. Boger, July 5, 1945, 3253–56.

292. The case of Adam Grünewald, the Herzogenbusch commandant convicted by an SS court in 1944 after prisoners suffocated in a detention cell (see note 179, above), illustrates Himmler’s attitude. As the highest SS authority, Himmler immediately came to the rescue of Grünewald, who did not have to serve his prison sentence, was awarded a week’s holiday, and then joined the SS Death’s Head division. See BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Grünewald, Adam, 20.10.1902.

293. DAP, Aussage W. Boger, July 5, 1945, 3256–57; Langbein, Menschen, 374–75; Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 194.

294. DAP, Aussage W. Boger, July 5, 1945, 3252.

295. For example, see Hackett, Buchenwald, 126, 341.

296. Czech, Kalendarium, 672.

297. IfZ, F 65, Bl. 111–12: Morgen to RKPA, June 16, 1944; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Morgen, Konrad, 8.6.1909, SS-Richter beim Reichsführer SS to Chef des Hauptamtes SS-Gericht, August 26, 1944; Longerich, Himmler, 311.

298. For the last point, see Himmler to Bormann, February 10, 1944, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 316.

299. IfZ, F 65, Bl. 10–20: Cernely to RKPA, June 30, 1944.

300. StN, EE by G. Wiebeck, February 28, 1947, ND: NO-2331; Schmeling, Erbprinz, 98; testimony of G. Reinecke, August 7, 1946, IMT, vol. 20, 439; DAP, Aussage K. Morgen, March 9, 1964, 5592.

301. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 40–41; Schwarz, Frau, 93 (n. 15); OdT, vol. 2, 340–41; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 643.

302. Bindemann, “Koserstrasse 21”; Koch, Himmlers, 75–77, 81; StN, testimony O. Pohl, June 13, 1946, ND: NO-4728, p. 7.

303. See also Bajohr, Parvenüs, 192.

304. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 240.

305. OdT, vol. 2, 340–41; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 32. See also chapter 8, below.

306. OdT, vol. 4, 535–38; Koch, Himmlers, 78–80; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, September 17, 1946, p. 8. One of Pohl’s SS companies (DVA) had bought the estate for farming experiments, and Pohl rented the manor house at a favorable rate.

307. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 225, 229, 240. See also BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO Pohl, Oswald, 30.6.1892, Fragebogen zur Berichtigung der Führerkartei, October 1936; ibid., Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, January 2, 1947, p. 2.

308. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 199–200, 212, quote on 240.

8. Economics and Extermination

    1. Pohl to LK et al., April 30, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, 365–67, ND: 129–R, quotes on 366, taken from Pohl’s summary of the conference on April 24–25, 1942. See also Pohl to Himmler, April 30, 1942, in ibid., 363–65; testimony O. Pohl, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 434; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, January 2, 1947, p. 11. Contrary to what Pohl implied in his April 30, 1942, summary of the conference for Himmler, handing responsibility for forced labor to the commandants was no major departure from previous practice but restated an earlier order by Glücks (which had spelled the end of the brief SS experiment with local labor representatives formally overseeing KL labor deployment); BArchB, NS 4/Na 103, Bl. 2–4: Glücks to LK, February 20, 1942.

    2. For grumbling, see Judgment of the U.S. Military Tribunal, November 3, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 981. The April 1942 WVHA conference was also attended by KL plant managers.

    3. For example, see IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946, Bl. 352–53; IfZ, ZS-1590, interrogation of G. Witt, November 19, 1946, pp. 11–12. During 1942, Pohl saw Himmler on average almost once a month; Witte et al., Dienstkalender.

    4. BArchL, B 162/7998, Bl. 623–44: Vernehmung J. Otto, April 1, 1970, Bl. 630–31; Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 28. In January 1943, for example, Himmler asked for a survey of the prisoner population of Auschwitz and Majdanek since the beginning; NAL, HW 16/23, GPD Nr. 3, WVHA-D to Auschwitz and Majdanek, January 26, 1943.

    5. Himmler’s official diary lists visits to Ravensbrück (March 3, 1942), Dachau (May 1, 1942, and November 13, 1942), Auschwitz (July 17–18, 1942), and Sachsenhausen (September 29, 1942); Witte et al., Dienstkalender.

    6. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” quote on 197–98.

    7. Longerich, Himmler, 701–25.

    8. Müller, “Speer,” 275–81; Kroener, “‘Menschenbewirtschaftung,’” 777–82, 804; Naasner, Machtzentren, 445–55. More generally, see Tooze, Wages, 513–89.

    9. BArchB, Film 44564, Vernehmung O. Pohl, February 5, 1947, p. 5.

  10. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 200–201; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 371. Himmler’s initial order for setting up the WVHA did not encompass the IKL (Befehl Reichsführers SS, January 19, 1942, in Naasner, SS-Wirtschaft, 225–26), so its addition was clearly an afterthought. The IKL was officially incorporated on March 16, 1942; R. Glücks, Stabsbefehl Nr. 1, March 16, 1942, in Tuchel,Inspektion, 90–91.

  11. Quote in WVHA, Befehl Nr. 10, March 13, 1942, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 88. See also BArchB, NS 19/2065, Bl. 36–37: Himmler to Pohl, March 23, 1942.

  12. StANü, K.-O. Saur, Niederschrift über Besprechung, March 17, 1942, ND: NO-569; Protocol Hitler-Speer conference on March 19, 1942, in Boelcke, Rüstung, 74–82. See also Buggeln, System, 15.

  13. Quotes in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO Pohl, Oswald, 30.6.1892, “Warum bin ich Nationalsozialist,” January 24, 1932; ibid., E. Pohl to Himmler, July 4, 1943. See also IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 381. Himmler’s office diary for 1941–42 records just three meetings with Glücks.

  14. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 201–208, 447; Allen, Business, 154–58; Judgment of the U.S. Military Tribunal, November 3, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 993, 997–1000, 1004–1008, 1023–31, 1043–47; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, September 26, 1946 (p. 79), December 17, 1946 (p. 36); Naasner, SS-Wirtschaft, 242–43; Kaienburg,Wirtschaft, 20.

  15. Testimony O. Pohl, June 3, 1946, in Mendelsohn, The Holocaust, vol. 17, 47.

  16. Liste Stab/Amtsgruppe D, September 6, 1944, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 200–203; Kaienburg, Wirtschaftskomplex, 348.

  17. BArchB, Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, June 26, 1947, p. 1; testimony Sommer, TWC, vol. 5, 345–46, 678; Fernsprechverzeichnis, January 15, 1945, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 204–207. For the SS mess hall, see IfZ, ZS-1154, Vernehmung H. C. Lesse, November 16 and 19, 1946.

  18. Liste Stab/Amtsgruppe D, September 6, 1944, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 200–203. It is likely that a few women, not listed here, worked as SS telegraph and radio operators; Mühlenberg, SS-Helferinnenkorps, 322. For the above, see also StANü, G. Rammler report, January 30, 1946, ND: NO-1200, p. 8.

  19. R. Glücks, Stabsbefehl Nr. 1, March 16, 1942, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 90–91. According to a well-informed WVHA-D official, an additional office for troop instruction was added later; StANü, G. Rammler report, January 30, 1946, ND: NO-1200, p. 9.

  20. BArchL, B 162/7998, Bl. 623–44: Vernehmung J. Otto, April 1, 1970, Bl. 639; ibid., Nr. 7999, Bl. 768–937: StA Koblenz, EV, July 25, 1974, Bl. 786–89; Broszat, Kommandant, 204–207. For a floorplan of the T-Building, Tuchel, Inspektion, 208–209.

  21. BArchL, B 162/7999, Bl. 768–937: StA Koblenz, EV, July 25, 1974, Bl. 895; testimony O. Pohl, June 3, 1946, in NCA, supplement B, 1582.

  22. Quote in testimony O. Pohl, June 13, 1946, in NCA, supplement B, 1604. See also BArchL, B 162/7997, Bl. 615–19: Vernehmung W. Biemann, December 9, 1969, Bl. 618.

  23. BArchL, B 162/7997, Bl. 525–603: Vernehmung K. Sommer, June 30, 1947; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, September 26, 1946, p. 42; ibid., Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, March 14, 1947 (quote on p. 1) and March 19, 1947; ibid., NS 4/Na 6, Bl. 30: Glücks to LK, January 13, 1944; Allen, Business, 183–84; Schulte,Zwangsarbeit, 390–91.

  24. MacLean, Camp, 276–77; BArchB, Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, March 19, 1947, pp. 11–13; ibid., Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, September 26, 1946, pp. 47–48.

  25. LG Münster, Urteil, February 19, 1962, JNV, vol. 18, 271; BArchL, B 162/7996, Bl. 325–38: Vernehmung J. Muthig, March 18, 1960, Bl. 333; IfZ, F 13/8, Bl. 486–87: R. Höss, “Dr. Enno Lolling,” November 1946.

  26. StANü, G. Rammler report, January 30, 1946, ND: NO-1200; Hahn, Grawitz, 238–40.

  27. Hahn, Grawitz, 237–38. Appointments of KL doctors also went through the SS Leadership Main Office (and later the Reich doctor SS); ibid., 375.

  28. IfZ, F 13/8, Bl. 486–87: R. Höss, “Dr. Enno Lolling,” November 1946, quote on 487; IfZ, Interview with Dr. Kahr, September 19, 1945, ND: NO-1948, p. 4.

  29. R. Glücks, Stabsbefehl Nr. 1, March 16, 1942, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 90–91; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, September 26, 1946, p. 85. For more detail, see Bartel and Drobisch, “Aufgabenbereich.”

  30. There was a gap of eight months between the two appointments (September 1, 1942, to May 1, 1943), during which the post was apparently unoccupied; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 464; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Kaindl, Anton, 14.7.1902, Dienstlaufbahn; BArchL, B 162/7997, Bl. 525–603: Vernehmung K. Sommer, June 30, 1947, Bl. 544.

  31. Quotes in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Burger, Wilhelm, 19.5.1904, R. Höss, Dienstleistungszeugnis, May 7, 1943. See also Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 464; APMO, Dpr-ZO, 29/2, LG Frankfurt, Urteil, September 16, 1966; Lasik, “Organizational,” 230.

  32. Broszat, Kommandant, 171, 202–204, 210; StANü, G. Rammler report, January 30, 1946, ND: NO-1200, p. 3; Fernsprechverzeichnis, January 15, 1945, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 204–207.

  33. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Kaindl, Anton, July 14, 1902, Dienstlaufbahn; Buggeln, Arbeit, 116.

  34. For example, see OdT, vol. 6, 66–69.

  35. MacLean, Camp, 286.

  36. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, quote on 1047–48; Orth, SS, 210–11. More generally on Pohl’s recruitment policy, see Allen, Business.

  37. Eicke order for Lichtenburg, June 2, 1934, NCC, doc. 148.

  38. Wildt, Generation, especially page 861. For the term “fighting administration,” used by Heydrich, see ibid., 858.

  39. Schwarz, Frau, 251–53.

  40. BArchB, Film 44564, Vernehmung O. Pohl, February 5, 1947, quote on 3; testimony O. Pohl, June 3, 1946, in Mendelsohn, Holocaust, vol. 17, 45.

  41. Cf. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 410–12.

  42. For the appointments of Liebehenschel, Lolling, and Kaindl, see BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Kaindl, Anton, 14.7.1902, WVHA-A to Chef des SS-Personalhauptamtes, March 16, 1942. Kaindl had served in the IKL as the head of administration from October 1, 1941; Liebehenschel as chief of staff since May 1, 1940; Lolling as chief physician since June 1, 1941.

  43. Quote in IfZ, Himmler to Pohl, May 29, 1942, ND: NO-719.

  44. Affidavit G. Maurer, May 22, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 602; testimony O. Pohl, 1947, in ibid., 430.

  45. APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 115–16: EE by H. Pister, March 3, 1947, ND: NO-2327; BArchB, Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, March 20, 1947, pp. 22–24.

  46. Judgment of the U.S. Military Tribunal, November 3, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 993, 1022; BArchB, Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, March 18, 1947, p. 13; StANü, G. Rammler report, January 30, 1946, ND: NO-1200, p. 10.

  47. For the historiography, see Paul, “Psychopathen,” esp. 13–37.

  48. Himmler to Pohl, March 5, 1943, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 245–47, quote on 246.

  49. Pohl inspected Auschwitz in early April 1942 (chapter 6), on September 23, 1942 (chapter 7), on August 17, 1943 (USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 20, folder 26, Besuch des Hauptamtschefs, August 17, 1943), and on June 16, 1944 (ibid., RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, folder 21, Aktenvermerk, Besuch des Hauptamtschefs, June 20, 1944).

  50. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946, quote on 352.

  51. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Glücks, Richard, 22.4.1889, Dienstlaufbahn. There is no evidence of any serious tensions between Pohl and Glücks.

  52. Previously, much of the initiative had been left to Pohl’s then-external apparatus, even after the establishment of an IKL office for labor in autumn 1941. For the IKL administrative structure, see Tuchel, Konzentrationslager, 231.

  53. The Representative for the Labor Action Burböck was sacked in spring 1942 and left the Camp SS. As for Maurer, he was seconded to the V2 production between January and March 1945, during which time Hans Moser headed D II. See Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 389–90, 464, 472–73.

  54. Allen, Business, especially pages 13, 24–26, 32.

  55. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Maurer, Gerhard, 9.12.1907; ibid., Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, March 13, 1947, pp. 1–3.

  56. BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, October 7, 1946, p. 18; ibid., Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, May 13, 1947 (pp. 6–7) and June 19, 1947 (p. 5); IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 355–58: R. Höss, “Gerhard Maurer,” November 1946.

  57. Buggeln, Arbeit, 109–10; Wagner, Produktion, 292–96; Lasik, “Organizational,” 216–17; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 201; BArchB, NS 3/391, Bl. 4–22: Aufgabengebiete in einem KL, n.d. (1942), Bl. 19–20; ibid., Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, March 20, 1947, pp. 24–25. The labor action leaders—often experts in their field who moved from one camp to the next—were fully absorbed into the organizational chart of the KL in 1942. Their new offices (III/E or IIIa) for work deployment were nominally part of department III (camp compound), but in practice acted largely independently, reporting to the commandant or, higher up the chain, directly to Maurer’s department. The offices oversaw all aspects of the local organization of forced labor, including the formation of prisoner commandos and transports, the supervision during work by SS officials and Kapos, and the establishment of new work sites.

  58. NAL, HW 16/21, GPD Nr. 3, WVHA-D to KL Auschwitz, October 27, 1942. For the meeting, which took place on October 28, 1942, see Müller, “Speer,” 448.

  59. BArchB, Film 44837, Vernehmung A. Liebehenschel, October 7, 1946, quote on 11; StANü, EE by K. Sommer, April 4, 1947, ND: NO-2739; BArchL, B 162/7998, Bl. 623–44: Vernehmung J. Otto, April 1, 1970, Bl. 632; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 355–58: R. Höss, “Gerhard Maurer,” November 1946; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 390; Allen, Business, 183.

  60. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” quote on 353.

  61. BArchB, NS 3/425, WVHA-D to LK, May 6, 1942. The letter was signed by Glücks and drafted by Liebehenschel, but given the level of Pohl’s engagement with the KL at the time, he must have been involved.

  62. LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, 640, 643. More generally, see Hördler, “Ordnung,” 51, 137.

  63. In May 1942, Himmler ordered that SS leaders under thirty years of age should be moved from the KL to the front line (camp compound leaders were exempt); NAL, HW 16/18, GPD Nr. 3, May 13, 1942. More generally, see Sydnor, Soldiers, 208–35; Broszat, Kommandant, 276.

  64. Trouvé, “Bugdalle,” 37–41; LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15, 422.

  65. Most changes were set out in a letter by Pohl to Himmler on July 28, 1942 (TWC, vol. 5, 303–306, ND: NO-1994), in which he included the SS special camp Hinzert as a fifteenth KL (its commandant remained unchanged). Some parts of the plan were later amended. In his letter, Pohl had earmarked Kaindl for Dachau and Weiss for Sachsenhausen, but he later reversed the order. Also, Pohl’s initial choice of commandant for Flossenbürg, Hans Hüttig, remained on SS service in Norway (he had left his post as Natzweiler commandant in January 1942; OdT, vol. 6, 36); as a result, the Flossenbürg camp compound leader Fritzsch temporarily acted as commandant until Zill was appointed in October 1942 (OdT, vol. 4, 38). For Himmler’s acceptance of Pohl’s proposals, see BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Koch, Karl, 2.8.1897, Stab Reichsführer SS to Pohl, August 13, 1942. More generally, see Orth, SS, 213–14.

  66. BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, October 28, 1946, quotes on 10–11.

  67. For example, see Orth, SS, 205–206, 210, 250.

  68. For Kramer, see Orth, SS, 103–104, 137; Segev, Soldiers, 67–73.

  69. Orth, SS, 157, 211, 214. Other wartime commandants who had served in the SS Death’s Head division were Johannes Hassebroek, Friedrich Hartjenstein, Adam Grünewald, and Richard Baer.

  70. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Kaindl, Anton, 14.7.1902; Pohl to Himmler, July 28, 1942, TWC, vol. 5, 305, ND: NO-1994; Sydnor, Soldiers, 50.

  71. The connection between the reshuffle and the functional change of the camps is emphasized in Orth, SS, 206. However, the motive for the dismissals cannot be reduced to the economic reorientation alone. For example, it seems likely that a man like Hans Loritz—generally regarded in SS circles as a capable manager—would have kept his job had he not been caught up in an embarrassing corruption scandal.

  72. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Künstler, Karl, 12.1.1901; Tuchel, “Kommandanten des Konzentrationslagers Flossenbürg,” 207–209. Künstler was sent to the SS Division Prinz Eugen and is said to have been killed in April 1945.

  73. For example, see Tuchel, “Kommandanten des Konzentrationslagers Flossenbürg,” 214; idem, “Kommandanten des KZ Dachau,” 345–49.

  74. Orth, SS, 211–13, 219–20; Sprenger, Groβ-Rosen, 93–94.

  75. See chapter 7.

  76. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Kaindl, Anton, 14.7.1902. For other new commandants like Suhren, Hoppe, and Kramer, see Orth, SS, 103–104, 115–24, 144–45, 157, 215–16; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 59.

  77. If economic motives had been all-decisive, Pohl would have made more of this in his communications with Himmler; Pohl to Himmler, July 28, 1942, TWC, vol. 5, 303–306, ND: NO-1994.

  78. See also Orth, SS, 253.

  79. For persistent dreams of settlement and cities, see Himmler to Kaltenbrunner, July 21, 1944, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 343–45; Kershaw, Nemesis, 777–78.

  80. StANü, K.-O. Saur, Niederschrift über Besprechung, March 17, 1942, ND: NO-569.

  81. Pohl to Himmler, April 30, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, ND: 129–R.

  82. Quotes in APMO, Proces Maurer, 8a, Bl. 137–38: Himmler to Pohl, July 7, 1942, ND: NO-598; BArchB, NS 19/14, Bl. 131–33: Pohl to Himmler, September 16, 1942. See also Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 498–99.

  83. StANü, K.-O. Saur, Niederschrift über Besprechung, March 17, 1942, ND: NO-569; BArchB, NS 19/14, Bl. 131–33: Pohl to Himmler, September 16, 1942; Buggeln, System, 15–22; Naasner, Machtzentren, 302–303.

  84. OdT, vol. 7, 107–30, quote on 108. For brief surveys, see Orth, System, 169–71; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/A, 198–201; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 236. More generally, see Mommsen and Grieger, Volkswagenwerk; Siegfried, Leben. In the literature, the closure of the camp is linked to a decision by Speer in mid-September. However, the decision clearly came earlier (Pohl to Himmler, July 28, 1942, TWC, vol. 5, 303–306, ND: NO-1994).

  85. BArchB, NS 19/14, Bl. 131–33: Pohl to Himmler, September 16, 1942, quote on 131.

  86. APMO, Proces Maurer, 8a, Bl. 137–38: Himmler to Pohl, July 7, 1942, ND: NO-598; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 498–99; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 214–16.

  87. Himmler to Pohl, March 5, 1943, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 245–47. On June 17, 1943, Hitler and Himmler discussed weapons production involving one hundred and forty thousand KL prisoners; BArchB, Film 4141, Vortrag beim Führer, June 17, 1943.

  88. OdT, vol. 4, 40–42, 48; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 618–22; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, July 31, 1946, p. 6, ND: NI-389. For DESt armaments production in other KL, see OdT, vol. 4, 374, 392–94; Perz, “Arbeitseinsatz,” 541–43; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 228–29.

  89. Rede bei der SS Gruppenführertagung in Posen, October 4, 1943, IMT, vol. 29, ND: 1919–PS, quote on 144–45.

  90. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 221–32; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 687–88; Allen, Business, 240–42; NAL, HW 16/21, GPD Nr. 3, Maurer to KL Mauthausen, October 6, 1942.

  91. APMO, Proces Maurer, 10, Bl. 50–52: Pohl to Brandt, April 19, 1943.

  92. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 216–18; Kaienburg, Vernichtung, 239–42; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 384–418.

  93. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 28, 1035, quote on 500; Naasner, Machtzentren, 302, 306–307; Kroener et al., “Zusammenfassung,” 1010–11.

  94. Buggeln, Arbeit, 38.

  95. BArchB, NS 19/14, Bl. 131–33: Pohl to Himmler, September 16, 1942; protocol conference Hitler-Speer, September 20–22, 1942, in Boelcke, Rüstung, 187–88; Naasner, Machtzentren, 303–306, 452; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 218–21. As a sop to the SS, its troops were to receive a small proportion of weapons produced by its prisoners.

  96. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 434–36; idem, “Vernichtung,” 243; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 212–13. For other early joint ventures between industry and the SS, see OdT, vol. 3, 205–206; OdT, vol. 4, 437–40.

  97. Fröbe, “KZ-Häftlinge,” 640, 668–69; Orth, System, 180; Buggeln, Arbeit, 42; idem, System, 18–19, 54; Schalm, Überleben, 72–74.

  98. Werner, Kriegswirtschaft, 168–90; Schalm, Überleben, 80, 95–98; OdT, vol. 2, 425–30.

  99. Buggeln, System, 57–61; Orth, System, 175–79; OdT, vol. 3, 245–48. For a detailed account, see Budraß, “Schritt.”

100. Schröder, “Konzentrationslager,” 52–63; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/B, 1143–45; Fröbe, “KZ-Häftlinge,” 664; Buggeln, Arbeit, 71–74.

101. Fings, Krieg, 48–68, 84–103, 94–98, 188. For bomb disposal squads, see also Wachsmann, Prisons, 232; IfZ, RSHA, AE, 2. Teil, RunderlaßChef Sipo und SD, September 25, 1940; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 197, 203, 205.

102. Buggeln, Arbeit, 42; idem, System, 53; Orth, System, 180; StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, Anlage, ND: PS-1469.

103. OdT, vol. 1, quote on 189; Fröbe, “KZ-Häftlinge,” 667–69; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 394, 397.

104. Pohl to LK et al., April 30, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, 365–67, ND: 129–R; BArchB, Film 44564, EE by O. Pohl, March 21, 1947; IfZ, Maurer to LK, November 21, 1942, ND: PS-3685. On rare occasions local commandants still went ahead and made their own deals.

105. BArchB, Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, August 12, 1947, pp. 1–3; extract testimony of Sommer, June 30 to July 2, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 595–96; BStU, MfS HA IX/11 ZUV 4, Bd. 24, Bl. 235–51: Vernehmung P. Rose, December 10, 1946.

106. Orth, System, 181.

107. StANü, WVHA-D II, Häftlingssätze, February 24, 1944, ND: NO-576.

108. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 29–30, 1078; Naasner, Machtzentren, 399–402; BArchB, Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, March 18, 1947, pp. 18–19; StANü, EE by K. Sommer, January 22, 1947, ND: NO-1578, p. 5.

109. See also Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 236–47.

110. Buggeln, “Slaves?” For the revisionist view, see Spoerer and Fleischhacker, “Forced Laborers,” 176; Sofsky, Ordnung, 193–99.

111. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, quote on 75. More generally, see Buggeln, “Slaves?,” 103.

112. BArchB, NS 19/2065, Bl. 36–37: Himmler to Pohl, March 23, 1942.

113. Quotes in Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 351.

114. BArchB, NS 19/2065, Bl. 36–37: Himmler to Pohl, March 23, 1942.

115. BArchB, NS 4/Na 6, Bl. 9–10: Glücks to LK, February 12, 1942; IfZ, Maurer to LK, June 24, 1942, ND: PS-3685; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 326–27; Wagner, Ellrich, 62.

116. OdT, vol. 4, 43; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 432. See also chapter 4.

117. BArchB, NS 19/2065, Bl. 36–37: Himmler to Pohl, March 23, 1942.

118. Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 112–14.

119. Himmler to Pohl, March 5, 1943, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 245–47; IfZ, F 37/2, Himmler diary, entry February 26, 1943.

120. Quotes in IfZ, O. Pohl, DV für Gewährung von Vergünstigungen, May 15, 1943 (extracts), ND: NO-400. See also Strebel, Ravensbrück, 198; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 76–80.

121. Wachsmann, Prisons, 95.

122. Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 221.

123. Buggeln, Arbeit, 302; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 81.

124. Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 221.

125. ITS, KL Flossenbürg GCC 5/88, Ordner 87, Aufstellung der ausbezahlten Häftlingsprämien, September 4, 1943; extracts testimony of Sommer, June 30 to July 2, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 598; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 406–409; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 84; Sprenger, Groβ-Rosen, 181–82; KB Nr. 6/44, April 22, 1944, in Frei et al.,Kommandanturbefehle, 439.

126. WL, P.III.b. No. 1164, N. Rosenberg, “Zwangsarbeiter für Siemens-Schuckert,” January 1960.

127. Himmler to Pohl, March 5, 1943, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, quote on 246; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 78, 80, 161–65; BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 84: WVHA-D to LK, June 15, 1943.

128. Borowski, “Auschwitz,” 122. See also Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 174–89; Hughes, “Forced Prostitution,” 204–205.

129. Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 81–82, 126, 174, 239, 242–44, 251; Hughes, “Forced Prostitution,” 209; Gross, Zweitausend, 207–208; Wagner, Produktion, 418. Some main camps (including Majdanek and Gross-Rosen) never had a brothel. And contrary to some suggestions, there was apparently no systematic SS policy of “curing” homosexuals by sending them to camp brothels; Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 250–51.

130. Quotes in APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 150: Dr. Rascher, Bericht über KL-Dirnen, November 5, 1942, ND: NO-323; LULVR, interview No. 239, March 20, 1946. See also Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 101, 107–108, 234–37, 259–60, 278.

131. Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 77, 83; Weiss-Rüthel, Nacht, 143.

132. Ovrashko survived the KL; Gedenkstätte Sachsenhausen, Gegen das Vergessen (CD-Rom).

133. NMGB, Buchenwald, 699–700.

134. Estimates based on Schulte, “London”; OdT, vol. 3, 29; ibid., vol. 4, 45; ibid., vol. 6, 513; ibid., vol. 7, 48–49, 190–91; ibid., vol. 8, 25, 103–104, 134; NMGB, Buchenwald, 699–700; StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, Anlage, ND: PS-1469; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 126; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 182, 293, 349; KZ-Gedenkstätte Neuengamme, Ausstellungen, 22; Steegmann,Struthof, 50, 64; Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 168–71, 225; DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971); Koker, Edge, 301 (n. 556); Czech, Kalendarium, 691; Kaienburg, Neuengamme, 315; Dieckmann,Besatzungspolitik, vol. 2, 1317; Stiftung, Bergen-Belsen, 163. The composite figures sent by Pohl to Himmler in September 1943 need to be treated with some caution, especially those for late 1942, which are evidently too low (see also Kárný, “‘Vernichtung,’” 143).

135. The SS special camp Hinzert is not included here.

136. Pohl to Himmler, April 30, 1942, IMT, vol. 38, 363–65, ND: R-129.

137. The number of deported Jews rose from around 197,000 (1942) to 270,000 (1943); Piper, Zahl, table D.

138. Picker, Tischgespräche, 474.

139. Quotes in Hillgruber, Staatsmänner, vol. 1, 611; Jochmann, Monologe, 126; Picker, Tischgespräche, 282–83, 617; Fröhlich, Tagebücher, II/4, May 30, 1942, 405.

140. The speech was recorded by Goebbels; Fröhlich, Tagebücher, II/4, May 24, 1942, 361.

141. Wagner, Volksgemeinschaft, 316–29, 338–43; Roth, “Kriminalpolizei,” 326–28, 341–47; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 117–21; Longerich, Himmler, 658.

142. Zimmermann, “Entscheidung”; Fings, “‘Wannsee-Konferenz’”; Czech, Kalendarium, 423.

143. LHASA, MD, Rep. C 29 Anh. 2, Nr. Z 98/1, Bl. 27: Bürgermeister Quedlinburg, Umzugs-Abmeldebestätigung, March 1, 1943; SMAB, Memorial Book, 7.

144. For this and the previous paragraph, see Rede bei der SS Gruppenführertagung in Posen, October 4, 1943, IMT, vol. 29, ND: 1919–PS, Himmler quote on 133; Spoerer, Zwangsarbeit, 37–39, 50, 66, 80, 89, 93–95, 116–44, 179; Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 246, 301–306. See also Gellately, Gestapo, 226–27; Wachsmann, Prisons, 225–26; Kárný, “Waffen-SS,” 257; Buggeln, System, 46; Wildt, “Funktionswandel,” 85. For Gestapo camps, see Lotfi, KZ; Thalhofer, Entgrenzung.

145. Walter, “Kinder,” 185–86; Spoerer, Zwangsarbeit, 79; Spoerer and Fleischhacker, “Forced Laborers,” 199, table 9; BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 29: WVHA-D to LK, February 2, 1943; ibid., Bl. 30: RSHA, Richtlinien, January 29, 1943. More generally, see Steinert, Deportation.

146. Zarusky, “‘Russen,’” 127.

147. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 101.

148. Longerich, Himmler, 672–82; Wachsmann, Prisons, 271–74; Tillion, Ravensbrück, 192–97; Nacht- und Nebel-Erlaβ, August 4, 1942, extract in Schnabel, Macht, 157–58.

149. Schulte, “London,” 220–22; Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 179. In Mauthausen, by contrast, the major influx of foreigners did not come until 1944; Kranebitter, “Zahlen,” 137.

150. IfZ, Himmler to Pohl, May 29, 1942, ND: NO-719.

151. For example, see Glücks to Lagerärzte, December 28, 1942, in NMGB, Buchenwald, 257–58.

152. For this and the previous two paragraphs, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 208–17, 223–26, 284–98, 392–93, quote on 285; StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, Anlage, ND: PS-1469; Jochmann, Monologe, 271–72.

153. Marszałek, Majdanek, 71, 167; Czech, Kalendarium, 386–87, 395–96; Wachsmann, Prisons, 200–201, 325.

154. Himmler to all Hauptamtschefs, December 29, 1942, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 218–20; Kershaw, Nemesis, 538–50.

155. Reference to Pohl’s letter in BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 13: Chef Sipo und SD to Pohl, December 31, 1942. More generally, see BStU, MfS HA IX/11 ZUV 4/23, Bl. 329–46: Vernehmungsprotokoll A. Kaindl, September 16, 1946, Bl. 322.

156. Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 643; Himmler to Pohl, December 15, 1942, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 216.

157. For the order, which refers specifically to Polish resisters, see Himmler to Pohl, mid-December 1942, in Pilichowski et al., Obozy, ill. 135–36; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 304.

158. USHMM, RG-11.001M.05, reel 75, 504–2–8, Müller to Befehlshaber der Sipo et al., December 17, 1942, underlined in the original.

159. Müller to Himmler, December 16, 1942, IMT, vol. 27, 251–53, ND: 1472–PS.

160. USHMM, RG-11.001M.05, reel 75, 504–2–8, Müller to Befehlshaber der Sipo et al., December 17, 1942.

161. Himmler to HSSPF in Russia et al., January 6, 1943, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, quote on 225; Himmler to Oberg, January 18, 1943, ibid., quote on 223; Himmler to Krüger, January 1943, TWC, vol. 5, 618–19; Longerich, Himmler, 669–71, 678–80.

162. Schulte, “London,” 223; Piper, Zahl, table D.

163. Foreign workers from the Soviet Union, for example, were only supposed to be released from the KL in exceptional cases; BA Berlin, NS 3/426, Bl. 41: WVHA-D to LK, February 26, 1943.

164. StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, Anlage, ND: PS-1469.

165. BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 13: Chef Sipo und SD to Pohl, December 31, 1942.

166. Glücks to Lagerärzte, December 28, 1942, in NMGB, Buchenwald, 257–58. See also Himmler to Pohl, mid-December 1942, in Pilichowski et al., Obozy, ill. 135–36; IfZ, Dienstanweisung für SlF E, November 7, 1941, ND: PS-3685; BArchB, DO 1/32593, WVHA-D to LK, December 2, 1942.

167. BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 14: Glücks to LK, January 20, 1943; Himmler to Pohl, mid-December 1942, in Pilichowski et al., Obozy, ill. 135–36.

168. APMO, IZ-13/89, Bl. 168–72: Pohl to LK, October 26, 1943.

169. Ibid.

170. Pohl, “Zwangsarbeiterlager,” 425; Spoerer, Zwangsarbeit, 97–99.

171. Himmler to Pohl, mid-December 1942, in Pilichowski et al., Obozy, ill. 135–36; Buggeln, Arbeit, 131.

172. Himmler to Pohl, December 15, 1942, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 216.

173. Quotes in APMO, IZ-13/89, Bl. 168–72: Pohl to LK, October 26, 1943. See also Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 318–19, 352; idem, “Systematisierung,” 66 (n. 25).

174. BArchB, NS 3/425, Bl. 118: Himmler to RSHA and WVHA-D, October 29, 1942. Although Himmler’s order was restricted to relatives, the Red Cross soon dispatched packages, too; Favez, Red, 69–71, 94–99.

175. Quotes in Laqueur, Schreiben, 48; NAL, WO 235/305, Bl. 135–42: Examination of H. Dziedziecka, December 10, 1946, Bl. 137. See also Helweg-Larsen et al., Famine, 47–48, 98, 141, 351; Kosmala, “Häftlinge,” 108.

176. For one estimate, see Wagner, Produktion, 464–65.

177. OdT, vol. 7, 66; Favez, Red, 70, 75; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 196; Mettbach, Behringer, “Wer,” 37.

178. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 344–45, entry August 9, 1944.

179. Buggeln, Arbeit, 132–35; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 317–18; Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 949. In state prisons, which came under the same regulations, no more than one-third of all prisoners received extra rations by summer 1942; ThHStAW, GStA OLG Jena, Nr. 430: Arbeitstagung am 30.6 und 1.7.1942, Bl. 258.

180. Himmler to Pohl, mid-December 1942, in Pilichowski et al., Obozy, ill. 135–36.

181. See also Keller and Otto, “Kriegsgefangene,” 31–32.

182. See chapter 7.

183. StANü, WVHA to LK, April 27, 1943, ND: NO-1007. In some camps, Action 14f13 apparently continued in some fashion, following Himmler’s intervention. After the war, the Ravensbrück camp doctor testified that a physician from Berlin had picked out “mentally disturbed” prisoners, who were later gassed in Hartheim; Strebel,Ravensbrück, 337.

184. Glücks to Lagerärzte, December 28, 1942, in NMGB, Buchenwald, 257–58.

185. Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 69, 100; Ley, “Kollaboration,” 123, 126, 132; Hahn, Grawitz, 160 (placing the shift in SS practice around 1941); Strzelecka, “Hospitals,” 314, 320, 328; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 372–75; Wagner, Produktion, 298.

186. Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 323–24.

187. Quote in Hohmann and Wieland, Konzentrationslager, 39.

188. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 160–66; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 374.

189. APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 51–62: O. Wolken, “Chronik Auschwitz II (B II a),” n.d. (c. spring 1945), Bl. 53. Transports of sick prisoners from other KL to Auschwitz started no later than autumn 1942; NAL, HW 16/66, “II. Concentration Camps,” November 27, 1942; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945/46), 143.

190. Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 327–28; APMO, IZ-13/89, Bl. 168–72: Pohl to LK, October 26, 1943; Zámečník, Dachau, 251; BStU, MfS HA IX/11, ZUV 4, Akte 23, Vernehmungsprotokoll A. Kaindl, August 20, 1946, Bl. 246; BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 16: Glücks to LK, January 20, 1943; KB Nr. 4/44, February 22, 1944, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 412–13.

191. BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 121: WVHA-D to LK, July 27, 1943; ibid., Bl. 122–28: Aufgaben und Pflichten der Wachposten, n.d. (1943), Bl. 125; Sprenger, Groβ-Rosen, 179–80.

192. Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 223; OdT, vol. 3, 349; Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Buchenwald, 58–59.

193. Bessmann and Buggeln, “Befehlsgeber,” 530.

194. For the historiography, see Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 395–96 (n. 79).

195. Maurer to LK, June 7, 1942, in Schnabel, Macht, doc. D 69.

196. Gustloff-Werke to LK Buchenwald, June 16, 1942, in Schnabel, Macht, doc. D 72.

197. Pohl to LK, November 22, 1943, TWC, vol. 5, 370–72, emphasis in the original (mistakenly dated January 22 in this printed version). See also Wagner, Produktion, 381.

198. StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, Anlage, ND: PS-1469; ibid., Himmler to Pohl, October 8, 1943.

199. Broszat, “Konzentrationslager,” 438, 443; Pingel, Häftlinge, 183.

200. Kárný, “‘Vernichtung.’” More generally, see Orth, System, 219–20 (though Orth herself indirectly uses figures from Pohl’s report, via the works of Broszat and Pingel; ibid., 217, n. 208; 219, n. 219); Piper, Zahl, 160; Kagan, “Standesamt,” 155; BArchB, NS 4/Na 6, Bl. 29: WVHA-D to LK, September 20, 1943.

201. Kárnýsuggests that Pohl’s figures masked an increase in the relative number of deaths; “‘Vernichtung,’” 145.

202. Buggeln, Arbeit, 41–42; idem, System, 72.

203. Piper, Zahl, 158–62.

204. Langbein, Menschen, 74. See also Piper, “Exploitation,” 134; Hayes, “Auschwitz,” 336; Pilecki, Auschwitz, quote on 278.

205. StANü, Pohl to Himmler, September 30, 1943, Anlage, ND: PS-1469.

206. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 524; OdT, vol. 4, 44–46; Freund, “Mauthausen,” 261; Kranebitter, Zahlen.

207. Wachsmann, Prisons, 288–98; Pingel, Häftlinge, 186.

208. See also Buggeln, Arbeit, 42.

209. Quote in HLSL, Rascher to Himmler, April 5, 1942, ND: 1971–PS-a. See also Ebbinghaus, Roth, “Medizinverbrechen,” 127–31; Knoll, “Humanexperimente”; Klee, Auschwitz, 220; Weindling, Victims, chapter 9; Rascher to Himmler, May 15, 1941, ND: 1602–PS, in Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 20–21. My thanks to Albert Knoll for identifying Siegmund Wassing.

210. HLSL, Himmler to Rascher, April 13, 1942, ND: 1971–PS-b; BArchL, B 162/21846, Bl. 167–254: W. Neff, “Recht oder Unrecht,” n.d., Bl. 222–23; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 414; BArchB, Film 44563, O. Pohl, “Medizinische Versuche,” July 23, 1946, p. 2.

211. Schmidt, Brandt, 257–96, quote on 294; Weindling, Victims, table 9 (my thanks to Prof. Weindling for sharing his manuscript). For categorizing the different medical experiments, see OdT, vol. 1, 167; Freyhofer, Medical Trial.

212. OdT, vol. 1, 165–67; Cocks, “Old as New,” 178–79; Roelcke, “Introduction,” 14.

213. Benz, “Rascher,” 193–96; Danckwortt, “Wissenschaft,” 140–41.

214. Stoll, “Sonntag,” 920–24; Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 329–35.

215. Weindling, Victims, tables 6 and 7.

216. NAL, HW 16/22, GPD Nr. 3, November 26, 1942.

217. Quote in Stoll, “Sonntag,” 924.

218. For these terms, see Klee, Auschwitz, 380; Sachse, “Menschenversuche,” 7; Tillion, Ravensbrück, 182; NARA, RG 549, 000–50–9, Box 437, Nebe to Mrugowsky, February 29, 1944.

219. Hahn, Grawitz, 460; Schmidt, Brandt, 256–57.

220. Pohl to Brandt, August 16, 1943, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 284.

221. Benz, “Rascher,” 192.

222. Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” 255–57; Hahn, Grawitz, 401–402.

223. Hahn, Grawitz, 225, 280–83, 372–75, 403–404.

224. Himmler to Rascher, October 24, 1942, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 205–206; Benz, “Rascher,” 204; Schmidt, “Medical Ethics,” 601–602; Wolters, Tuberkulose, 94–100.

225. For this and the previous paragraph, see Benz, “Rascher,” 191–210. See also Hahn, Grawitz, 60–61.

226. For this and the previous paragraph, see Ebbinghaus and Roth, “Medizinverbrechen,” 136–46, Michalowski quote on 142; StAMü, StA Nr. 34433, Bl. 115–16: Vernehmungsniederschrift G. Tauber, August 17, 1948, Polish prisoner quote on 115; BArchL, B 162/21846, Bl. 167–254: W. Neff, “Recht oder Unrecht,” n.d., Bl. 225–27, 235–36; Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 51–61.

227. BArchL, B 162/21846, Bl. 167–254: W. Neff, “Recht oder Unrecht,” n.d., Bl. 241–42, quote on 221; Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 65–66.

228. APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 150: Dr. Rascher, Bericht über KL-Dirnen, November 5, 1942, ND: NO-323; IfZ, Himmler to Pohl, November 15, 1942, ND: NO-1583; Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” 236.

229. Quote in Himmler to Rascher, October 24, 1942, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 205–206.

230. Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 61–65; Holzhaider, “‘Schwester Pia,’” 368–69; Schalm, Überleben, 187.

231. Himmler to Rascher, October 24, 1942, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, 205–206, quote on 206; IfZ, Himmler to Pohl, November 15, 1942, ND: PS-1583; APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 150: Dr. Rascher, Bericht über KL-Dirnen, November 5, 1942, ND: NO-323; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 612; DAP, Vernehmung F. Hofmann, April 22, 1959, 3858; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 17–18; Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” 236–37; Longerich, Himmler, 760–61.

232. Benz, “Rascher,” 210–12; Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 70–71; BArchL, B 162/21846, Bl. 67–100: Kripo München, Abschlussbericht, June 25, 1944, Bl. 90–96.

233. Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” 239–43; NARA, M-1174, roll 3, Bl. 1441–65: Examination of E. Mahl, December 6, 1945; BArchL, B 162/21846, Bl. 53–57: Kripo München, Zwischenbericht, May 26, 1944; ibid., Kripo München, Abschlussbericht, June 25, 1944; DaA, Nr. 7566, K. Schecher, “Rückblick auf Dachau,” n.d., 249.

234. Benz, “Versuche,” 93–95.

235. Hulverscheidt, “Menschen”; Klee, Auschwitz, 117–25; Weindling, Victims, chapter 10.

236. JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 17, 45.

237. Testimony of W. Karołewska, in Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 141–43; Klier, Kaninchen, 69; Schmidt, Justice, 182–83.

238. For this and the previous paragraph, see Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 131–39; Hahn, Grawitz, 458–62; OdT, vol. 1, 171–73; Schmidt, “‘Scars,’” 31–32; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 256–58. More generally, see Ebbinghaus and Roth, “Kriegswunden.”

239. Schmaltz, Kampfstoff-Forschung, 521–54, 562, quote on 550.

240. Wolters, Tuberkulose; Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 338–61.

241. Weindling, Epidemics, 352–63; idem, Victims, chapter 10; Kogon, Theory, 149–53; OdT, vol. 1, 169–70; Hahn, Grawitz, 326–29, 396–97; Hackett, Buchenwald, 73; Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Buchenwald, 200–201; Werther, “Menschenversuche”; HLSL, Anklageschrift gegen Koch, 1944, ND: NO-2366, pp. 65–67; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Hoven, Waldemar, 10.2.1903. For an overview of the Buchenwald typhus experiments, see also Allen, Laboratory, chapter 11. In addition to prisoners infected for the trials, the Buchenwald SS used inmates who had already caught typhus. For wider context, see Süss, “Volkskörper,” 226–27, 236–37.

242. Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 361–70.

243. Kubica, “Crimes,” 319, 328–29, Wirths’s quote on 328; Keller, Günzburg, 20–35; Klee, Auschwitz, 459, 471–72.

244. For this and the previous paragraph, see Keller, Günzburg, 17–18, 39, 73–94; Kubica, “Crimes,” 318.

245. Klee, Auschwitz, 473–75, 480–82, 489, quote on 475; Kubica, “Crimes,” 325–26; Keller, Günzburg, 41–42.

246. For this and the previous paragraph, see Kubica, “Crimes,” 318, 321–25, 326; Keller, Günzburg, 40–41, 83–84; Klee, Auschwitz, 477–79, 488–90; Piekut-Warszawska, “Kinder,” 227–29. Quote in WL, P.III.h. No. 161, E. Herskovits to Familie Karo, May 21–23, 1945.

247. For this and the previous three paragraphs, see Strzelecka, “Experiments”; Hahn, Grawitz, 275–78; Lifton and Hackett, “Nazi Doctors,” 306–308; Beischl, Wirths, 117–46; Eichmüller, Keine Generalamnestie, 135–42; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 480; Schilter, “Schumann,” 101–104; Clauberg to Himmler, June 7, 1943, in Heiber,Reichsführer!, 159–60; Weindling, “Opfer,” 91–92; idem,Victims, chapter 14; Weinberger, Fertility Experiments (Dr. Schumann also carried out some experiments in Ravensbrück in 1944). Quotes in Fragebogen Chopfenberg, n.d., in Schnabel, Macht, 277; APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 163–68: EE by C. Balitzki, November 22, 1946, ND: NO-819.

248. Klee, Auschwitz, 356–66, 371–78, Hirt quote on 359; Steegemann, Struthof, 384–86, 395–400; H.-J. Lang, “Die Spur der Skelette,” Spiegel Online, accessed January 8, 2010; Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” 245–55; Kogon et al., Massentötungen, 274–76; Heinemann, “Rasse,” 535–39. Only in 2003 were all victims identified by name.

249. See also Hahn et al., “Medizin,” 17.

250. Hahn, Grawitz, 500.

251. BArchL, B 162/7997, Bl. 525–603: Fall IV, Nuremberg, June 30, 1947, Bl. 580.

252. Benz, “Rascher,” 202, 208; Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” 234, 263.

253. APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 2/1, Bl. 10–15: M. Stoppelman, “Meine Erlebnisse in Auschwitz,” n.d. (c. spring 1945), prisoner doctor quotes on 15; Klee, Auschwitz, 63, 92, 488, Verschuer quote on 458–59; Sachse, “Menschenversuche,” 10–14; Keller, Günzburg, 39, 41, 88, 92; Hulverscheidt, “Menschen,” 122.

254. Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 54–61, 151; Klee, Auschwitz, 235–43; Hahn, Grawitz, 328–29, 458–59; Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” 262; Ebbinghaus and Roth, “Medizinverbrechen,” 137; Neumann, “Heeressanitätsinspektion,” 129.

255. Klee, Auschwitz, 284–321, quotes on 279, 285; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 176–77 (with the spelling Helmut Vetter).

256. Cocks, “Old as New,” 180, 190; Evans, Third Reich in Power, 445–46; Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” 262; idem., “Criminal,” 79–81.

257. Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 96–102; NARA, RG 549, 000–50–9, Box 437, Himmler to chief of the Sipo, February 27, 1944; Klee, Auschwitz, 126, 310–12.

258. Kater, “Ahnenerbe,” quotes on 243–44; Mitscherlich and Mielke, Medizin, 132.

259. Wachsmann, Prisons, 316–17, quote on 317.

260. Nyiszli, Auschwitz (written in 1946), quotes on 51, 57, 101; Klee, Auschwitz, 489–90; Evans, “Introduction.”

261. Steiner and Steiner, “Zwillinge,” quote on 128.

262. Quotes in HLSL, Grawitz to Himmler, June 28, 1944, ND: NO-179; Benz, “Rascher,” 204. See also BArchL, B 162/21846, Bl. 167–254: W. Neff, “Recht oder Unrecht,” n.d., Bl. 219–20; Weindling, Victims, tables 3, 4, and 5.

263. Schwarberg, SS-Arzt, 7–9, 152; Weindling, “Opfer,” 90.

264. The WVHA had already contemplated such a move before, in autumn 1942 and summer 1943, though these early plans for moving many thousands of Jews from Auschwitz to arms factories deep inside the Third Reich had come to nothing; BArchB, NS 19/14, Bl. 131–33: Pohl to Himmler, September 16, 1942; Maurer to Höss, September 4, 1943, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 128; Herbert, “Arbeit,” 222–24. Quote in HLSL, WVHA to LK, October 5, 1942, ND: 3677–PS.

9. Camps Unbound

    1. For this and the previous paragraphs, see Wagner, Produktion, 184–94, 376, 459, 485–86, Van Dijk quote on 189; idem, Mittelbau-Dora, 48; Michel, Dora, 66–75; Sellier, Dora, 58–61; Eisfeld, Mondsüchtig, 120; NARA, M-1079, roll 5, Vernehmung W. Hein, April 16, 1945; ibid., roll 6, examination of C. Jay, August 7, 1947; ibid., examination of H. Iwes, August 12, 1947, quote on 299; testimony of K. Kahr, April 10, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 396. My thanks to Jens-Christian Wagner for further details on the sleeping tunnels.

    2. For this and the previous paragraph, see Wagner, Mittelbau-Dora, 31–37, 161; Wagner, Produktion, 89; Neufeld, Rocket, 176, 184–204; Eisfeld, Mondsüchtig, 112–18; IfZ, F 37/3, Himmler diary, entries June 28 and 29, 1943.

    3. Himmler to Pohl, December 17, 1943, cited in Wagner, Produktion, 89. More generally, see Fröbe, “Arbeitseinsatz,” 352–56.

    4. Freund, Zement, 449–57; Wagner, Produktion, 87–88; OdT, vol. 4, 354–60, 416–20. Further underground projects were under way in existing KL; ibid., 375.

    5. Buggeln, “Building”; idem, Arbeit, 239; idem, Bunker; OdT, vol. 5, 372–76.

    6. IfZ, Burger to Loerner, August 15, 1944, ND: NO-399; ibid., Fa 183, Bl. 6–7, n.d.; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 402, table 6.

    7. Hördler, “Ordnung,” quote on 298; Buggeln, System, 95.

    8. Karin Orth (System, 243) coined the term “concentration camps of the relocation projects.”

    9. Wagner, Produktion, 244–59, 386; Fings, Krieg, 14, 316.

  10. Wiedemann, “Rózsa”; Jochem, “Bedingungen,” 64–69; Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 18, 31–35, 53. At the time, Rózsa was known under her married name, Schapira.

  11. Nansen, Day, 410; Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 220, 224; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 103, 159; StANü, EE by K. Roeder, February 20, 1947, ND: NO-2122.

  12. Quote in Kupfer-Koberwitz, Dachauer, 349 (entry for August 14, 1944). See also YIVO, RG 294.1, MK 488, series 20, folder 541, Bl. 1279–86: testimony J. Levine, n.d. (1945–46); Nansen, Day, 512–13; NAL, WO 208/3596, CSDIC, SIR Nr. 727, August 11, 1944.

  13. Estimate in Buggeln, System, 135.

  14. Boelcke, Rüstung, Hitler quote on 338; Wagner, Produktion, 89–96; Raim, Dachauer, 28–35, 37–41; Süß, Tod, 13–14.

  15. Fröbe, “Arbeitseinsatz,” 357–58; Kroener, “‘Menschenbewirtschaftung,’” 912–18; Kooger, Rüstung, 283–84; Wagner, Produktion, 94, 97; Uziel, Arming, 1–2.

  16. Wagner, Produktion, 90–91, 101–104; Fröbe, “Kammler,” 312–14; idem., “Arbeitseinsatz,” 358–59.

  17. Perz, Projekt Quarz; OdT, vol. 4, 405–408.

  18. For this and the two previous paragraphs, see Fröbe, “Kammler.” See also Wagner, Produktion, 106–10, Kammler quote on 103; Wagner, Mittelbau-Dora, 41–44, Speer quotes on 44; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, December 17, 1946, p. 14; IfZ, F 13/8, Bl. 462–66: R. Höss, “Dr. Ing. Kammler,” n.d. (1946–47); Broszat,Kommandant, 271–75; Fings, Krieg, passim; Schley,Buchenwald, 62–63; Buchheim, “Befehl,” 241; Kogon, Theory, 97–98; Eisfeld, Mondsüchtig, 120; OdT, vol. 3, 539–44; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 255; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/A, 402–405.

  19. Raim, Dachauer, 41–60; OdT, vol. 2, 360–73, 389–95; Wagner, Produktion, 101, 110; Müller, “Speer,” 448–55; Buggeln, “‘Menschenhandel’”; Schalm, Überleben, 76, 154. Although the OT was officially led by Speer in his capacity as armaments minister, the powerful head of the OT, Xaver Dorsch, often acted independently.

  20. OdT, vol. 6, 461–67; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/A, 782–83.

  21. Glauning, Entgrenzung, 101–19; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/B, 1012–14; Bütow and Bindernagel, KZ, 77–90, 106–11, 223; Wagner, Produktion, 111–16; Freund, Zement, 451. Up to forty thousand KL prisoners may have been deployed (at any one time) for the Geilenberg Staff; Buggeln, System, 131–33.

  22. Testimony of O. Pohl, 1947, TWC, vol. 5, 445–46. Pohl spoke of approximately 600,000 KL prisoners at the end of 1944 (he meant only those prisoners classified as working). Of these, he estimated that 230,000 to 250,000 had been employed by private industry, around 180,000 by the Special Staff Kammler, another 40,000 to 50,000 by Kammler’s construction inspectorates (as part of WVHA-C), and 15,000 in Kammler’s construction and railway brigades.

  23. Quotes in Fröhlich, Tagebücher, II/11, February 29, 1944, p. 366; BArchB, NS 19/4014, Bl. 158–204: Rede des Reichsführers SS vor Generälen, June 21, 1944, Bl. 166, 162. See also Rede bei der SS Gruppenführertagung in Posen, October 4, 1943, IMT, vol. 29, ND: 1919–PS, pp. 144–45.

  24. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO Pohl, Oswald, 30.6.1892, Pohl to Himmler, April 5, 1944.

  25. Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 320–21; Buggeln, Arbeit, 131–33, 141.

  26. For example, see Glauning, Entgrenzung, 249–55, 405–406.

  27. Wagner, Produktion, 389–90; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 265–69.

  28. For example, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 309–10.

  29. Estimates in Spoerer, “Unternehmen,” 68–69. See also idem, Zwangsarbeit, 186.

  30. Spoerer, “Unternehmen,” 70, 88–90; Buggeln, System, 58; Wagner, Produktion, 76, 394; Hayes, “Ambiguities,” 14–16.

  31. Orth, System, 248–49; Wagner, Produktion, 580; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 406–409, 413.

  32. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 399–403.

  33. Quotes in Strebel, Ravensbrück, 439. See also Roth, “Zwangsarbeit”; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 326; Spoerer, Zwangsarbeit, 111; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 144, 219; Fröbe, “KZ-Häftlinge,” 652–54.

  34. Ibel, “Digitalisierung”; Römmer, “Digitalisierung,” 10–12.

  35. Naasner, Machtzentren, 454; Kershaw, End, 79.

  36. Wagner, Produktion, 116–18, 237, 240; Kroener et al., “Zusammenfassung,” 1003–1006, 1016–17; Raim, Dachauer, 138–41.

  37. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 1043–44, 1095. By contrast, many industrialists had a more rational agenda: they wanted to save their machines and plants into the postwar period; Fröbe, “Arbeitseinsatz,” 371–72; Wagner, Produktion, 117–18.

  38. Hayes, Industry, 367; Wagner, IG Farben, 263, 295.

  39. Glauning, Entgrenzung, 218–20; Wagner, Produktion, 116.

  40. Neufeld, Rocket, 264. See also Wagner, Produktion, 202–207, 220, 288.

  41. Wagner, Produktion, 288; Kogon, Theory, 98–99.

  42. Hördler, “Ordnung,” 9–11, 329–30, 338–40; Orth, System, 260–62.

  43. Freund, “Mauthausen,” 263; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 161–62; LG Frankfurt, Urteil, May 27, 1970, JNV, vol. 34, 219, 229; Kogon et al., Massentötungen, 77–78; Friedlander, Genocide, 149–50; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 346–58, 373. The murders in Hartheim were not a continuation of Action 14f13, as Hördler suggests, but of more limited character, largely restricted to sick prisoners from nearby Mauthausen.

  44. Hördler, “Ordnung,” 316, 398.

  45. OdT, vol. 7, 48–49; Kranz, “Erfassung,” 230; idem., “KL Lublin,” 376; Marszałek, Majdanek, 77, 133.

  46. Quote (attributed to Richard Glücks) in NAL, WO 235/19, statement of J. Kramer, May 22, 1945, p. 10. See also Wenck, Menschenhandel, 338–43; OdT, vol. 7, 200–202.

  47. Quotes in NARA, M-1079, roll 6, examination of C. Jay, August 7, 1947, Bl. 62; Zeugenaussage J. H. Mulin, May 5, 1945, in Niedersächsische Landeszentrale, Bergen-Belsen, 89–90. See also OdT, vol. 7, 200–201; Wenck, Menschenhandel, 340; Wagner, Produktion, 493.

  48. Broszat, Kommandant, 205, 208, 263–66, quote on 264; StANü, EE by K. Sommer, January 22, 1947, ND: NO-1578.

  49. OdT, vol. 4, 45; IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 6.

  50. IfZ, Burger to Loerner, August 15, 1944, ND: NO-399; ibid., Fa 183, Bl. 6–7, n.d.; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 402, table 6; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 349. The Buchenwald figure includes prisoners in Ohrdruf (listed separately in the SS table). The exclusion of female prisoners from Dora appears to have been deliberate, perhaps to avoid disruption to high-profile production commandos; my thanks to Jens-Christian Wagner for this point.

  51. Roth, “‘Asozialen,’” 449–53; Wachsmann, Prisons, 221–22, 319–20; Longerich, Himmler, 718–19; OdT, vol. 1, 162–63; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 185–90. Soldmann died just weeks after liberation in spring 1945.

  52. Lotfi, KZ, 235–36; Kroener, “‘Menschenbewirtschaftung,’” 929; Kaienburg, “Vernichtung,” 302–303 (n. 37); Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 356.

  53. Longerich, Himmler, 725–26.

  54. Sellier, Dora, 56; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 151–52.

  55. Borodziej, Geschichte, 249–51; Snyder, Bloodlands, 298–309; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 143–44; OdT, vol. 8, 109–14; IfZ, Burger to Loerner, August 15, 1944, ND: NO-399. Quotes in LULVR, interview No. 357, June 13, 1946.

  56. Buggeln, System, 139; Pohl, “Holocaust,” 159–60.

  57. Browning, Remembering, 153–54, 218; Karay, Death.

  58. Pohl, “Holocaust,” 159; Piper, Zahl, 185–86; Friedländer, Jahre, 658–61.

  59. Friedländer, Jahre, 636–42; Longerich, Himmler, 711–13, 726–27; Piper, Zahl, table D; Levi and de Benedetti, Auschwitz, 32–35; Czech, Kalendarium, 730.

  60. Kárný, “Theresienstädter,” 213–15; Piper, Zahl, 192; Friedländer, Jahre, 667.

  61. Cesarani, Eichmann, 159–73; Pohl, “Holocaust,” 158; Longerich, Himmler, 714–15; Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 276, 375.

  62. Quote in WL, P.III.h. No. 233, E. Fejer, “Bericht aus der Verfolgungszeit,” January 1956, p. 7. More generally, see Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 271–73, 355–67; Pohl, “Holocaust,” 158.

  63. Fröbe, “Arbeitseinsatz,” 360–61, quote on 361; idem, “Kammler,” 314; Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 163–71, 251–52, 375; Wagner, Produktion, 98–99; Cesarani, Eichmann, 162.

  64. In addition, well over fifteen thousand Jewish prisoners are likely to have died in Monowitz during 1944; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 281.

  65. For the last point, see Pohl, “Holocaust,” 158. Between May and July 1944, some 430,000 to 435,000 Jews arrived from Hungary, and another 35,000 from elsewhere, bringing the total number of deported Jews in this period to 465,000 or more. This compares to 456,450 Jews deported to Auschwitz between May 1942 and April 1944; Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 276, 375; Piper, Zahl, table D.

  66. Interrogation of R. Höss, April 2, 1946, in Mendelsohn, Holocaust, vol. 12, 121–27; Höss testimony and quote, January 1947, in Van Pelt, Case, 262; YVA, M-5/162, affidavit D. Wislieceny, November 29, 1945, p. 4; Stangneth, “Aufenthaltsorte,” 4; BArchK, All. Proz. 6/101, Bl. 29.

  67. StB Nr. 14/44, May 8, 1944, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 445–46.

  68. StANü, EE by K. Sommer, April 4, 1947, ND: NO-2739, p. 3.

  69. For Liebehenschel’s reputation, see Orth, SS, 245–46.

  70. Quote in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Liebehenschel, Arthur, 25.11.01, Stellungnahme R. Baer, July 3, 1944. See also ibid., Brandt to Pohl, June 26, 1944; ibid., Pohl to Brandt, June 6, 1944; ibid., RS, Liebehenschel, Arthur, 25.11.01, Fernspruch, October 3, 1944; ibid., Ärztlicher Untersuchungsbogen, August 29, 1944; IfZ, F 13/7, Bl. 389–92: R. Höss, “Arthur Liebehenschel,” November 1946; ibid., F 13/8, Bl. 468–71: R. Höss, “Richard Baer,” November 1946; Orth, SS, 243–46. Liebehenschel was finally allowed to marry in autumn 1944, because his fiancée was about to give birth, but he never forgave Pohl; BArchB, Film 44837, Vernehmung A. Liebehenschel, September 18, 1946, p. 33.

  71. Hördler, “Ordnung,” 64, 268–70.

  72. Quotes in BArchK, All. Proz. 6/106, Bl. 25; ibid., 6/101, Bl. 29. See also ibid., 6/97, Bl. 22; ibid., 6/99, Bl. 4; Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 275, 296–97; Höss testimony, January 1947, in Van Pelt, Case, 262; Piper, Zahl, table D.

  73. Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 276, 285–86, 289–96, 375, 413 (these figures contradict the often-repeated suggestion that no more than ten percent of Hungarian Jews were selected as fit for slave labor in Auschwitz; most recently, Longerich, Holocaust, 408). See also Braham, “Hungarian Jews,” 463–64; Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 111; StANü, EE by K. Sommer, April 4, 1947, ND: NO-2739, p. 3; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 91, 98–99; Browning, Survival, 234–35, 240; WL, P.III.h. No. 562, Protokoll Dr. Wolken, April 1945, p. 13; Wagner, Produktion, 419.

  74. StB Nr. 14/44 (May 8, 1944), StB Nr. 15/44 (May 11, 1944), StB Nr. 20/44 (July 29, 1944), all in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 445–46, 475; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 65. Baer had led the old main camp (Auschwitz I) since May 11, 1944.

  75. Iwaszko, “Reasons,” 17; LSW, Bl. 44–66: Vernehmung S. Dragon, May 10, 11, and 17, 1946, Bl. 59; Van Pelt, Case, 187, 262; Citroen and Starzyńska, Auschwitz, 78; Vaisman, Auschwitz, 39; WL, P.III.h. No. 867, “Eine polnische Nicht-Jüdin in Auschwitz,” August 17, 1957, p. 8; “Bericht von Czesław Mordowicz,” summer 1944, 303; Gilbert, Music, 177–78; Gutman, Auschwitz Album.

  76. Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 237–38; Piper, Mass Murder, 178, 184–85, 193; Van Pelt, Case, 188, 256, 262; LSW, Bl. 44–66: Vernehmung S. Dragon, May 10, 11, and 17, 1946, Bl. 56, 58; USHMM, RG-11.001M.03, reel 19, folder 21, Aktenvermerk, Besuch des Hauptamtschefs, June 20, 1944. The Camp SS later erected a large empty barrack to obscure the open-air cremations; Perz and Sandkühler, “Auschwitz,” 295.

  77. Schmid, “Moll,” 129–32; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 38–45: O. Wolken, “Lager-Bilder,” n.d. (c. spring 1945), Bl. 44; LSW, Bl. 44–66: Vernehmung S. Dragon, May 10, 11, and 17, 1946, Bl. 52; NARA, RG 549, 000–50–9, Box 440A, statement P. Lazuka, April 23, 1945; Aussage S. Jankowski, April 16, 1945, in SMAB, Inmitten, 49–50; Höss testimony, January 1947, in Van Pelt,Case, 262–63.

  78. DAP, Vernehmung S. Baretzki, February 18, 1965, 29223–38, quote on 29237; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 98–99; Strzelecka, “Women,” 174; Langbein, Menschen, 66–67; Rózsa, “Solange,” 100–108.

  79. Iwaszko, “Reasons,” 40–41.

  80. Piper, Zahl, 103; Bauer, “Gypsies,” 453.

  81. See chapter 8.

  82. For this and the previous three paragraphs, see Zimmermann, Rassenutopie, 326–38, 340, letter quote on 335; Winter, Winter, 45–53, quote on 47; Guttenberger, “Zigeunerlager,” quote on 132; Langbein, Menschen, 52, 271–73; Kubica, “Children,” 289; WL, P.III.h. No. 795, “Gipsy-Camp Birkenau,” January 1958; ibid., No. 664, “… Juden und Zigeuner,” September 1957; Fings, “‘Wannsee-Konferenz,’” 333; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 84–85, 90–91, 93–94; Szymański et al., “‘Spital’”; Grotum, Archiv, 261; Piper, “‘Familienlager,’” 297;Świebocki, “Sinti,” 332, 341.

  83. Drawing on the testimony of a Polish political prisoner, several historians suggest that the local Camp SS—keen to empty the Gypsy camp for incoming Hungarian Jews—entered on May 16, 1944, but were driven back by the prisoners, leading the SS to abandon its first attempt to exterminate the remaining Gypsies (Zimmermann,Rassenutopie, 340; Lewy, Nazi Persecution, 163; Czech,Kalendarium, 774–75). However, this account is not corroborated by former inmates from the Gypsy camp (testimonies by Paul Morgenstern, Aron Bejlin, and Max Friedrich, all in DAP; accounts by Winter and Guttenberger, cited above).

  84. Quotes in DAP, Vernehmung J. Glück, August 20, 1964, 15108; WL, P.III.h. No. 795, “Gipsy-Camp Birkenau,” January 1958, p. 8. See also Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 91; Zimmermann, Rassenutopie, 336; Winter, Winter, 83–84.

  85. Broszat, Kommandant, quote on 163; DAP, Vernehmung A. Bejlin, August 28, 1964, 16314–18, quote on 16318; ibid., Vernehmung J. Mikusz, April 26, 1965, 32386; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 46–50, O. Wolken, “Frauen u. Kinderschicksale,” February 18, 1945, Bl. 49; ibid., Hd 5, Bl. 24–38: testimony of Dr. B. Epstein, April 7, 1945; Zimmermann, Rassenutopie, 343–44;Świebocki,Resistance, 42; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 63; Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 186.

  86. SeeŚwiebocki, “Sinti,” 332–35, quote (from 1943) on 335; Zimmermann, Rassenutopie, 339–47; WL, P.III.h. No. 795, “Gipsy-Camp Birkenau,” January 1958, p. 8; Winter, Winter, 85–88; Wagner, Ellrich, 71–73; idem, Produktion, 648; idem, “Sinti,” 103.

  87. Quotes in BArchB, Film 14428, Pohl to Himmler, April 5, 1944, underlined in original (letter drafted by Maurer); ibid., Himmler to Pohl, April 22, 1944. For Alderney and Loiblpass, see OdT, vol. 5, 347–49; ibid, vol. 4, 400–404.

  88. Glauning, Entgrenzung, 121–23.

  89. Schalm, “Außenkommandos,” 58–59.

  90. WVHA figure in BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Glücks, Richard, 22.4.1889, O. Pohl, Vorschlagsliste, January 13, 1945. According to the data in OdT, there were 557 satellite camps in January 1945 (my thanks to Chris Dillon for compiling these figures for me).

  91. Satellite camps held prisoners on permanent sites outside the main KL, but remained administratively attached to it. They differed from outside labor details, whose prisoners returned to the main camp in the evenings; Buggeln, Arbeit, 105.

  92. This point has been made by, among others, Sabine Schalm, who proposes a separate term (satellite commando) for small camps with fewer than 250 prisoners; Schalm, Überleben, 45–50.

  93. For an influential typology of satellite camps, see Freund, “Mauthausen,” 225.

  94. Buggeln, Arbeit, 152–55; Wagner, Produktion, 480; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/A, 346–48.

  95. Wagner, Ellrich, 57.

  96. Fings, Krieg, 247–70.

  97. For a different interpretation, seeing the emergence of a new period of order and rationalization of the KL system in 1944, see Hördler, “Ordnung.”

  98. Buggeln, Arbeit, 105–106, 113–14, 118, 121–23; Wagner, Produktion, 472; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 253–54, 263.

  99. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 450.

100. Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 170, 178, 184.

101. Buggeln, Arbeit, 45; idem, System, 117–18, 133.

102. OdT, vol. 8, 48–49; Buggeln, Arbeit, 164–65; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 333.

103. Wagner, Produktion, 498, 537; Schalm, Überleben, 309.

104. Buggeln, Arbeit, 117–21, 136, 152, 159–62, 396–99, 407–408, 416–17; idem, “Schulung,” 189–90; Glauning, Entgrenzung, 149–58, 404; Wagner, Ellrich, 124, 127–28; idem, Produktion, 328; Freund, “Mauthausen,” 270; BArchL, B 162/7995, Bl. 214–44: Vernehmung J. Hassebroek, March 16–22, 1967, Bl. 222.

105. Buggeln, Arbeit, 394.

106. Hördler, “Ordnung,” 161.

107. BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Harbaum, August, 25.3.1913, Bl. 119: R. Glücks, Personal-Antrag, April 24, 1944 (the figure of 22,000 WVHA-D staff given here does not include female guards, presumably, as they were not SS members); IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 6–7, n.d. (the often-cited figure of 39,969 Camp SS guard personnel on January 1, 1945, is incomplete, as it omits thousands of men transferred to the KL from the military; Buggeln, Arbeit, 392–93).

108. Perz, “Wehrmacht,” 70–80; Buggeln, Arbeit, 392–93. See also IfZ, Fa 127/2, Bl. 276: Himmler to Pohl et al., May 11, 1944; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO, Harbaum, August, 25.3.1913, Bl. 119: R. Glücks, Personal-Antrag, April 24, 1944; Glauning, Entgrenzung, 167–68; Wagner, Produktion, 332, 336–37; Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 212–13;Hördler, “Ordnung,” 176. I am using the term “soldier” broadly, to encompass seamen and airmen.

109. Glauning, Entgrenzung, 168–69, 173, 176; Buggeln, Arbeit, 436; Wagner, Produktion, 332; Riedle, Angehörigen, 47.

110. Wagner, Produktion, 335–38, prisoner quote on 335; AGN, Ng. 7.6., H. Behncke to his family, September 1, 1944, quote on 35. For Vierke’s case, see USHMM, RG-11.001M.20, reel 89, folder 127.

111. Historians still debate to what extent women drafted as KL guards could refuse to serve in these positions; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 119–25, 133–35. For the figures, see IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 6–7, n.d.

112. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 102; Buggeln, Arbeit, 462; Perz, “Wehrmacht,” 76; Oppel, “Eßmann,” 87.

113. Hördler, “Ordnung,” 9, 161; Buggeln, Arbeit, 393, 667; Orth, SS, 54.

114. Bornemann, Geheimprojekt, 190–98, Pauler quotes on 197, 192; AGN, Ng. 7.6.; Heike, “Lagerverwaltung,” 235.

115. Bornemann, Geheimprojekt, Pauler quote on 198; AGN, Ng. 7.6., H. Behncke to his wife, n.d., quote on 66; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, July 15, 1946; Perz, “Wehrmacht,” 81; Wagner, Produktion, 321, 334–36; Hördler, “Wehrmacht,” 14; Buggeln, Arbeit, 433.

116. Glücks to LK, December 18, 1944, in Wagner, Mittelbau-Dora, 109. See also Glauning, Entgrenzung, 167; Wagner, Produktion, 335–36, 345. For SS complaints about female guards, see Lasik, “SS Garrison,” 290; Sprenger, “Aufseherinnen,” 27; Schwarz, “Frauen,” 807.

117. Hördler, “Ordnung,” 23, 34–35, 181–90; idem, “Wehrmacht,” 17–18; Buggeln, “Schulung.”

118. Perz, “Wehrmacht,” 82; Wagner, Produktion, 324; Fings, Krieg, 82–83 (on police reservists). For a more skeptical note, see Hördler, “Wehrmacht,” 18–19.

119. Quote in Jansen, “Zwangsarbeit,” 93.

120. BArchL, B 162/5109, Bl. 1859–69: Erklärung Efim K., September 19, 1962, quote on 1865. For the correct spelling of the camp, see OdT, vol. 8, 151 (n. 2). Several other Jewish prisoners also recalled acts of kindness by German soldiers; BArchL, B 162/2985, Bl. 2032–34: Vernehmung Calelzon B., September 7, 1973; BoA, testimony G. Kaldore, August 31, 1946; Eichhorn, “Sabbath,” 209–10.

121. For this and the previous two paragraphs, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 395–96, 399, 404–407, 417–19, 437–38, 442, 482–83, 667; idem, “Lebens- und Arbeitsbedingungen,” 50; Wagner, Produktion, 343–44, Pauler quote on 339; AGN, Ng. 7.6., H. Behncke to his wife, January 28 and April 2, 1945, quotes on 167 and 260. See also Schalm,Überleben, 153–55; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 178; OdT, vol. 4, 51; Fröbe, “Mineralölindustrie,” 175.

122. Buggeln, Arbeit, 142–43, quote on 143; Freund, “Mauthausen,” 267–68; Fröbe, “Arbeitseinsatz,” 365–67; idem, “KZ-Häftlinge,” 656–57; Wagner, Produktion, 362–71, 380, 476, 487, 500; OdT, vol. 5, 477–79.

123. For Gandersheim, see Antelme, Menschengeschlecht, quotes on 115; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/A, 346–48; OdT, vol. 3, 374–76. More generally, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 17, 156, 213, 224–25, 283–95, 328.

124. Wagner, Produktion, 366–67, 469, 483, 493–97.

125. There was a second, much smaller satellite camp in town (Ellrich-Bürgergarten); OdT, vol. 7, 301.

126. Sellier, Dora, quote on 201; Wagner, Produktion, 478–79, 487–89; idem, Ellrich, 56, 59–66.

127. Tauzin, 1945, cited in Sellier, Dora, 208; Wagner, Produktion, 382–83, 479; idem, Ellrich, 90–96.

128. Quotes in YVA, O 15 E/1761, Protokoll V. Jakubovics, July 9, 1945; Bornemann, Geheimprojekt, 191. See also Wagner, Produktion, 382, 470–71, 476–77, 487; idem, Ellrich, 59, 96–98; Sellier, Dora, 210–12.

129. NARA, M-1079, roll 11, Aussage O. Brinkmann, June 30, 1947, quote on Bl. 1069; Wagner, Ellrich, 118–19, 127–36; Bornemann, Geheimprojekt, 188; JVL, DJAO, RaR, United States v. Andrea, April 15, 1948, 46–50.

130. Quotes in YVA, O 15 E/1761, Protokoll V. Jakubovics, July 9, 1945; Wagner, Ellrich, 89. See also ibid., 100, 104–109; idem, Produktion, 314, 382, 477, 488.

131. The more pressing the completion of a project, the worse the conditions; Buggeln, Arbeit, 239–40, 243, 256–60.

132. YVA, O 15 E/647, Protokoll J. Jakobovics, July 2, 1945. See also OdT, vol. 6, 286–87, 457–59.

133. Herbert, “Arbeit.” For the term, see Burleigh and Wippermann, Racial State.

134. Orth, System, 240; Zimmermann, “Arbeit,” 747.

135. Above all, see the pioneering work by Jens-Christian Wagner (Produktion). More recently, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 282; Kranebitter, “Zahlen,” 148.

136. Wagner, Produktion, 402, quote on 579; idem, Ellrich, 110–11; idem, “Sinti.”

137. Buggeln, Arbeit, 333.

138. Buggeln, Arbeit, 241, 245.

139. Renouard, Hölle, 39; Wagner, Produktion, 403, 579; idem, Ellrich, 112; Buggeln, Arbeit, 245, 497–98, 550.

140. Quote in Buggeln, Arbeit, 314 (n. 104). For Jews in mixed satellite camps, see Freund, “Häftlingskategorien,” 880; idem, Toten, 380–83; Wagner, Produktion, 405–407.

141. Raim, Dachauer, 154–55, 192–246; idem, “KZ-Außenlagerkomplexe.” See also Ervin-Deutsch, “Nachtschicht”; YIVO, RG 294.1, MK 488, series 20, folder 549, Bl. 718–27: testimony of S. Heller, July 10, 1945; YVA, O 15 E/534, protokoll S. Fülöp, July 1, 1945, quote on 2; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 251; LG Augsburg, Urteil, June 28, 1950, JNV, vol. 6, 653–60. Other lethal construction camps (primarily) for Jews included Magdeburg-Rothensee, the Riese complex, Hanover-Ahlem, and Stempeda.

142. Buggeln, Arbeit, 216, 251, 296, 329–30; Wagner, Produktion, 370, 407–408.

143. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 356.

144. Schalm, Überleben, 205.

145. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 426–27; Perz, “Wehrmacht,” 78; Fröbe, “KZ-Häftlinge,” 667–68.

146. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 428–29, 441–43; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 289–92, 341.

147. Buggeln, Arbeit, 217, 317–18; Rudorff, Frauen, 386.

148. While sewing and cooking could bring obvious benefits, so could carpentry and similar trades (more male preserves). Also, since many male prisoners had served in the army, they may have become more easily accustomed to the military regimen inside the KL; Buggeln, Gewalt, 513–15; Debski, Battlefield, 82–83.

149. For the debate on this issue, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 280, 508, 513; Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 315. Like Laurence Langer, I am not convinced that survivor testimonies show a significant gendered difference in the levels of mutual support. Even if this was the case, however, it could simply be a reflection of male survivors’ reluctance to talk about their reliance on emotional support from other men.

150. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 522; Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 134, 315–16; Buggeln, Arbeit, 226.

151. Debski, Battlefield, 84; Rudorff, Frauen, 390; Buggeln, Arbeit, 278, 280–81, 394–95, 467–68; idem, System, 126–27. See also chapter 10, below.

152. Satellite camps for women were still normally led by a male camp leader, and the sentries in the Guard Troop were usually male, too; Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 190, 214, 311; Buggeln, Arbeit, 464.

153. Pfingsten and Füllberg-Stolberg, “Frauen,” 921; Buggeln, Arbeit, 466–67; Sprenger, “Aufseherinnen,” 29–30; Rudorff, Frauen, 389–90.

154. Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 215–16, 306–307, 312, 316, quote on 216.

155. For Neuengamme, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 333. The term “race” is used here in the way it was ascribed by the SS authorities.

156. Raim, Dachauer, 193–94, 200; idem, “KZ-Außenlagerkomplexe,” 75–76; Schalm, Überleben, 195–96; YIVO, RG 294.1, MK 488, series 20, folder 549, Bl. 718–27: testimony Dr. S. Heller, July 10, 1945.

157. For Jewish women in production, see Zimmermann, “Arbeit,” 746–47.

158. Rudorff, Frauen, 386–91.

159. Seidel, “Frauen,” 155–56; OdT, vol. 3, 495–500.

160. Rózsa, “Solange,” 98, 121, 125, 133, 141, 144, 157–61, 225, quotes on 107, 188; Jochem, “Bedingungen,” 83–91; OdT, vol. 4, 213–16.

161. Buggeln, Arbeit, 275; Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 95; OdT, vol. 6, 301–303, 410–12.

162. Fröhlich, Tagebücher, II/12, April 27, 1944, p. 202.

163. Browning, Remembering, 153–54. See also the case of Jewish “forgers” in Sachsenhausen and “hostages” in Bergen-Belsen (chapter 6, above).

164. See also Buggeln, Arbeit, 658.

165. Rózsa, “Solange,” 159.

166. Wagner, Produktion, 534–55, Güntsche quote on 535.

167. Steinbacher, Dachau, quote on 184; Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 210–11.

168. ITS, 1.1.6.0, folder 55, KL Dachau, Auszug aus der DV der KL Bewachung, n.d. (1942?).

169. Some of these satellite camps had already emerged before the war; for example, see OdT, vol. 3, 388–92, 587–90.

170. G. Meier to LK Flossenbürg, June 18, 1942, in KZ-Gedenkstätte Flossenbürg, Flossenbürg, quote on 171; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 207; Wachsmann, Prisons, 95. In 1942, the charge was three Reichsmark per male prisoner per day, and two Reichsmark per female prisoner; IfZ, WVHA to Kommandanturen, August 17, 1942, ND: PS-3685.

171. Schley, Nachbar, 71–75.

172. Bringmann, Neuengamme, quote on 43; Fings, Krieg, 161–62. For prisoner uniforms, see Schmidt, “Geschichte und Symbolik,” 292–93.

173. Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 193.

174. E. Mercker, “Granitbrüche Flossenbürg” (1941), oil on canvas, displayed in the exhibition Histories in Conflict, Haus der Kunst, Munich, June 2012–January 2013. The Camp SS also still conducted staged visits for state and party officials, as well as for foreign dignitaries; for example, see Wein, “Krankenrevier.”

175. Fröhlich, Tagebücher, II/4, June 13, 1942, pp. 510–18.

176. Schley, Nachbar, 108–109; Horwitz, Shadow, 93, 109; Wagner, Produktion, 157–58; Glauning, Entgrenzung, 332–33; Marcuse, Legacies.

177. Dörner, Die Deutschen, 606.

178. Kremer, “Tagebuch,” September 2, 1942, 211.

179. Neitzel, Abgehört, 283; Tyas, “Intelligence,” 12.

180. Czech, Kalendarium, 380; NAL, HW 16/23, GPD Nr 3, Glücks to Höss, January 22, 1943. More generally, see Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 249–52.

181. Dörner, Die Deutschen, 325; Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 247–49; Frei, 1945, 156–57; Broszat, Kommandant, 247.

182. Klemperer, Zeugnis, 47, 268, 306, 313, 378, quote on 259.

183. Dörner, Die Deutschen, 398, 416, 605–608; Fritzsche, Life, 240, 262–64.

184. BArchB, NS 4/Bu 31, Bl. 15: WVHA to LK, July 11, 1942; ibid., NS 3/426, Bl. 40: WVHA-D to LK, February 25, 1943.

185. BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 76: Himmler to Glücks, May 26, 1943; Grotum, Archiv, 219.

186. RSHA circular, October 26, 1939, in NCA, vol. 1, 962.

187. Dörner, Die Deutschen, 39–40, 355–56, quote on 355; LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, 646.

188. BArchB, NS 3/391, Bl. 4–22: Aufgabengebiete in einem KL, n.d. (1942), Bl. 8; ibid., NS 4/Bu 31, Bl. 19: Verhalten beim Briefe-Schreiben, n.d.; ibid., NS 4/Na 6, Bl. 24: WVHA to LK, April 12, 1943; Wagner, Produktion, 463. Among the barred groups were Soviet POWs and so-called NN prisoners; Lasik, “Organizational,” 168. For a ban on letters by Jewish inmates in summer 1944, see Sprenger, Groβ-Rosen, 165.

189. C. Herman to his wife and daughter, November 6, 1944, in SMAB, Inmitten, quote on 259. For other examples, see Bárta, “Tagebuch,” 50–51; S. Sosnowski to his wife, October 27, 1940, in Geehr, Letters, 44–45.

190. Quotes in Maršálek, Mauthausen, 50; A. Bala to J. Esztsadnika, July 1943, in Bacharach, Worte, 328.

191. J. Pogonowski to his family, April 21, 1943, in Piper, Briefe, 44–45.

192. IfZ, RSHA, AE, 2. Teil, Bl. 202: RunderlaßChef Sipo und SD, October 24, 1939.

193. BArchB, NS 19/1570, Bl. 12–28: Inspekteur für Statistik, Endlösung der Judenfrage, Bl. 24.

194. OdT, vol. 3, 39; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 175.

195. Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 36 (n. 36); Roth, “‘Asozialen,’” 449; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 174–75; KZ-Gedenkstätte Flossenbürg, Flossenbürg, 46; Eisenblätter, “Grundlinien,” 167; August, “Sonderaktion,” 7, 42–46. None of the arrested Jewish professors from Krakow were freed.

196. BArchB, NS 3/391, Bl. 4–22: Aufgabengebiete in einem KL, n.d. (1942), Bl. 16–17; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 251; Weiss-Rüthel, Nacht, 175; Gostner, 1000 Tage, 169.

197. Glücks to Lagerärzte, December 28, 1942, in NMGB, Buchenwald, 257–58, figures for July to November 1942.

198. BArchB, NS 4/Bu 143, Schutzhaftlager-Rapport, November 6, 1943.

199. OdT, vol. 1, 163; Hett and Tuchel, “Reaktionen,” 382–83.

200. Klausch, Antifaschisten, 27–75.

201. Himmler quotes in “Dokumentation. Die Rede Himmlers,” 378; Himmler to Dirlewanger et al., February 19, 1944, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, document 299, p. 319. Other quotes in ITS, 1.1.6.0, folder 25, Wahrheit und Recht 2 (June 1946), doc. 82095211; Ley and Morsch, Medizin, 304. See also ibid., 302–305; Klausch, Antifaschisten, 68, 75–104, 120–21, 136–37, 398–400; Heger, Männer, 141.

202. Eberle, “‘Asoziale,’” quote on 266; Klausch, Antifaschisten, 105–21, 401.

203. Quote in Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 390. See also Klausch, Antifaschisten, 140–270, 327–96, 404–15; Wachsmann, Prisons, 263–69.

204. Rede vor Generälen, May 24, 1944, in Smith and Peterson, Geheimreden, 203.

205. Fabréguet, “Entwicklung,” 207, figure for March 1945.

206. Wagner, Produktion, 549.

207. Cited in Sellier, Dora, 137.

208. Kaienburg, “KZ Neuengamme,” 46; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 119, 233; Wagner, Produktion, 379–80, 550–51.

209. Renouard, Hölle, 43–44, 163; Fröbe et al., “Nachkriegsgeschichte,” 577–78.

210. Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 304; Wysocki, “Häftlingsarbeit,” 58. On the oscillation between compliance and noncompliance, see Lüdtke, “Appeal,” 49.

211. Levi, If, 88.

212. Buggeln, Arbeit, 262–63, 618; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 382.

213. ITS, KL Auschwitz OCC2/35a, Ordner 57, Vernehmungsniederschrift, October 4, 1944.

214. Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/A, 718–20; ibid., vol. 1/B, 872–73; OdT, vol. 8, 289–94; ibid., vol. 6, 262–65. This case became famous through Thomas Keneally’s book Schindler’s Ark (London, 1982) and Steven Spielberg’s film Schindler’s List (1993).

215. Levi, If, 126.

216. Antelme, Menschengeschlecht, quotes on 69–70; Todorov, Facing, 243.

217. For background, see Wagner, Produktion, 560–62; Buggeln, Arbeit, 593–94, 610.

218. Füllberg-Stolberg, “Frauen,” quote on 328.

219. Mittelwerk GmbH, Umgang mit Häftlingen, December 30, 1943, in Wagner, Mittelbau-Dora, 120.

220. For example, see Kaienburg, “KZ Neuengamme,” 47.

221. BArchL, B 162/30170, Bl. 368: LK Sachsenhausen, Anordnung, February 2, 1942, underlined in the original. See also Wysocki, “Häftlingsarbeit,” 61.

222. Wagner, Produktion, 178–80, 503, 554; Fings, “Public Face,” 118.

223. Quotes in Kempowski, Haben, 117.

224. Horwitz, Shadow, 83–98, quote on 94; OdT, vol. 4, 416–17.

225. Glauning, Entgrenzung, 332–38, 346–52, quote on 336; Riexinger and Ernst, Vernichtung, 59, 67–68; Kaienburg, “KZ Neuengamme,” 49; Wagner, Produktion, 536–45; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 93; AGN, Ng. 7.6., H. Behncke to his family, September 30, 1944; ibid., E. Behncke to her family, November 25, 1944.

226. Bütow and Bindernagel, KZ, 9, 115, 175.

227. Calculation based on OdT, vol. 2, 396–450. For bomb-clearing squads, ibid., 421.

228. Fings, “Public Face,” quote on 117; Delbo, Auschwitz, 183–85.

229. Renouard, Hölle, 29; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 366; Riexinger and Ernst, Vernichtung, 60.

230. For example, see Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 233–34.

231. Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 177, 294, quote on 306; Steinbacher, Dachau, 175–77; Horwitz, Shadow, 111; Raim, Dachauer, 270.

232. Bringmann, Neuengamme, 43; Glauning, Entgrenzung, 343–45.

233. Quote in Horwitz, Shadow, 114. See also ibid., 93; Wagner, Produktion, 560–61; Glauning, Entgrenzung, 345; Fings, “Public Face,” 118; Buggeln, Arbeit, 623.

234. Quote in Kirsten and Kirsten, Stimmen, 133. See also ibid., 306.

235. Horwitz, Shadow, 175–76.

236. Wagner, Produktion, 538–39, 547–49, 556–60; Schley, Nachbar, 109; OdT, vol. 6, 68.

237. Fings, “Public Face,” 118.

238. Quote in Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 226. See also Dörner, Deutschen, 321–22, 328; NAL, WO 208/3596, C.S.D.I.C., S.I.R. 727, Information from Lt. Marcinek, August 11, 1944.

239. BArchB, NS 19/4014, Bl. 158–204: Rede vor Generälen, June 21, 1944, quotes on 166.

240. “Dokumentation. Die Rede Himmlers,” 393; Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 346; Loeffel, “Sippenhaft”; Vermehren, Reise, 152–53.

241. German opposition leaflet (1941), in Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, doc. 3282; Goerdeler, “Ziel” (autumn 1941), 898; Hamerow, Road, 325.

242. For one example, see Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 315.

243. Raim, Dachauer, 269; Fings, “Public Face,” 118; Horwitz, Shadow, 93.

244. Quote in Kempowski, Haben, 108.

245. Kautsky, Teufel, 235–40. More generally, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 619.

246. WL, P.III.h. No. 198, F. Pagel, “Eines der Vielen Tausende[n] von Schicksalen,” autumn 1955; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 89, 139. For the story of another British POW who is said to have briefly changed places with a Jewish prisoner in Monowitz, see Avey, Man.

247. Fings, Krieg, 220–28, 242–43, Maurer quote on 226, Knöller quote (from October 1944) on 242, underlined in the original; Klein, Jehovas, 129–30; Kogon, SS-Staat (1946), 336–37; Whatmore, “Exploring.”

248. RSHA, Meldung staatspolizeilicher Ereignisse, September 17, 1941, in Boberach, Regimekritik, doc. rk584; Meldungen aus Frankreich, March 5, 1943, ibid., doc. rk 1059; Parteikanzlei, Auszüge aus Berichten der Gauleitungen et al., May 8, 1943, in Kulka and Jäckel, Juden, doc. 3594.

249. NAL, FO 371/34523–005, Press Reading Bureau Stockholm to Political Intelligence Department London, July 22, 1943.

250. Quotes in Höss to Glücks, July 12, 1940, cited in Steinbacher, “Musterstadt,” 200; S. Kłodziński to T. Lasocka-Estreicher, November 19, 1942, inŚwiebocki, Resistance, 334–35. See also ibid., 145–53, 171–90.

251.Świebocki, Resistance, 272–92.

252. For Polish underground reports on the extermination of Jews in Auschwitz and Majdanek, see Friedrich, “Judenmord,” 113–17.

253. Breitman, Secrets, 88–89, 112–13.

254. Quotes in NAL, HW 16/66, “II. Concentration Camps,” November 27, 1942. See also ibid., HW 16/6, Part 2, Bl. 534–35: report on German police, September 26, 1942. More generally, see ibid., HW 16/11; ibid., HW 16/17–19. Some decoded statistics of KL prisoner numbers have been compiled in an invaluable article; Schulte, “‘London.’”

255. For the last point, see Breitmann, Secrets, 113.

256. Breitman et al., U.S. Intelligence, 31–32.

257. NAL, FO 371/34523–005, Press Reading Bureau Stockholm to Political Intelligence Department London, July 22, 1943; ibid., FO 371/34389–0008, Berne to Foreign Office, October 6, 1943.

258. “German Brutality in Prison Camp,” The Times, June 11, 1941, 3;Świebocki, Resistance, 304–14; Breitman, Secrets, 116–21, 231; Gilbert, Auschwitz, 51–52, 92; Laqueur, Secret, 200. More generally, see Fleming, Auschwitz. For another early account of Auschwitz, published by the Polish underground in December 1942 (English translation 1944), see Kunert, Auschwitz.

259. Hansard, December 17, 1942, vol. 385, cc2082–7; Breitman, Secrets, 229–31; Laqueur, Secret, 169, 196, 201–204; Van Pelt, Case, 131–34.

260. Breitman et al., Intelligence, 33–37.

261. Tyas, “Intelligence,” 12; Neitzel, Abgehört, 283.

262. “Bericht von Czesław Mordowicz,” quote on 302–303; Gilbert, Auschwitz, 231–32.

263.Świebocki, Resistance, 224–27, 298–99, 315–19; idem, London, 25–46, 57–67, 75–76; Vrba, Forgive. For the unabridged report, see “Bericht Vrba.” More generally on the U.S. media and the Holocaust, see Lipstadt, Beyond Belief.

264. Wiesel, All Rivers, 74.

265. Westermann, “Royal Air Force”; Gilbert, Auschwitz, 236–37, 245–48.

266. Neufeld, “Introduction,” 8–9; Feingold, “Bombing”; Gilbert, Auschwitz, 301–306; Mahoney, “American.” For the role of the USSR, see Herf, “Nazi Extermination Camps”; Orbach and Solonin, “Indifference.”

267. Neufeld, “Introduction.” See also Weinberg, “Allies”; Gilbert, Auschwitz, 307; Mahoney, “American,” 440–41; Overy, Bombing War, passim; Horwitz, Shadow, 115–16; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 51–62: O. Wolken, “Chronik des Lagers Auschwitz II,” n.d. (c. spring 1945), Bl. 58–59.

268. Conway, “Augenzeugenberichte,” 279. For the debate as to whether Jewish leaders in Hungary, who knew of the Vrba-Wetzler report, should have done more to warn Hungarian Jews, see idem, “Vrba-Wetzler report”; Bauer, “Anmerkungen.”

269. Gallup, Poll, 472.

270. Dörner, Die Deutschen, 204, 209, 415; Kempowski, Haben, 123.

271. For knowledge of Allied reports in the KL, DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 246; Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 240.

10. Impossible Choices

    1. Haulot, “Lagertagebuch,” 183.

    2. For example, see Lévy-Hass, Vielleicht, 54–57.

    3. Brzezicki et al., “Funktionshäftlinge,” 236; Adler, “Selbstverwaltung,” 228.

    4. Jureit and Orth, Überlebensgeschichten, 190–91, quote on 87; Cohen, Human, 281; Wagner, Produktion, 458; Adler, “Selbstverwaltung,” 229–30. For the wording, see the description of the state of nature in T. Hobbes, The Leviathan (London, 1651).

    5. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Häftling, 302–305, quote on 273; Langbein, Menschen, 160; Zámečník, Dachau, 147–48.

    6. For a discussion of the “moral life in the concentration camps,” see Todorov, Facing.

    7. J. Pogonowski to his family, September 25, 1942, in Piper, Briefe, quote on 23–24.

    8. Ibid., quote on 24.

    9. For the former view, see Sofsky, “Grenze,” 1159. For the latter view, see text below and Aharony, “Arendt.”

  10. Rózsa, “Solange,” 227.

  11.Świebocki, Resistance, quote on 14; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 530; Zámečník, Dachau, 320; Tuchel, “Möglichkeiten,” 224.

  12. For background, see Langbein, Widerstand, 57–58; Pingel, Häftlinge, 20; Tuchel, “Selbstbehauptung,” 939; Browning, Survival, 297; Van Pelt, “Resistance”;Świebocki, Resistance, 14–17; Peukert, Inside, 81–85; Kershaw, Nazi Dictatorship, 183–217.

  13. Pollak, Grenzen, quote on 47; Browning, Survival, 297.

  14. Antelme, Menschengeschlecht, 65; Fröbe, “Exkurs.”

  15. Levi, If, 46–47. More generally, drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, see Suderland, Territorien.

  16. Erpel, “Trauma,” 129–31.

  17. Delbo, Auschwitz, 187–88; Todorov, Facing, 97–103, 107–108; SMAB, Forbidden Art; Blatter and Milton, Art, 142, 187. By no means all intellectual prisoners found solace in the life of the mind; Améry, Jenseits, 15–36.

  18. Adler, Theresienstadt.

  19. “Bericht Tabeau,” 112.

  20. Levi, “Intellectual,” 117. For the term “selfhood,” see Brubaker and Cooper, “‘Identity,’” 7 (my thanks to Anna Hájková for drawing this article to my attention).

  21. Pingel, “Social life.” See also idem, “Destruction,” 172.

  22. Wiesel, Rivers, 80–81.

  23. For example, see Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 398.

  24. On parent-child relationships, see Shik, “Mother-Daughter,” 115, 122; Sonnino, Nacht, 86–87; Buser, Überleben, 273–75.

  25. Jureit and Orth, Überlebensgeschichten, 65; Luchterhand, “Prisoner.”

  26.Świebocki, Resistance, 44–45; Goldstein et al., Individuelles, 45; Pollak, Grenzen, 170.

  27. Buber-Neumann, Milena, 22, 273, 284, 289, quote on 20; Buber, Dictators, 213, 238–39, 277–78, 293–94, 309. See also Darowska, Widerstand.

  28. Rózsa, “Solange,” quotes on 212; Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 279–89.

  29. For one example, see OdT, vol. 1, 246.

  30. Levi, If, 63, 144, 161, 393, quote on 144; Shik, “Weibliche Erfahrung,” 113–17.

  31. Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, quote on 258; Fröbe, “Arbeit,” quote on 243; Suderland, Extremfall, 308–15.

  32. Pollak, Grenzen, 50.

  33. Walter, “Kinder,” 190; Langbein, Menschen, 102.

  34. Todorov, Facing, 82; Shik, “Weibliche Erfahrung,” 115. For the term “groupness,” and its definition, see Brubaker and Cooper, “‘Identity,’” 19–21.

  35. Ryn and Kłodziński, “Grenze,” quote on 127.

  36. Wiesel, Nacht, quote on 153; idem, Rivers, 92–95.

  37. Buber, Dictators, 294.

  38. For pioneering scholarship on this aspect, see Pingel, Häftlinge; Pollak, Grenzen, esp. 54, 105.

  39. Apel, Frauen, 203, 213, 309; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 103–104, 543–44, 550; Rolnikaite, Tagebuch, 214–15; Gilbert, Music, 107–15; Morsch, Sachsenhausen-Liederbuch.

  40. Mankowitz, Life, 32–37.

  41. See also Pingel, Häftlinge.

  42. StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/1, Bl. 210–12: Vernehmung H. Stöhr, July 21, 1956; Langbein, Widerstand, 94.

  43. Quote in Poller, Arztschreiber, 75.

  44. Hartewig, “Wolf,” quotes on 947; Langbein, Widerstand, 128–30.

  45. Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 51–55, 57, 284, 298–99, 519, quotes on 85 (Busse) and 426 (Bartel); Hackett, Buchenwald, quote (Žák) on 298; Wagner, Produktion, 401–402. For other camps, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 125; Heger, Männer, 146.

  46. Buber, Dictators, 195, quote on 257; Langbein, Widerstand, 117–23, 130–31, 146; Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 268, 288, 293, 305; Kaienburg, “‘Freundschaft?,’” 30–31; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 231–44.

  47. Wiesel, Rivers, 82–83.

  48. Rahe, “Bedeutung,” 1009, 1014, 1016.

  49.Świebocki, Resistance, 339; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 549–50; Rahe, “Bedeutung,” 1018; Lanckorońska, Michelangelo, 238.

  50. Obenaus, “Kampf,” 860; Rahe, “Bedeutung,” 1010, 1015; Jaiser, “Sexualität,” 130–31; Waxman, Writing, 69–70.

  51. Améry, Jenseits, 27–28; Levi, “Intellectual,” 118. For the religious thought of orthodox Jews during World War II, see Greenberg, “Introduction.”

  52. Escher, “Geistliche,” 302–305, 309–10; Gruner, Verurteilt, 88; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 63.

  53. Rahe, “Bedeutung,” 1011; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 135–36; Gutterman, Bridge, 185–86.

  54. Lenard, “Flucht,” quote on 157; WL, P.III.h. No. 573, A. Lehmann, “Das Lager Vught,” n.d., p. 22.

  55. Levi, If, 135–36, quote in 136.

  56. OdT, vol. 6, 499; Greenberg et al., Wrestling, 58–60.

  57. Kautsky, Teufel, 153–59, quote on 194; Goldstein et al., Individuelles, 51; Raim, Dachauer, 262–63; Nomberg-Przytyk, Auschwitz, 19; Levi, If, 51, 55, 74; idem, “Communicating,” 78.

  58. Lenard, “Flucht,” quote on 158; Glicksman, “Social,” 948.

  59. Quote in LaB, B Rep 058, Nr. 3850, Bl. 71–72: Zeugenaussage Herbert F., May 10, 1947. See also Langbein, Menschen, 96–98; Vaisman, Auschwitz, 16–17; BoA, testimony of I. Rosenwasser, August 22, 1946; Kautsky, Teufel, 193–95.

  60. Buggeln, Arbeit, 371, quote on 267.

  61. Warmbold, Lagersprache, 275; Kautsky, Teufel, 195.

  62. Adler et al., Auschwitz, 102; Langbein, Widerstand, 195. For caring in the camps, see also Todorov, Facing, 84, 118.

  63. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 553–54.

  64. BoA, testimony of G. Kaldore, August 31, 1946.

  65. Levi, If, 44. The language of the largest prisoner group normally gained some dominance inside different barracks and camps; Langbein, Menschen, 96; Raim, Dachauer, 252. For the figures, see NMGB, Buchenwald, 707; BArchB, NS 4/Bu 143, Schutzhaftlager-Rapport, April 15, 1944.

  66. For social life in Nazi captivity more generally, see Hájková, “Prisoner Society.”

  67. Kosmala, “Häftlinge,” 101, 105; Daxelmüller, “Kulturelle,” 989–90.

  68. Rózsa, “Solange,” 113–14, 146, 176.

  69. Gilbert, Music, 151–58, quote on 152. For a collection of Jewish songs, see Kaczerginski, Lider.

  70. Kosmala, “Häftlinge,” 109–11.

  71. OdT, vol. 1, 95.

  72. Langbein, Widerstand, 167–69; Golczewski, “Kollaboration”; Zarusky, “‘Russen,’” 125, 128–29. The Camp SS generally referred to Soviet citizens as “Russians,” though Ukrainian prisoners occasionally wore a “U” on their triangle, not an “R” (Tillion, Ravensbrück, 218). POWs deported to the KL from 1941 were the exception, as they were often classified as “Soviet Prisoners of War.”

  73. Suderland, Extremfall, 316. See also Tillion, Ravensbrück, 218; Rovan, Geschichten, 85.

  74. Buggeln, Arbeit, 500; Wagner, Produktion, 399; AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 136–37.

  75. Nansen, Day, 411, 449, 517, quotes on 430, 432.

  76. Siedlecki et al., Auschwitz, 4.

  77. See also Debski, Battlefield, 195–203.

  78. Nansen, Day, quote on 504; Langbein, Widerstand, 105–106, 109; Buber, Dictators, 308; Vermehren, Reise, 202–203.

  79. Michel, Dora, 76; Sellier, Dora, 110; Lanckorońska, Michelangelo, 243–44.

  80. Kielar, Anus Mundi, quote on 269; Langbein, Widerstand, 154.

  81. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 204; BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 16: WVHA to LK, January 20, 1943. In spring 1944, the RSHA ordered that female German prisoners should no longer be sent to the camp on account of its “high mortality rate”; USHMM, RG-11.001M.05, reel 75, folder 8, RSHA to WVHA, April 12, 1944.

  82. Broszat, Kommandant, 156. See also Wagner, Produktion, 398; BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 107: WVHA to LK, July 14, 1943 (referring to female prisoners).

  83. Buber, Dictators, 297.

  84. Hájková, “Prisoner Society,” chapter 2; Pingel, Häftlinge, 180; OdT, vol. 3, 320 (with a slightly erroneous calculation); Freund, Toten, 403.

  85. Quotes in Warmbold, Lagersprache, 287; Vrba, “Warnung,” 14. See also Levi, “Grey Zone,” 24–25; idem, If, 34; Obenaus, “Kampf,” 850–51; Klüger, weiter, 113; Sofsky, Ordnung, 171.

  86. Langbein, Menschen, 90–91; Levi, If, 126.

  87. On the historiography, see Hansen and Nowak, “Über Leben.”

  88. Wesołowska, Wörter, 85, 155–91, quotes on 164, 233, 235, 236; Warmbold, Lagersprache, 122–32.

  89. Levi, “Communicating,” 75.

  90. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 349.

  91. Warmbold, Lagersprache, 318.

  92. Quotes in Warmbold, Lagersprache, 132, 135; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 350; Wesołowska, Wörter, 234; Bárta, “Tagebuch,” 64.

  93. Rousset, Kingdom, quote on 172; Warmbold, Lagersprache, 317.

  94. Warmbold, Lagersprache, 257, 262–71, quote on 264; Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” quote on 204; Kogon, Theory, 239, quote on 72; Frankl, Ja, 54, 76–78; Unger, “Encounter,” 280.

  95. Kielar, Anus Mundi, 154–60, 225–27, 233–34, 244, 264, 278, 351, 366–73.

  96. Langbein, Menschen, 151.

  97. OdT, vol. 4, 495.

  98. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 47; Wagner, Produktion, 460; Langbein, Menschen, 155–56; Hájková, “Prisoner Society,” 232.

  99. Gilbert, Music, 130–32, 159–60, 175–76; Fackler, “‘Lagers Stimme,’” 485–87, 499.

100. Rost, Goethe, 25, 223, 244, quote on 44; the diary was edited before publication. See also Laqueur, Schreiben, 134–39; Seela, Bücher, 79–91.

101. Kielar, Anus Mundi, 352–54; Kogon, Theory, 133–34; Wagner, Produktion, 461; text above, chapter 3.

102. Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 134; Langbein, Menschen, 328; BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 69: WVHA to LK, May 22, 1943.

103. Nansen, Day, 477; Borowski, This Way, 83–84; Pingel, Häftlinge, 180.

104. Bárta, “Tagebuch,” 63.

105. BoA, testimony (in German) of I. Rosenwasser, August 22, 1946.

106. Figures in Hördler, “Ordnung,” 161; chapter 3, above.

107. OdT, vol. 5, 185, 213, 287; Freund, “Mauthausen,” 271; Langbein, Widerstand, 101; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 65; Langbein, Menschen, 174, 181.

108. Freund, Toten, 406–407; Brzezicki et al., “Funktionshäftlinge,” 234.

109. Quote in Renouard, Hölle, 46.

110. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 235; Selbmann, Alternative, 326; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 114.

111. Kogon, Theory, 55; Hackett, Buchenwald, 117–20; Piper, “Exploitation,” 78–79; Sofsky, Ordnung, 155–56.

112. Wagner, Produktion, 348; StANü, EE by K. Roeder, February 20, 1947, ND: NO-2122.

113. Quote in K. Keim, “Bericht,” spring 1945, in Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 220. See also Kogon, Theory, 58–59; Wagner, Produktion, 434; Strebel, “Arm,” 37, 46.

114. JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), quote on 72; Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 150, 155, 178–79, 190, 204; LK Gross-Rosen, Exekution der Transportjüdin Scheer, November 13, 1944, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 111.

115. JVL, DJAO, United States v. Becker, RaR, n.d. (1947), 30–31.

116. For Kapos replaced by SS men, see BArchB, NS 4/Na 9, Bl. 113: Kommandanturbefehl, June 13, 1942.

117. Rousset, Kingdom, quote on 134; WL, P.III.h. No. 198, F. Pagel, “Eines der Vielen Tausende[n] von Schicksalen,” autumn 1955, p. 9; BoA, interview A. Kimmelmann, August 27, 1946; Kautsky, Teufel, 258–60; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 69; DaA, Nr. 7566, K. Schecher, “Rückblick auf Dachau,” n.d., 232; Buggeln, Arbeit, 27, 490, 532; Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 466, 468, 472–73; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 113.

118. Paserman, “Bericht,” 149.

119. OdT, vol. 1, 222; Rousset, Kingdom, 133; Sellier, Dora, 152; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 127; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 195.

120. Wolf, “Judgement,” quote on 630; Jansen, “Zwangsarbeit,” 91; LaB, B Rep 058, Nr. 3850, Bl. 153–60: Schwurgericht Berlin, Urteil, March 1, 1948, Bl. 155; NARA, M-1079, roll 5, Bl. 454–65: testimony Willi Z., June 17, 1947.

121. Quote in APMO, Proces Maurer, 10a, Bl. 132: KL Auschwitz, Vernehmungsniederschrift, November 26, 1943. On Kalvo (also spelled Calvo), see also Czech, Kalendarium, 496; ITS, doc. 496950#1, KL Auschwitz, Häftlingspersonalbogen, n.d. (1943); Recanati, Memorial Book, 104. It is possible that the incident refers to another prisoner, called Juda Kalvo (or Calvo), who had arrived on the same transport; ITS, doc. 505749#1, KL Auschwitz, Vernehmungsniederschrift, November 26, 1943.

122. Shik, “Sexual Abuse”; Heger, Männer, 58, 63–64, 66, 79; Jaiser, “Sexualität,” 128; Buser, Überleben, 193–94. More generally, see Sommer, KZ-Bordell, 201; Wagner, Produktion, 412; Zinn, “Homophobie,” 89–90; Hájková, “Barter.”

123. Frister, Mütze, 295–300; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 129–312: Vernehmung O. Wolken, April 17–20, 1945, Bl. 215–16; Buser, Überleben, 194–95.

124. Levi, If, 113–14; Sofsky, Ordnung, 173–74; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 53.

125. LG Frankfurt, Urteil, June 14, 1968, JNV, vol. 29, 448–49, 484; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 121–22.

126. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 411; NARA, M-1204, roll 6, examination of A. Ginschel, October 4 and 7, 1946, Bl. 4619–20; Frankl, Ja, 93.

127. Quote in AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 104.

128. StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/8, LG Munich, Urteil, October 14, 1960, pp. 3–8; ibid., Nr. 34588/7, Bl. 160–72: LG Munich, Beschluss, May 27, 1960; ibid., Nr. 34588/2, Bl. 95–106: Vernehmung K. Kapp, November 14–16, 1956. Kapp’s time in Dachau was interrupted by a spell in Mauthausen, where he became a Kapo in the quarry. In 1943 he was transferred from Dachau to help establish the satellite camp Augsburg-Haunstetten and the main camp Warsaw.

129. Testimonies in StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/1; ibid., Nr. 34588/2. See also Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 204–205.

130. Buber, Dictators, 216. See also LG Cologne, Urteil, April 20, 1970, JNV, vol. 33, 673; Sofsky, Ordnung, 160–61.

131. Buggeln, Arbeit, 348, 529; Rousset, Kingdom, 152; Deutsches Rundfunkarchiv, DW 4025830, “Das Lager,” Deutsche Welle, November 20, 1968, Kamiński testimony at 8 minutes and 35 seconds (my thanks to René Wolf for a copy of this program).

132. Koker, Edge, 289.

133. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 204–205, 225–26; Kaienburg, “‘Freundschaft?,’” 34; Langbein, Menschen, 217–18.

134. Zarusky, “‘Tötung,’” 81–82; Pingel, Häftlinge, 192–93.

135. StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/1, Bl. 218–19: Zeugenvernehmung E. Zapf, July 24, 1956; ibid., Nr. 34588/2, Bl. 11–13: Zeugenvernehmung H. Schwarz, August 20, 1956.

136. Wagner, Produktion, 439, 448; NARA, M-1079, roll 6, examination of C. Jay, August 7, 1947, Bl. 66–67. Thomas and Szymczak were shot in April 1945, shortly before the evacuation of the camp.

137. Kirsten and Kirsten, Stimmen, 203–207; Naujoks, Sachsenhausen, 198.

138. For example, see Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 155.

139. BArchB, NS 19/4014, Bl. 158–204: Rede vor Generälen, June 21, 1944, Bl. 165. For revenge fantasies, see Szalet, Baracke 38, 354.

140. Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 120; Sofsky, Ordnung, 162–63.

141. StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/1, Bl. 29: Zeugenvernehmung A. Daschner, March 2, 1956; ibid., Nr. 34588/7, Bl. 14–16: Vernehmung F. Olah, July 24, 1959.

142. Sofsky, Ordnung, 164.

143. StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/7, Bl. 40–43: Vernehmung E. Oswald, September 2, 1959; ibid., Nr. 34588/8, LG Munich, Urteil, October 14, 1960, 21–23; ibid., Nr. 34588/2, Bl. 59–60: Vernehmung P. Hussarek, October 22, 1956.

144. Ibid., Nr. 34588/2, Bl. 95–106: Vernehmung K. Kapp, November 14–16, 1956; ibid., Nr. 34588/1, Bl. 130–32: Vernehmung K. Kapp, May 11–12, 1956.

145. For this paradox, see also Sofsky, Ordnung, 167.

146. Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 119; Kaienburg, “‘Freundschaft?,’” 32; Kautsky, Teufel, 198–201.

147. Quotes in StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/8, LG Munich, Urteil, October 14, 1960, p. 21; ibid., Nr. 34588/2, Bl. 59–60: Vernehmung P. Hussarek, October 22, 1956.

148. StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/8, LG Munich, Urteil, October 14, 1960, p. 20–21; ibid., Nr. 34588/2, Bl. 41: Vernehmung W. Neff, October 8, 1956.

149. StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/8, LG Munich, Urteil, October 14, 1960.

150. See also Kaienburg, “‘Freundschaft?,’” 43.

151. BoA, testimony (in German) Irena Rosenwasser, 22.8.1946. See also JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 108; LG Augsburg, Urteil, June 28, 1950, JNV, vol. 6, 654–55.

152. For example, see Rousset, Kingdom, 151–52.

153. Kielar, Anus Mundi, 304.

154. Rousset, Kingdom, 135. During wartime, the SS appointed up to three camp elders in each camp; Kogon, Theory, 54.

155. Kautsky, Teufel, 160.

156. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 55; 127. See also Adler, “Selbstverwaltung,” 225; Wagner, Ellrich, 76.

157. There are no exact figures for Germans in the KL system as a whole. Speaking to the Gauleiter on August 3, 1944, Heinrich Himmler, who was well informed about the composition of the KL prisoner population, indicated that some eighteen percent of all inmates were German. In a speech to army generals some six weeks earlier, Himmler put the figure at ten percent. See “Dokumentation. Die Rede Himmlers,” 393; BArchB, NS 19/4014, Bl. 158–204: Rede vor Generälen, June 21, 1944, Bl. 161. In Buchenwald, the proportion of German prisoners had fallen to less than ten percent by summer 1944; Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 180. For Germans as senior Kapos, see Buggeln,Arbeit, 131.

158. For the perspective of foreign KL prisoners, see Rousset, Kingdom, 148–49.

159. Quote in Rede bei der SS Gruppenführertagung in Posen, October 4, 1943, IMT, vol. 29, p. 122, ND: 1919–PS.

160. In autumn 1943, almost three-quarters of the fifty Buchenwald block elders were veterans (with prisoner numbers under five thousand) and all, or almost all, of them were German; ITS, KL Buchenwald GCC 2/versch., Ordner 492, Bl. 109: Aufstellung der Blockältesten, October 21, 1943. On the official language of the KL, see Hansen and Nowak, “Über Leben,” 116, 124.

161. Müller, “Homosexuelle,” 85–87; Röll, “Homosexuelle,” 99–100; Zinn, “Homophobie,” 83–84.

162. OdT, vol. 7, 208; Michelsen, “Homosexuelle,” 128; Mußmann, “Häftlinge,” 136; Wagner, Produktion, 410–12; Heger, Männer, 124–25.

163. Czech, “Prisoner Administration,” 365; OdT, vol. 6, 497; ibid., vol. 7, 46; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 276–77.

164. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 139, 238–39; Schikorra, Kontinuitäten, 222–23; Erpel, Vernichtung, 49; Tillion, Ravensbrück, 215, 221–22.

165. For example, see Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 123.

166. “Bericht Vrba,” 269, 290; Kárný, “Familienlager,” 169; Marszałek, Majdanek, 82.

167. On main camps, see Siegert, “Flossenbürg,” 36; Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 75–77; Apel, Frauen, 231–32, 348. On satellite camps, see ibid., 349; Raim, Dachauer, 246–47; Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 177–89; Glauning, Entgrenzung, 189–90. On camps and ghettos, see Raim, “KZ-Außenlagerkomplexe,” 78; OdT, vol. 8, 260–61; Rabinovici, Jews, 200–201. For the use of the term “gray zone” in the context of Nazi terror, see especially Levi, “Grey Zone.”

168. Wagner, Produktion, 398, 435; Buggeln, Arbeit, 127, 130–31, 522.

169. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 237; Oertel, Gefangener, 201.

170. Kautsky, Teufel, 8–9, 141–45, 160–61, quotes on 142–43. Published in 1946, Kautsky’s book was completed in late 1945; ibid., 13.

171. Though classified as a Jew for most of his imprisonment, Kautsky—a former union official and the son of the leading German Social Democrat Karl Kautsky—saw himself primarily as a political prisoner.

172. Quote in “Arbeit unter Berufsverbrechern,” spring 1945, in Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 228. See also Eiden, “Buchenwald,” 221; Eberle, “‘Asoziale,’” 254–55.

173. Quotes in Siegert, “Flossenbürg,” 459. In Ravensbrück, “green” prisoners were apparently underrepresented among female block elders; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 235.

174. Levi, If, 97–98; idem, “Resistance,” 1965, in Belpoliti, Levi, 18.

175. Even among the state prisoners handed over as “asocial” to the SS in 1942–43, violent criminals were far outnumbered by small-time thieves; Wachsmann, Prisons, 132–37, 284–96.

176. Renouard, Hölle, 30, 160; Tillion, Ravensbrück, 180.

177. LaB, B Rep 058, Nr. 3850, Bl. 153–60: Schwurgericht Berlin, Urteil, March 1, 1948; ibid., Bl. 53–55: Vernehmung B. Frohnecke, March 28, 1947. Quote in ibid., Bl. 10: Vernehmung Heinz J., November 22, 1946.

178. For example, see Kwiet, “‘Leben,’” 237; BoA, interview with J. Bassfreund, September 20, 1946.

179. Most recently, see OdT, vol. 5, 135–36.

180. LG Frankfurt, Urteil, June 14, 1968, JNV, vol. 29, 447, 500–503; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 114–15, 120–21. Other notorious Kapos include Arno Böhm (Nr. 8), the camp elder of the family camp, Bruno Brodniewicz (Nr. 1), the first Auschwitz camp elder, and his deputy Leo Wietschorek (Nr. 30); Kárný, “Familienlager,” 168; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 65.

181. HHStAW, Abt. 461, Nr. 37656, Bd. 32, Vernehmung J. Lechenich, April 25, 1968, quote on 10; LG Frankfurt, Urteil, June 14, 1968, JNV, vol. 29, 484; Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 65; Czech, Kalendarium, 318;Świebocki, Resistance, 158.

182. DAP, Vernehmung O. Küsel, August 3, 1964, 13909–18, 13953–54;Świebocki, Resistance, 36–37; Langbein, Menschen, 180–81. Other Kapos pictured in a positive light include Hans Bock (Nr. 5) and Kurt Pachala (Nr. 24); Strzelecka and Setkiewicz, “Construction,” 65; Czech, Kalendarium, 233, 383; DAP, Mitschrift beisitzender Richter, 7646 (May 14, 1964).

183. Quote in Gutterman, Bridge, 154.

184. OdT, vol. 3, 333; Hartewig, “Wolf,” 952–54; Langbein, Widerstand, 36; Neurath, Gesellschaft, 223–24. Even in Gross-Rosen, a camp often described as controlled by “greens,” important Kapo posts went to German political prisoners; Spenger, Groß-Rosen, 140, 290.

185. Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 38–41.

186. DaA, 14.444, Die Vergessenen, Nr. 3, July 1946, pp. 2, 6, 17–18, quote on 7; ibid., 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 186–87, 200, 223, 236; Gross, Zweitausend, 237–38.

187. Langbein, Widerstand, 139–41; Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 299.

188. On “green” blocks, see StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/1, Bl. 29: Aussage A. Daschner, March 2, 1956; ITS, KL Buchenwald GCC 2/versch., Ordner 492, Bl. 109: Aufstellung der Blockältesten, October 21, 1943. The spatial separation of “green” and “red” prisoners reflected SS orders; IfZ, WVHA-D to LK, September 22, 1943, ND: PS-3685.

189. Wagner, Produktion, 436; Buggeln, Arbeit, 527; Fings, Krieg, 174.

190. Siedlecki et al., Auschwitz, 9. See also Levi, If, 98.

191. Buggeln, Arbeit, 557–58.

192. Quote in BArchB, NS 19/4014, Bl. 158–204: Rede vor Generälen, June 21, 1944, Bl. 168. See also Sofsky, Ordnung, 158–59; Broszat, Kommandant, 126; Buggeln, Arbeit, 237.

193. Quote in NAL, HW 16/11, WVHA-D to Flossenbürg, November 4, 1942. See also Naujoks, Leben, 333–40; Selbmann, Alternative, 358–71.

194. BArchL, B 162/7996, Bl. 360–64: Vernehmung R. Gottschalk, November 14, 1960.

195. Quote in Gross, Zweitausend, 238. Gross, a former priest who supported the dissident Confessing Church, had arrived in Dachau in 1940; Laqueur, Schreiben, 104–107.

196. Quote in Tauke, “Häftlingskrankenbauten,” 36. See also Ley, “Kollaboration.”

197. Lifton, Doctors, 218–21; Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 312–13.

198. Cohen, Abyss, 90–91, 100.

199. For injections, see Ambach and Köhler, Lublin-Majdanek, 179, 190.

200. BArchL, B 162/21846, Bl. 167–254: W. Neff, “Recht oder Unrecht,” n.d.; Klee, Auschwitz, 220–22.

201. Lifton, Doctors, 215–16, quote on 221; Cohen, Abyss, quote on 97. See also Fabréguet, Mauthausen, 197–98.

202. DAP, Aussage J. Weis, November 6, 1964, quote on 24264; ibid., Mitschrift beisitzender Richter, November 6 and 12, 1964, 24269–75.

203. Quote in Langbein, Menschen, 245.

204. Adler et al., Auschwitz, 105.

205. Hartewig, “‘Wolf,’” quote on 946; Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 517. Thiemann’s confession did not harm his career in the GDR, where he reached senior positions in the Stasi.

206. BArchL, B 162/21846, Bl. 167–254: W. Neff, “Recht oder Unrecht,” n.d., 221, 227–28, 231, quote on 245; StAMü, StA Nr. 34433, Bl. 206–12: LG München, Protokoll der Sitzung, December 30, 1948. More generally, see Lifton, Doctors, 223; Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 309.

207. Lifton, Doctors, 242–53; WL, P.III.h. No. 562, Protokoll Dr. Wolken, April 1945, pp. 2–3; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 101.

208. Adler et al., Auschwitz, 105–106; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 240–41.

209. Zámečník, Dachau, 327–31; APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 129–312: Vernehmung O. Wolken, April 17–20, 1945, Bl. 260–61.

210. Ibid., Bl. 279–83;Świebocki, Resistance, 56–57; Czech, Kalendarium, 792; Adler et al., Auschwitz, 295. Luigi had been brought up a Catholic, the son of an Italian mother and an Italian-Jewish father.

211. J. Pogonowski to his family, July 14, 1942, in Piper, Briefe, quote on 16; Langbein, Widerstand, 59–60; Todorov, Facing, 54;Świebocki, Resistance, 17–26.

212. Quote in Ryn and Kłodziński, “Tod,” 290.

213. See also Buggeln, Arbeit, 501–505.

214. OdT, vol. 1, 250–51; Zarusky, “‘Tötung,’” 81; Zámečník, Dachau, 334–42; Semprun and Wiesel, Schweigen, 40.

215. Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 212; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 555; Zámečník, Dachau, 328–29.

216. Niven, Buchenwald, 18–39, 206–208; Heberer, Children, 189. Zweig was one of twelve prisoners struck from the original transport list and replaced by others. For a fictionalized account, see Apitz, Nackt (first published 1959). In 2012, Zweig sued the director of the Buchenwald memorial to stop him from referring to his case as a “victim swap”; “KZ-Überlebender wehrt sich gegen Begriff des ‘Opfertauschs,’” Süddeutsche Zeitung, February 25, 2012. On adult prisoners protecting children more generally, see Buser, Überleben, 105, 183–91, 275–77.

217. For this and the previous paragraph, see Kogon, Theory, 206–15 (referring to forty-three, not thirty-seven, Allied agents), quotes on 214, 215; Hessel testimony in Kirsten and Kirsten, Stimmen, 183–87; Sellier, Dora, 324; ODNB, articles 37063 and 35501; Hackett, Buchenwald, 241–42. For Yeo-Thomas, see also Seaman, Bravest.

218.Świebocki, Resistance, 257, 267–92, quote on 278; Pilecki, Auschwitz, 11, 17, 23.

219. Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” quotes on 222, 248; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 243–44.

220. Didi-Huberman, Bilder, 20–34; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 214–18; Stone, “Sonderkommando”; Deposition of H. Tauber, May 24, 1945, in Piper, Mass Murder, 268. Other photographs taken by Special Squad prisoners have never been found.

221. Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 192.

222. APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 113: WVHA-D to LK, March 31, 1944, ND: NO-1554; Naujoks, Leben, 131.

223. Wagner, Produktion, 446–49. For one case, which resulted in the execution of twenty-seven Sachsenhausen prisoners, see LG Münster, Urteil, February 19, 1962, JNV, vol. 18, 293–94.

224. NARA, M-1079, roll 6, examination of H. Iwes, August 12, 1947, Bl. 299; Langbein, Widerstand, 68.

225. Bárta, “Tagebuch,” 94; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 70–71.

226. Quote in Buggeln, Arbeit, 325. See also Schalm, Überleben, 308; Wagner, Produktion, 450;Świebocki, Resistance, 17.

227. DaA, 9438, A. Hübsch, “Insel des Standrechts” (1961), 209.

228. Warmbold, Lagersprache, 286; Langbein, Widerstand, 59.

229. Quotes in AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 97; ITS, doc. 4105401#1.

230. For example, see APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 5, Bl. 24–38: testimony of Dr. B. Epstein, April 7, 1945, Bl. 32–33.

231. Hesse and Harder, Zeuginnen, 146–205; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 535–36; OdT, vol. 1, 247–48; Witte et al., Dienstkalender, 316. Other Jehovah’s Witnesses took a less extreme stance and worked to the satisfaction of the SS.

232. For another example, see Wagner, Dora, 423–25.

233. Sobolewicz, Jenseits, 213–21, quote on 219; OdT, vol. 4, 203–206.

234. Quotes in LULVR, interview No. 117, January 13, 1946; report by N. Iwanska, in Tillion, Ravensbrück, 185. See also Strebel, Ravensbrück, 534.

235. Jagoda et al., “‘Nächte,’” 200.

236. Buggeln, Arbeit, 280–81;Świebocki, Resistance, 232.

237. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 261; BArchB, NS 4/Bu 143, Schutzhaftlager-Rapport, September 15, 1944.

238. Kaienburg, “KZ Neuengamme,” 39.

239. Quote in NAL, WO 208/3596, CSDIC, SIR 716, August 9, 1944.

240. Piper, Briefe, 13, 46, 52;Świebocki, Resistance, 197, 243–44.

241.Świebocki, Resistance, 199–202, quote on 199; Pilecki, Auschwitz, quote on 205. Three of the four men survived.

242. Davis, “Introduction”; Kwiet, “‘Leben,’” 239–41; Kaplan, Dignity, 228.

243.Świebocki, Resistance, 245.

244. NAL, WO 208/3596, CSDIC, SIR 716, August 9, 1944; ibid., CSDIC, SIR 741, August 10, 1944. For a similar case, see Langbein, Menschen, 494–500.

245. The fate of another 331 known escapees from the Auschwitz complex remains unknown;Świebocki, Resistance, 232–33. Prisoners killed during mutinies are not normally included in these figures.

246. Himmler to Pohl and Glücks, February 8, 1943, in Heiber, Reichsführer!, quote on 236; BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 87: WVHA-D to LK, June 20, 1943.

247. IfZ, F 13/7, Bl. 383–88: R. Höss, “Richard Glücks,” November 1946, Bl. 385–86.

248. WVHA-D to LK, January 6, 1944, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 193.

249. BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 122–28: Aufgaben und Pflichten der Wachposten, n.d. (1943); APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 126–41: Bilderbuch “Falsch-Richtig” für die Posten im KL-Dienst, n.d., Bl. 140.

250. JVL, DJAO, United States v. Becker, RaR, n.d. (1947), 29; Fröbe, “Arbeit,” 174 (n. 28); BArchB, NS 3/426, Bl. 135: WVHA-D to LK, August 12, 1943.

251. NAL, WO 235/301, Bl. 185–87: deposition of A. Lütkemeyer, November 4, 1946.

252. For interrogations, see BArchL, B 162/7999, Bl. 918–19: WVHA-D to LK, January 26, 1944; ibid., Nr. 7994, Bl. 139–42: WVHA-D, Richtlinien zur Bekanntgabe an die Leiter der politischen Abteilungen, 1944, ND: NO-1553.

253. AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 90; WL, P.III.h. No. 1174a, Vernehmung R. Kagan, December 8–10, 1959.

254. For one example, see Angrick and Klein, “Endlösung,” 429.

255. BArchL, B 162/7999, Bl. 768–937: StA Koblenz, EV, July 25, 1974, Bl. 919–20.

256. Fackler, “Panoramen,” 251–59, quotes on 252, 254; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 257; NAL, HW 16/19, GPD Nr. 3, KL Mauthausen to WVHA-D, June 23, 1942.

257. Quote in NAL, WO 208/3596, CSDIC, SIR Nr. 727, August 11, 1944.

258. For example, see Nansen, Day, 487.

259. Quote in Gostner, KZ, 112–14. See also Maršálek, Mauthausen, 217.

260. Broszat, Kommandant, 152–53; Albin, Gesucht, 220–21.

261. Czech, Kalendarium, 88, 107, 111; Todorov, Facing, 54–55. The Catholic Church later canonized Kolbe; the prisoner he had saved survived the war.

262. Piper, Briefe, 5, 13 (apparently, Pogonowski hanged himself before the Camp SS could do so; ibid., 6, 55).

263. Paserman, “Bericht,” 158.

264. StAMü, StA Nr. 34588/8, LG Munich, Urteil, October 14, 1960, p. 18.

265. Quotes in AdsD, KE, E. Büge, Bericht, n.d. (1945–46), 99; AS, Häftlingsdatenbank.

266.Świebocki, Resistance, 203; Loewy, “Mutter”; Gałek and Nowakowski, Episoden.

267. For this and the previous paragraph, see Kagan, “Mala”; Czech, Kalendarium, 303, 805, 878–79; Kielar, “Edek”; idem., Anus Mundi, 242, 297–98;Świebocki, Resistance, 259–61; DAP, Aussage Steinberg, September 28, 1964, 19448; BoA, testimony of H. Frydman, August 7, 1946 (also for the quote). My account of the escape draws primarily on the 1947 testimony of Raya Kagan, a former Auschwitz prisoner who had had access to SS files in the political office.

268. Wagner, Mittelbau-Dora, 95.

269. Langbein, Menschen, 135; Nansen, Day, 500;Świebocki, Resistance, 40; Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 143–44.

270. Unbekannter Autor, “Einzelheiten,” 179; Vaisman, Auschwitz, 32.

271. Quotes in Borowski, This Way, 146; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 271. For the most common version of Schillinger’s death, see Friedler et al., Zeugen, 154–57. Other accounts in Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 195; Chatwood, “Schillinger.” For the SS response, see APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 51–62: O. Wolken, Chronik des Lagers Auschwitz II, n.d. (c. spring 1945).

272. Friedler et al., Zeugen, 271–73 (with a different numbering for the crematoria). See also Müller, Eyewitness, 155–56; Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 241.

273. S. Gradowski, letter, September 6, 1944, in SMAB, Inmitten, 137–39.

274. Friedler et al., Zeugen, 240–42, 248–51, 258–63, 266–68. See also Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 239–40; Gutman, “Aufstand”; Arad, Belzec, 286–364, esp. 299. For the possible link to liquidation of the family camp, see Van Pelt, “Resistance.”

275. Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” quote on 229;Świebocki, Resistance, 81–82, 134–35, 237–41.

276. DAP, Aussage F. Müller, October 5, 1964, 20543; Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 228, 238–41; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 273–74, 278.

277. Müller, Eyewitness, quote on 157; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 272–75.

278. For this and the previous paragraph, see Friedler et al., Zeugen, 275–81, quote on 292; Fulbrook, Small Town, quote on 316; Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 241–43; Gutman, “Aufstand,” 216–19.

279. Friedler et al., Zeugen, 274–79; BArchB (ehem. BDC), SSO Pohl, Oswald, 30.6.1892, Pohl to Himmler, April 5, 1944; StB Nr. 26/44, October 12, 1944, in Frei et al., Kommandanturbefehle, 499. The escapes from Treblinka and Sobibor were also aided by better planning and large numbers of participants. In total, up to 400 prisoners evaded the SS and police pursuit, and 120 to 130 survived until the end of the war; Arad, Belzec, 363–64.

280. Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 234; Czech, Kalendarium, 891–921; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 285; Adler, Theresienstadt, 185–95; Piper, Zahl, 192; Kárný, “Herbsttransporte.”

281. S. Gradowski, letter, September 6, 1944, in SMAB, Inmitten, quote on 138; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 376.

282. Lewental, “Gedenkbuch,” 247–49.

283. Figures in Friedler et al., Zeugen, 299, 307.

11. Death or Freedom

    1. For this and the previous two paragraphs, see Nansen, Day, 553–68, quotes on 562–63; Buergenthal, Lucky Child, 64–105; Kubica, “Children,” 282; Strzelecki, “Liquidation,” 31.

    2. Figures in Knop and Schmidt, “Sachsenhausen,” 23.

    3. Blatman, Death, 11.

    4. IfZ, Burger to Loerner, August 15, 1944, ND: NO-399; ibid., Fa 183, Bl. 6–7, n.d.; Neander, Mittelbau, 86–87.

    5. In Mauthausen, over twenty thousand new inmates were registered between January and April 1945, in addition to existing prisoners from other, abandoned KL; Fabréguet, Mauthausen, 126; idem, “Entwicklung,” 207; OdT, vol. 4, 314.

    6. Keller, Volksgemeinschaft.

    7. Zámečník, “Aufzeichnungen,” 224; Nansen, Day, 482.

    8. Kautsky, Teufel, 182–83; Rózsa, “Solange,” 137, 204; Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 403–404.

    9. Bessel, Germany, 31–34, 46–47, 130–31; Kershaw, End, 129–61.

  10. Marszałek, Majdanek, quote on 240; Mess, “Sonnenschein,” 64, 66, 76; Rózsa, “Solange,” 222; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 347.

  11. Nansen, Day, 561–68, quote on 563; Levi, Periodic Table, 140; Gross, Fünf Minuten, 118; Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 431, 442–43; Overesch, “Ernst Thapes,” 641.

  12. This is assuming that some 750,000 prisoners went through the KL system in 1945. Other historians have estimated a death rate of between one-third and half of the prisoner population; Orth, System, 335, 349; Neander, “Vernichtung,” 54; Bauer, “Death Marches,” 2–3.

  13. A similar estimate (c. 450,000 survivors) was put forward by the French historian Joseph Billig; Spoerer and Fleischhacker, “Forced Laborers,” 193. For a far too high estimate (700,000 or more survivors), see Gellately, Backing, 219.

  14. Morsch and Ley, Sachsenhausen, 142; Morsch, “Einleitung,” 8.

  15. Quotes in Buergenthal, Child, 112, 211. On luck, see also P. Levi, “Preface,” 1965, in Belpoliti, Levi, 12–16; Bettelheim, Surviving, 101.

  16. Strzelecki, “Liquidation,” 19–20, 41–48; Czech, Kalendarium, 860, 989; Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 239.

  17. In addition to individual countries honoring the date, the UN General Assembly has designated January 27 the International Day of Commemoration in memory of the victims of the Holocaust; www.un.org/en/holocaustremembrance.

  18. Müller, Weltkrieg, 314–18; Kershaw, End, 61.

  19. OdT, vol. 7, 146–47, 156–84.

  20. Steegmann, Konzentrationslager, 100–145, 162–68; OdT, vol. 6, 48–190; Müller, Weltkrieg, 318–21. The evacuation of the satellite camps on the left bank of the Rhine appears to have continued until October 1944.

  21. Strebel, Ravensbrück, quote on 171; Steegmann, Konzentrationslager, 100, 105, 164; OdT, vol. 6, 41; Neander, Mittelbau, 139–40.

  22. Evans, Third Reich at War, 618–24; Kershaw, End, 92.

  23. OdT, vol. 7, 66–68, 86–87, 91, 95, 97; ibid., vol. 8, 109–13; Marszałek, Majdanek, 239–44.

  24. OdT, vol. 8, 272–80, 292–98.

  25. OdT, vol. 8, 51–54, 66–87; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/B, 1230–32; Harshav, Last Days, 699. Some prisoners of the Riga complex were taken to Libau on the west coast of Latvia, where a few remained until February 1945; OdT, vol. 8, 81.

  26. Dieckmann, Besatzungspolitik, vol. 2, 1299–1321, quote on 1320; Blatman, Death, 60–61; Friedländer, Jahre, 614; OdT, vol. 8, 202, 210–31.

  27. OdT, vol. 8, 135, 140–42, 149–77; Gruchmann, Krieg, 205–10. Quotes in Harshav, Last Days, 667, 702, 703; LULVR, interview No. 422, July 28, 1946, p. 10, Gdansk in the original.

  28. YVA, 033/8, “Was is forgekom in di lagern fon estonia,” December 1944, quote on 5 (translation by Kim Wünschmann); BArchL, B 162/5116, Bl. 1716–21: Aussage Benjamin A., July 5, 1961; ibid., Bl. 1835–42: Vernehmung W. Werle, June 5, 1962; ibid., Nr. 5120, Bl. 2234–52: Vernehmungsniederschrift Nissan A., July 15, 1965; ibid., Bl. 2256–62: Vernehmungsniederschrift Benjamin A., September 21, 1965; WL, P.III.h. No. 1012, B. Aronovitz, “Die grausame ‘Liquidierung’ des Klooga-Camps,” September 1949; OdT, vol. 8, 135, 164; Gruchmann, Krieg, 210; Angrick and Klein, “Endlösung,” 429.

  29. OdT, vol. 8, 169.

  30. For similar motives during later KL evacuations, see Blatman, Death, 179, 425–27.

  31. Dieckmann, Besatzungspolitik, 1297–98, quote on 1286; OdT, vol. 8, 48–51, 68, 78, 80–81, 85, 215–19, 227, 267–68.

  32. OdT, vol. 8, 27–28, 51–52, 74, 77–78, 81–85; WL, P.III.h. No. 286, letter, H. Voosen, October 1945; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 174. At times, Krebsbach appears to have acted as commandant of Riga; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 53.

  33. OdT, vol. 8, 141, 149, 154, 160–61.

  34. For one example, see OdT, vol. 8, 54.

  35. OdT, vol. 8, 140, 151, 168, 172–73, 180; YVA, 033/8, “Was is forgekom in di lagern fon estonia,” December 1944, p. 4; BArchL, B 162/5120, Bl. 2234–52: Vernehmungsniederschrift Nissan A., July 15, 1965, Bl. 2241–42.

  36. Paserman, “Bericht,” quote on 160; OdT, vol. 8, 112–13, 124; Mix, “Räumung,” 272–73; Blatman, Death, 64; DaA, 6589/I, statement A. Kramer, November 1, 1945, p. 115.

  37. Historians have tended to describe the early evacuations as orderly and a far cry from the chaotic later death marches; Neander, Mittelbau, 85–88; OdT, vol. 1, 298. For postwar research on the death marches, see Winter and Greiser, “Untersuchungen.”

  38. Wenck, Menschenhandel, 345–46; OdT, vol. 7, 91; ibid., vol. 8, 273; Marszałek, Majdanek, 243; Neander, “Vernichtung,” 46–48, 59. For the destruction of evidence, see Hoffmann, “Aktion 1005”; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 206–207.

  39. For this and other factors, see also Blatman, Death, 72.

  40. Bericht I. Rotschild, January 25, 1946, in Tych et al., Kinder, 219–24; OdT, vol. 8, 79–81.

  41. OdT, vol. 6, 493, 505, 513; ibid., vol. 8, 53, 202; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 208–14. Stutthof also received transports of Jewish prisoners from other sites of Nazi detention in 1944.

  42. Bericht I. Rotschild, January 25, 1946, in Tych et al., Kinder, quote on 223–24; OdT, vol. 6, 485, 505, 513; ibid., vol. 8, 53; Rolnikaite, Ich, 258; Orth, System, 229–30; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 212, 218; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. I/B, 1425.

  43. Hördler, “Ordnung,” 214, 222, 230, 242, 245. There is much to learn from Hördler’s important study, though I am not persuaded by the argument that the Stutthof killings were unaffected by the impending evacuations. Preparations for the evacuation of Stutthof were being made from autumn 1944 (Orth, System, 295–96; OdT, vol. 6, 514) and prisoner killings in this period must have been part of this process, just like they were in other KL under threat of occupation.

  44. For this and the previous paragraph, see Hördler, “Ordnung,” 133, 214–17, 224, 231, 235, 241, quote on 223–24. See also Bericht I. Rotschild, January 25, 1946, in Tych et al., Kinder, 224; Orski, “Vernichtung”; OdT, vol. 6, 501–502, 506; Rolnikaite, Ich, 260–66.

  45. Czech, Kalendarium, 923–24; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 352.

  46. Gilbert, Auschwitz, 324–26; “Germans Plan Mass Execution,” The Times, October 11, 1944, p. 4; DAP, Aussage S. Kłodziński, May 22, 1964, 8470; Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 183; Dirks, “Verbrechen,” 171–72.

  47. Friedler et al., Zeugen, 285; Czech, Kalendarium, 921; Hoffmann, “Aktion 1005,” 293–94. Chelmno had briefly resumed the mass extermination of Jews in summer 1944; Kershaw, End, 123.

  48. Quote in Hördler, “Ordnung,” 410.

  49. Nyiszli, Auschwitz, 144.

  50. Most historians accept the existence of a Himmler “stop” order, at least for Birkenau; Orth, System, 259, 274–75; Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 401; Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 239.

  51. APMO, Dpr-ZO, 29/2, LG Frankfurt, Urteil, September 16, 1966, p. 60.

  52. Czech, Kalendarium, 941.

  53. Friedländer, Jahre, 657; OdT, vol. 7, 68.

  54. For the Mauthausen plans, see Perz and Freund, “Auschwitz”; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 381–85.

  55. Czech, Kalendarium, 860, 921–22, 929, 932, 948; IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 6–7, n.d.

  56. Strzelecki, “Liquidation,” 22–23; OdT, vol. 6, 493.

  57. Gutterman, Bridge, quote on 146; Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 224–26, 286–92; OdT, vol. 6, 202–17; Rudorff, Frauen, 87–101; Orth, System, 279–80; Konieczny, “Groß-Rosen,” 320.

  58. Bessel, 1945, esp. 23–28, 35–36; Kershaw, End, 167, 175; Evans, Third Reich at War, 681–82, 711–12.

  59. IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 6–7, n.d.

  60. Blatman, Death, 52–57; Orth, System, 272–73; Neander, Mittelbau, 89–96.

  61. Orth, System, 276; IfZ, F 13/8, Bl. 468–71: R. Höss, “Richard Baer,” November 1946.

  62. Orth, System, 273–74; Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 305–306; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 39–42; Neander, “Vernichtung,” 50.

  63. Blatman, Death, 81. For a similar approach by the German prison authorities in 1944–45, see Wachsmann, Prisons, 324.

  64. Kershaw, End, 176, 229.

  65. Czech, Kalendarium, quotes on 967; Levi, If, 161; Friedler et al., Zeugen, 299; Strzelecki, “Liquidation,” 27; Müller, Eyewitness, 166.

  66. Strzelecki, “Liquidation,” 27, 40.

  67. Strzelecki, “Liquidation,” 27–28, 31–33, 36–37.

  68. OdT, vol. 6, 217–18, 223–473; Sprenger, Groß-Rosen, 292–301; Bessel, 1945, 72–76.

  69. Figures in OdT, vol. 6, 531–792.

  70. OdT, vol. 6, 514–20, 607–609, 611–16, 670–72, 674–76, 687–89, 703–706, 737–39, 772–74; Orth, System, 282–87, 332–33; Bericht I. Rotschild, January 25, 1946, in Tych et al., Kinder, 224.

  71. An estimated twenty thousand prisoners were moved from the Sachsenhausen complex to other KL; Blatman, Death, 163–64.

  72. Neander, “Vernichtung,” 46; idem, Mittelbau, 87, 138; Blatman, Death, 62, 80, 83, 103.

  73. Blatman, Death, 56, 99–103, 114–15; OdT, vol. 6, 284, 302, 733–35.

  74. Weigelt, “‘Komm,’” quote on 184. See also Knop and Schmidt, “Sachsenhausen,” 27; OdT, vol. 3, 224–29; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 397–99; BStU, MfS HA IX/11, RHE 15/71, vol. 6, Bl. 97–99: Zeugenaussage Fritz M., June 18, 1964; ibid., RHE 15/71, Bd. 3, Bl. 113–16: H. Simon, Bericht über Lieberose, March 3, 1950; USHMM, RG-06.025*26, File 1558, Bl. 157–75, interrogation of G. Sorge, December 19, 1946, Bl. 171–72.

  75. Orth, System, quote on 284; OdT, vol. 6, 516. Other examples in ibid., 267, 299, 339.

  76. OdT, vol. 6, passim.

  77. Broad, “Erinnerungen,” 195.

  78. Levi, If, 171.

  79. Strzelecki, “Liquidation,” 48. Another five hundred prisoners survived in Auschwitz satellite camps, and several hundred more in Gross-Rosen satellite camps. In addition, thousands of prisoners escaped from death marches.

  80. APMO, Proces Höss, Hd 6, Bl. 129–312: Vernehmung O. Wolken, April 17–20, 1945, quote on 310; Strzelecki, “Liquidation,” 45–47; Czech, Kalendarium, 994 (my thanks to Dan Stone for this reference); Adler et al., Auschwitz, 128; Levi, If, 162–79.

  81. Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/A, 240–41; OdT, vol. 5, 224.

  82. Estimates in Strzelecki, “Liquidation,” 27, 40; Orth, System, 286.

  83. Neander, Mittelbau, 128, 136; Steinke, Züge, 62; Bessel, 1945, 77.

  84. OdT, vol. 5, 440–41; Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/A, 261–62; WL, P.III.h. No. 416, A. Lehmann, “Die Evakuations-Transporte,” n.d. (1946?).

  85. LULVR, interview No. 139, January 16, 1946.

  86. LBIJMB, MM 32, P. Heller, “Tagebuchblätter aus dem Konzentrationslager,” October 1945, p. 7; BoA, interview with Dr. L. Frim, September 25, 1946.

  87. Blatman, Death, 87, 116, 431. See also NARA, M-1204, reel 4, Bl. 2373–97: examination of M. Pinkas, August 19–20, 1946, Bl. 2385; Vaisman, Auschwitz, 61; Laqueur, Bergen-Belsen, 115.

  88. Broszat, Kommandant, 219.

  89. Blatman, Death, 12, 432; Neander, Mittelbau, 140. When general conditions were better and prisoners healthier, a large proportion survived even lengthier death marches; OdT, vol. 6, 223–25.

  90. APMO, Oswiadczenia, vol. 89, Bl. 131–35: testimony J. Wygas, July 10, 1978; Orth, System, 276–77, 285.

  91. BArchL, B 162/20519, Bl. 186–95: Aussage Moszek G., February 25, 1947; Blatman, Death, 85–86; Neander, Mittelbau, 141–42.

  92. IfZ, F 13/8, Bl. 468–71: R. Höss, “Richard Baer,” November 1946; Neander, Mittelbau, 137–38; Blatman, Death, 103; Bessel, 1945, 88–89.

  93. Blatman, Death, 96, 370–72, 378–80, 418, quote on 193. See also Neander, “Vernichtung,” 50; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 97, 108; OdT, vol. 6, 253.

  94. Orth, System, 278–79; Blatman, Death, 76–79, 92; Kershaw, End, 114–16, 181–82. Quote in Stuttgart SD report, November 6, 1944, in Noakes, Nazism, vol. 4, 652. The killing of frail prisoners was also intended as a warning to others not to fall behind.

  95. Blatman, Death, 117–25; Henkys, “Todesmarsch.”

  96. Quotes in testimony O. Pohl, June 7, 1946, in NCA, supplement B, 1595; Broszat, Kommandant, 211. See also ibid., 217; StANü, Erklärung R. Höß, March 14, 1946, p. 6, ND: NO-1210; IfZ, ZS-1590, interrogation of G. Witt, November 19, 1946, p. 20. The full itinerary is unknown. According to Höss, it included Neuengamme, Bergen-Belsen, Buchenwald, Dachau, and Flossenbürg. Pohl said that he also went to Mauthausen, Sachsenhausen, and Ravensbrück (testimony above, dated June 7, 1946, and StANü, testimony of O. Pohl, June 13, 1946, p. 19, ND: NO-4728).

  97. Rost, Goethe, 234; OdT, vol. 3, 347 (figure for deaths among men); Strebel, Ravensbrück, 523; KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, Gedenkbuch, 11; Buggeln, Arbeit, 210–13; Orth, System, 314; NARA, M-1174, roll 3, Bl. 1441–65: examination E. Mahl, December 6, 1945, Bl. 1461.

  98. StANü, Erklärung R. Höß, March 14, 1946, p. 6, ND: NO-1210; ibid., testimony of Oswald Pohl, June 13, 1946, p. 18–20, ND: NO-4728; Orth, System, 303–304; Erpel, Vernichtung, 73; NAL, WO 253/163, Trial of War Criminals, Curiohaus, April 2, 1946, p. 55–56.

  99. H. Haubner to his wife, January 5, 1945, in KZ-Gedenkstätte Flossenbürg, Flossenbürg, 185. See also OdT, vol. 4, 53.

100. OdT, vol. 3, 321–22.

101. Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 188.

102. Haulot, “Lagertagebuch,” 185.

103. Wagner, Ellrich, 97, 108, quotes on 96, 98; Sellier, Dora, 212–13. See also Cohen, Human, 55–56; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 194.

104. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 331, 372; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 132, 138; Güldenpfenning, “Bewacher,” 72.

105. Wagner, Produktion, 472–73, quote on 473.

106. Vogel, Tagebuch, 93; Rousset, Kingdom, 160; Bárta, “Tagebuch,” 94, 138; Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 147.

107. For example, see LBIJMB, MM 32, P. Heller, “Tagebuchblätter aus dem Konzentrationslager,” October 1945, p. 11.

108. For this and the previous paragraph, see Nansen, Day, 541–48, quotes on 541, 548; OdT, vol. 3, 227; BStU, MfS HA IX/11, RHE 15/71, vol. 4, Bl. 23–28: Vernehmung Wojciech C., January 17, 1969.

109. Bárta, “Tagebuch,” 81–82, 182.

110. Rost, Goethe, quote on 253.

111. Orth, System, 260–62; Wagner, Produktion, 494.

112. Hördler, “Schlussphase,” 223–24; idem, “Ordnung,” 410; Erpel, Vernichtung, 94.

113. Quotes in Rost, Goethe, 237; YIVO, RG 104, MK 538, reel 6, folder 749, testimony F. Uhl, January 4, 1947; Nansen, Day, 578 (Nansen also uses the phrase “waiting room of death”). More generally, see Siegert, “Flossenbürg,” 474–75; Bárta, “Tagebuch,” 92–94; Szita, Ungarn, 120–21.

114. For this and the previous paragraph, see Semprun and Wiesel, Schweigen, 7–8, quote on 11; Greiser, “‘Sie starben’”; Hördler, “Schlussphase,” 235–37; OdT, vol. 3, 323–25; ibid., vol. 4, 49–50, 300–301; Hackett, Buchenwald, 318–19.

115. Megargee, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/A, quote on 784; Raim, Überlebende, 17; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 337.

116. Wagner, Produktion, 264–65, 271–72, 475, 482, 495–96, 506–509, quote on 496; idem, Ellrich, 104, 153–54; OdT, vol. 7, 320–21; NARA, M-1079, roll 7, Bl. 1849–67: examination of H. Maienschein, September 18, 1947, Bl. 1857–58.

117. Lévy-Hass, Vielleicht, 53–54, quote on 53; OdT, vol. 7, 204; Stiftung, Bergen-Belsen, 217.

118. Wenck, Menschenhandel, 343–47; OdT, vol. 7, 202–203; Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 112–17; Lasker-Wallfisch, Inherit, 159; Gutman, Enzyklopädie, 472–76.

119. Lévy-Hass, Vielleicht, quotes on 43–44; Wenck, Menschenhandel, 268–71; Koretz, Bergen-Belsen, 127.

120. Wenck, Menschenhandel, 347–49, 351–60.

121. Wagner, Ellrich, 162–63, quote on 157–58; OdT, vol. 7, 340–41. By early April 1945, Delaunois had been transferred from Ellrich to Woffleben (my thanks to Jens-Christian Wagner for this information).

122. Wenck, Menschenhandel, 351–61; OdT, vol. 7, 190, 204–207. In early 1945, women made up eighty-five percent of the prisoner population in the Ravensbrück complex, and sixty-four percent in Stutthof; IfZ, Fa 183, Bl. 6–7, n.d.

123. Herzberg, Between, 203; Van Pelt, “Introduction,” 41.

124. Koretz, Bergen-Belsen, quote on 155; Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 137–40; Wenck, Menschenhandel, 349, 371–74; Obenaus, “Räumung,” 517; WL, P.III.h. No. 839, Dr. P. Arons, “Faelle von Kannibalismus,” December 1957.

125. Vogel, Tagebuch, 99–102, 109, quotes on 113; Wenck, Menschenhandel, 349–50, 371–72; Koretz, Bergen-Belsen, 161; MacAuslan, “Aspects,” 37.

126. Herzberg, Between, 201–202, quote on 201.

127. WL, P.III.h. No. 494, A. Lehmann, “Im Lager Bergen Belsen,” 1946; Wenck, Menschenhandel, 373–74; Koretz, Bergen-Belsen, 165.

128. Niedersächsische Landeszentrale, Bergen-Belsen, 164–65.

129. Testimony of L. Jaldati, ibid., quote on 130; Shephard, Daybreak, 17.

130. At one stage, Oswald Pohl apparently considered closing the camp to further transports, but this plan came to nothing. Testimony O. Pohl, June 7, 1946, in NCA, supplement B, 1604; NAL, WO 235/19, statement of J. Kramer, May 22, 1945, p. 13.

131. Kramer to Glücks, March 1, 1945, in Niedersächsische Landeszentrale, Bergen-Belsen, 160–63.

132. My assumption that Kramer wrote his letter with an eye on postwar exculpation rests on the text (which includes a telling reference to the catastrophe in Bergen-Belsen as something for which “surely no one wants to take responsibility”), and on the fact that Kramer apparently left a copy among the private papers in his apartment.

133. Herzberg, Between, quote on 207; Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 137–38, 141, 145, 195–97; Lévy-Hass, Vielleicht, 58.

134. Hördler, “Schlussphase,” 234–35, 239; Erpel, Vernichtung, 78; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 466. On WVHA orders, see Orth, System, 288–89, 298–99; Blatman, Death, 213; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 464. In Sachsenhausen and Ravensbrück alone, ten thousand or more prisoners were murdered; Orth, System, 299; Tillion, Ravensbrück, 367. More generally, see Hördler, “Ordnung,” 135, 203, 360–61 (though with less emphasis on the significance of the impending evacuations).

135. For one example, see Maršálek, Mauthausen, 106.

136. Many of the victims were recent arrivals. Another two thousand victims were gassed following selections elsewhere in the Ravensbrück complex. See Buchmann, Frauen, quote on 32; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 475–88; Erpel, Vernichtung, 74, 85–88; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 310; Tillion, Ravensbrück, 279–99, 367–92; LULVR, interview No. 449, May 7, 1946. More generally on Uckermarck, see Strebel, Ravensbrück, 356–83, 460–61, 468–75; Erpel, Vernichtung, 80–85.

137. Keller, Volksgemeinschaft; Bessel, 1945, 48–66; Kershaw, End, 392; Wachsmann, Prisons, 319–23; Wegner, “Ideology.”

138. Fröhlich, Tagebücher, II/4, May 24, 1942, p. 361; Wachsmann, Prisons, 210–11.

139. OdT, vol. 4, 54; Siegert, “Flossenbürg,” 478–80; KZ-Gedenkstätte Flossenbürg, Flossenbürg, 206–11.

140. Orth, System, 296–98; StANü, Erklärung H. Pister, July 2, 1945, p. 37, ND: NO-254.

141. Keller, Volksgemeinschaft.

142. NAL, HW 16/15, GPD Headlines, April 7, 1945.

143. Quotes in Müller to Stapo(leit)stellen, March 4, 1944, in Maršálek, Mauthausen, 263–65; YUL, MG 1832, Series II—Trials, 1945–2001, Box 10, folder 50, Bl. 1320–23: statement J. Niedermayer, February 6, 1946. See also Kaltenbrunner, Flucht, 11–12, 21–99; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 266–67; LaB, B Rep. 057–01, Nr. 296, GStA Berlin, Abschlußvermerke, November 1, 1970, pp. 178–85. Kaltenbrunner argues that the first victims of Action “Bullet” in February 1944 were eastern European civilian workers, not POWs.

144. JVL, DJAO, United States v. Altfuldisch, RaR, March 1946, quote on 42; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 267–70; ASL, Kam 5539, L4, Bl. 37–44: Bericht V. Ukrainzew, n.d.; Horwitz, Shadow, 124–43; Kaltenbrunner, Flucht, 99–168.

145. Wagner, Produktion, 448; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 322, 330.

146. Schwarberg, SS-Arzt, 34–55. The execution order may have come from the WVHA.

147. Wagner, Produktion, 356; Bárta, “Tagebuch,” 83.

148. Koretz, Bergen-Belsen, quote on 158; YUL, MG 1832, Series II—Trials, 1945–2001, Box 10, folder 50, Bl. 1330–32: statement of F. Entress, January 26, 1946, quote on 1331 (Entress took up his Mauthausen post in 1943, after almost two years in Auschwitz); Lasik, “SS-Garrison,” 332; Wagner, Produktion, 272–73, 307–308; idem, Ellrich, 153; Orth, SS, 247, 255–60; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 70, 158.

149. Hördler, “Schlussphase,” 229–32; idem, “Ordnung,” 147–57, Erpel, Vernichtung, 86; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 61, 467–68; Broszat, Kommandant, 222. The significance of transfers from Auschwitz should not be exaggerated, however; plenty of SS men from other KL were also well versed in mass murder.

150. Schmid, “Moll,” 133–38, quote on 134; Hördler, “Schlussphase,” 228–29, 242–43; idem, “Ordnung,” 365–66. Relentless to the end, Moll shot dozens of exhausted prisoners during the death march from Kaufering in late April 1945.

151. Evans, Third Reich at War, 467, 651–53, 714–15; Kershaw, Nemesis, 764–66; idem, End, 389; Bessel, 1945, 2, 42, 65.

152. Buggeln, Arbeit, 447–55; Wagner, Produktion, 341–42. For the People’s Storm guarding evacuation treks, see Blatman, Death, 304, 397; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 112.

153. Quote in Harshav, Last Days, 694. See also AGN, Ng. 7.6., H. Behncke to his wife, August 28, 1944; Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 314; Nansen, Day, 492.

154. Weiss-Rüthel, Nacht, 181.

155. Rózsa, “Solange,” 152.

156. Langbein, Menschen, 482.

157. Cohen, Abyss, quote on 105; Rózsa, “Solange,” 212; Naujoks, Leben, 342.

158. OdT, vol. 4, 297; Bessel, 1945, 18–19; Kershaw, End, 220.

159. Rózsa, “Solange,” 296, quote on 217; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 325; Glauning, Entgrenzung, 241–42; Freund, “Mauthausenprozess,” 38; Burger, Werkstatt, 189.

160. DAP, Aussage S. Baretzki, February 18, 1965, quote on 29219; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 245, 466–67; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 150–51. The 1965 sentence against Dr. Lucas in the Frankfurt Auschwitz trial—three years’ and three months’ penitentiary—was later annulled.

161. APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 114: WVHA, Chefbefehl Nr. 7, February 27, 1945.

162. NAL, WO 253/163, examination of M. Pauly, April 2, 1946, p. 60; Orth, SS, 260–61; Buggeln, Arbeit, 642–44; Welch, Propaganda, 189–97.

163. For this and the previous paragraph, see Kershaw, Nemesis, 751–828, quote on 819; idem, End, 79; Longerich, Himmler, 740–52; Time. The Weekly Newsmagazine, October 11, 1943.

164. Wenck, Menschenhandel, 272–335; Longerich, Himmler, 728–30; Bauer, Jews, 145–238. In November 1944, Himmler also agreed to repatriate 200 Danish policemen and 140 sick Norwegian students; Stræde, “‘Aktion,’” 179–81; Erpel, Vernichtung, 124.

165. Kersten’s later testimony should be approached with great care; Fleming, “Herkunft”; Neander, Mittelbau, 99; Wenck, Menschenhandel, 362–63. For Burckhardt and Bernadotte, see Favez, Red, 284–85; Erpel, Vernichtung, 128–29.

166. Erpel, Vernichtung, passim; Bauer, Jews, 249–50; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 26, 314.

167. NAL, WO 235/19, statement J. Kramer, May 22, 1945, p. 13; APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 117–20: H. Pister, “Strafen für Häftlinge,” July 21, 1945, ND: NO-256; Heiber, Reichsführer!, 387 (n. 2).

168. Longerich, Himmler, 746–49; Jacobeit, “Ich,” 82–83.

169. Favez, Red, 99, 258, 261, 265; Zweig, “Feeding,” 845–50. Such efforts were hampered by shortages of suitable vehicles and the breakdown of the transport network.

170. Erpel, Vernichtung, 104–105, 111; Favez, Red, 268.

171. Stræde, “‘Aktion,’” 176, 183; Erpel, Vernichtung, 131.

172. Nansen, Day, 570–82, quotes on 572, 582; Grill, “Skandinavierlager,” 196–206; Erpel, Vernichtung, 131–34; Obenaus, “Räumung,” 519–44.

173. Nansen, Day, quote on 592; Jacobeit, “Ich,” 32–35, 40, 77, de Lauwe quote on 41; Erpel, Vernichtung, 114–19, 128–29, 134–54; Bernadotte, Fall, 45–46, 53, 58–59; Stræde, “‘Aktion,’” 182–84; Grill, “Skandinavierlager,” 206–15; Longerich, Himmler, 749–50; Hertz-Eichenrode, KZ, vol. 1, 125–28; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 323.

174. See also Longerich, Himmler, 752.

175. Favez, Red, 265–66; Breitman et al., Intelligence, 111.

176. Orth, System, 302–303; Erpel, Vernichtung, 138; StANü, Erklärung H. Pister, July 2, 1945, p. 15, ND: NO-254; StANü, Erklärung R. Höß, March 14, 1946, p. 6, ND: NO-1210; ibid., testimony O. Pohl, June 13, 1946, p. 20, ND: NO-4728; NAL, FO 188/526, report N. Masur, April 1945.

177. Fabréguet, Mauthausen, 186–87; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 325.

178. Longerich, Himmler, 746–49; NAL, FO 188/526, report N. Masur, April 1945; Erpel, Vernichtung, 148.

179. This makes it hard to take seriously Himmler’s alleged offer in November 1944 of negotiating the release of six hundred thousand Jews; Bauer, Jews, 225.

180. Quote in Maršálek, Mauthausen, 136. Pohl also said that Himmler had wanted to use Jews “for bargaining purposes in the peace negotiations”; testimony O. Pohl, June 7, 1946, in NCA, supplement B, 1596.

181. Wenck, Menschenhandel, 362–71; WL, P.III.h. No. 842, J. Weiss, P. Arons, “Bergen-Belsen,” June 20, 1945; Hájková, “Prisoner Society,” 5, 279.

182. Calculation based on OdT, vols. 2–8 (I am grateful to Chris Dillon for pulling these figures together, which I have used throughout this section).

183. Rózsa, “Solange,” 180, 184, 187, 196, 199–200, 225, 240–41, quote on 238. See also Buggeln, Arbeit, 294; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 77.

184. The number of KL prisoners fell from 715,000 (mid-January 1945) to around 550,000 (beginning of April), which would mean a “loss” of 165,000 prisoners. The total “loss” is closer to 200,000, since the KL still admitted new inmates. Several tens of thousands of them had been released or liberated or escaped. But the great majority of “lost” prisoners—perhaps 150,000—had perished.

185. For satellites, see note 182 above.

186. Aussage A. Harbaum, March 19, 1946, IMT, vol. 35, 493, ND: 750–D.

187. Estimate based on Wenck, Menschenhandel, 362; Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 187; DaA, ITS, Vorläufige Ermittlung der Lagerstärke (1971); Wagner, Produktion, 648; OdT, vol. 5, 331; ibid., vol. 6, 48–190, 223–473; Strebel, Ravensbrück, 182; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 127; USHMM, Encyclopedia, vol. 1/B, 1423, 1471; AS, JSU 1/101, Bl. 84: Veränderungsmeldung, April 1, 1945 (my thanks to Monika Liebscher for this reference); AGFl to the author, May 17, 2011.

188. See figures in Comité, Dachau (1978), 207; Wagner, Produktion, 648; Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 187–88; OdT, vol. 4, 52–53, 316; ibid., vol. 5, 331.

189. Figures for some camps in OdT, vol. 4, 316; ibid., vol. 7, 265; Comité, Dachau (1978), 206 (my thanks to Dirk Riedel for this reference); Stein, “Funktionswandel,” 187. The total number of Jewish prisoners was somewhat higher than SS figures suggest, as a number of Jews succeeded in hiding their identities.

190. OdT, vols. 2–7.

191. In April and early May, an estimated 90,000 prisoners were liberated from satellite camps, and around 155,000 from main camps. See data in OdT, vols. 2–7; USHMM, Encyclopedia, vol. I.

192. OdT, vol. 5, 339; KZ-Gedenkstätte Neuengamme, Ausstellungen, 129. The SS fully evacuated well over 260 satellite camps in April and May 1945 (see note 182 above).

193. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 136–37.

194. Blatman, Death, 7, 10, 411.

195. In addition to frequent escapes on transports, many daily routines in camps—with fixed schedules revolving around forced labor—were absent on trains and marches.

196. For Kapos as escorts, see NARA, M-1204, roll 6, Bl. 4607–87: examination of A. Ginschel, October 4 and 7, 1946.

197. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 52; Erpel, Vernichtung, 140–44; Blatman, Death, 155.

198. Many historians have argued that Hitler issued a general order in March 1945 to destroy every camp and its prisoners as the Allies approached. However, the source basis for this supposed order is unsatisfactory; Neander, Mittelbau, 97–106, 289–308. For Hitler’s “scorched earth” order, see Kershaw, Nemesis, 784–86.

199. Wachsmann, Prisons, 323–24, 331.

200. Released prisoners included some German priests, long-term inmates (including Margarete Buber-Neumann), and Polish women arrested after the 1944 Warsaw Uprising. Strebel, Ravensbrück, 460, 498–500; Distel, “29. April,” 5.

201. Klausch, Antifaschisten, 316–26; Fröhlich, Tagebücher, II/15, March 1, 1945; ITS, KL Dachau GCC 3/998–12 II H, folder 162, Freiwillige für den Heeresdienst, March 5, 1945.

202. For WVHA support, see Glücks to KL Buchenwald, April 7, 1945, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 215; Broszat, Kommandant, 280. Many historians suggest that Himmler himself ordered an end to all KL evacuations in mid-March (Neander, Mittelbau, 106–109; Orth, System, 302–308; Blatman, Death, 137, 154, 199–200). This supposition is largely based on the account of Himmler’s masseur Felix Kersten, a notoriously unreliable witness (see above, note 165). A supposed Himmler order is also mentioned in postwar accounts of former SS officers like Walter Schellenberg and Rudolf Höss (IfZ, ED 90/7, W. Schellenberg, “Memorandum,” n.d., Bl. 30; IfZ, G 01/31, Zeugenaussage R. Höss, IMT, April 15, 1946). But the former’s testimony is unreliable and self-serving (Breitman et al.,Intelligence, 113–14, 447), while the latter is inconsistent on this point (cf. Broszat, Kommandant, 280). All considered, it seems unlikely that Himmler issued a blanket stop-order. The former head of the KL system, Oswald Pohl, made no mention of such an order in his extensive postwar testimony. Also, KL evacuations continued without interruption after Himmler’s supposed order (see below). Most likely, Himmler had made some promises to his foreign interlocutors—perhaps about ending all evacuations—but never intended to keep them (he lied persistently during meetings with foreign representatives in spring 1945; NAL, FO 188/526, Report N. Masur, April 1945).

203. StANü, Erklärung H. Pister, July 2, 1945, p. 34, ND: NO-254; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 52. Following Himmler’s orders, the Buchenwald commandant apparently promised some German prisoners that the KL would not be evacuated; Overesch, “Ernst Thapes,” 638. Around the same time, the WVHA may have given similar instructions not to evacuate Flossenbürg; Zámečník, “Kein Häftling,” 224–25.

204. Pister to WVHA-D, April 6, 1945, in Tuchel, Inspektion, 214; NAL, HW 16/15, GPD Headlines, April 6, 1945; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 57.

205. Between mid-March and mid-April 1945, the SS evacuated well over 160 satellite camps across nine of the ten remaining KL complexes; see note 182 above.

206. Buggeln, Arbeit, 626–34, 655–57.

207. For the following, see also Neander, Mittelbau, 152–61.

208. This was the main reason why the SS forced Jewish KL prisoners from Buchenwald satellites (and elsewhere) onto transports to Theresienstadt; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 55–56; Blatman, Death, 177.

209. Broszat, Kommandant, 218; Fröbe, “Kammler,” 316; Wagner, Produktion, 277.

210. Wachsmann, Prisons, 325; Neander, Mittelbau, 160–61.

211. Blatman, Death, 153–54; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 57, 76; StANü, Erklärung H. Pister, July 2, 1945, p. 41, ND: NO-254; Broszat, Kommandant, 280; IfZ, G 01/31, Zeugenaussage R. Höss, April 15, 1946, p. 14; Overesch, Buchenwald, 81–82.

212. StANü, Erklärung H. Pister, July 2, 1945, pp. 40–41, ND: NO-254; Orth, System, 310–11.

213. DaA, 21.079, Hauptsturmführer Schwarz, “The raport [sic] about my way to Flossenbürgk [sic],” April 24(?), 1945. This is a poor English translation (probably by former prisoners) of the German original, which has been lost. I have followed the translation, with a few corrections of grammar and idiom (notably “abused” instead of “mishandled”). For an analysis of this much-misunderstood order, see Zámečník, “Kein Häftling”; Zámečník’s version of Himmler’s telex includes a sentence (“The camp must be evacuated immediately”) that is not part of the English translation (of the lost German original).

214. Zámečník, “Kein Häftling,” 229; Orth, System, 326; NAL, WO 309/408, deposition of M. Pauly, March 30, 1946, p. 2.

215. Abzug, Inside, 3–8; OdT, vol. 1, 315; Van Pelt, Case, 154–57; Klemperer, Zeugnis, vol. 2, 648; Zelizer, Remembering, 49–61; Struk, Photographing, 138–49.

216. Frei, “‘Wir waren blind’”; Abzug, Heart, 21–59.

217. NAL, FO 188/526, report N. Masur, April 1945. Himmler made similar complaints to Bernadotte (Bernadotte, Fall, 51) and also complained about adverse reports about Bergen-Belsen following liberation.

218. OdT, vol. 3, 67; ibid., vol. 4, 55–57, 513.

219. For example, see OdT, vol. 3, 79; ibid., vol. 4, 225, 242, 530; ibid., vol. 6, 244.

220. Himmler may have made such a “concession” himself; Zámečník, “Kein Häftling,” 220; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 58–59.

221. Maršálek, Mauthausen, 127.

222. Flanagan and Bloxham, Remembering, quotes on 9, 13; Wenck, Menschenhandel, 374–82; Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 157–64, 225–27; Shephard, Daybreak, 33–42; Reilly, Belsen, 22–28; Niedersächsische Landeszentrale, Bergen-Belsen, 175–80; Orth, SS, 265. At least one satellite camp, Amersfoort, also officially surrendered (on April 19, 1945); OdT, vol. 7, 153.

223. It was now more than a year since the first KL in Eastern Europe had closed.

224. Hertz-Eichenrode, KZ, vol. 1, quote on 340; Baganz, “Wöbbelin”; Volland, “Stalag”; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 78–80; Knop and Schmidt, “Sachsenhausen,” 25; Buggeln, Arbeit, 635–36; Schalm, Überleben, 102; Blatman, Death, 142, 166, 214.

225. Jacobeit, “Ich,” quote on 162; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 82; Perz and Freund, “Tötungen,” 258–59; Morsch, “Tötungen,” 275; Hertz-Eichenrode, KZ, vol. 1, 197; Buggeln, Arbeit, 637; APMO, Proces Maurer, 5a, Bl. 117–20: H. Pister, “Strafen für Häftlinge,” July 21, 1945, ND: NO-256.

226. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 83–84; Blatman, Death, 299; Obenaus, “Räumung,” 527–28.

227. Distel, “29. April,” 6–7; Zarusky, “Dachau,” 51; Zámečník, Dachau, 382–84. Another 137 prominent German and foreign prisoners, assembled from other KL, left by bus.

228. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 64–76, 240, 500–508; idem, “‘Sie starben,’” 112.

229. See also Greiser, Todesmärsche, 73, 241.

230. Overesch, “Ernst Thapes,” 646, quote on 644; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 71–73, 243–44; Distel, “29. April,” 7.

231. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 91–95, 146, 206, 502–503; Neander, Mittelbau, 88, 128–51; Blatman, Death, 143, 177, 208–209; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 388; Bessel, 1945, 63, 85, 92–93. In addition to trains and marches, the SS occasionally used boats; Orth, System, 334.

232. StANü, G. Rammler report, January 30, 1946, ND: NO-1200; ibid., EE by K. Sommer, January 22, 1947, ND: NO-1578; BArchB, Film 44563, Vernehmung O. Pohl, September 26, 1946, p. 51; Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 426–28.

233. IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946, Bl. 354.

234. First described in detail in Orth, System, 313–35.

235. StANü, Erklärung R. Höss, March 14, 1946, ND: NO-1210; ibid., G. Rammler report, January 30, 1946, ND: NO-1200; ibid., testimony O. Pohl, June 13, 1946, ND: NO-4728; ibid., EE by G. Wiebeck, February 28, 1947, ND: NO-2331; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 343–54: R. Höss, “Oswald Pohl,” November 1946, Bl. 354; Orth, SS, 264–65.

236. Orth, System, 317–19, 328–29; Wildt, Generation, 726–27; OdT, vol. 2, 459–61; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), p. 77; BArchL, B 162/7998, Bl. 623–44: Vernehmung J. Otto, April 1, 1970, Bl. 626; StANü, Erklärung H. Pister, July 2, 1945, p. 41–42, ND: NO-254; Tuchel, “Die Kommandanten des KZ Dachau,” 347–48.

237. For a different view, see Buggeln, Arbeit, 655.

238. Orth, System, 322, 325–26, 329–35. See also Lange, “Neueste Erkenntnisse”; OdT, vol. 6, 518–19; Hertz-Eichenrode, KZ, vol. 1, 262; NAL, WO 208/4661, statement H. Aumeier, June 29, 1945, p. 13.

239. Orth, SS, 267–68; StANü, Erklärung R. Höss, March 14, 1946, ND: NO-1210; ibid., G. Rammler report, January 30, 1946, ND: NO-1200; Wildt, Generation, 731–34; Kershaw, End, 352, 400; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 154; Broszat, Kommandant, 222, 281–82; Hillmann, “‘Reichsregierung.’”

240. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 151–52; Kaplan, “Marsch,” 26.

241. Several hundred prisoners were released or handed to the ICRC during the stop at Below forest. See OdT, vol. 3, 291–93; Zeiger, “Todesmärsche,” 66–68; Orth, System, 323; Farré, “Sachsenhausen.” The site may also have held some female prisoners from Ravensbrück; Blatman, Death, 169–70.

242. LG Cologne, Urteil, October 30, 1967, JNV, vol. 26, 797–98; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 164; Lasik, “Organizational,” 184 (n. 80); Neander, Mittelbau, 143; JVL, DJAO, United States v. Becker, RaR, n.d. (1947), pp. 49–50; NARA, RG 549, 000–50–9, Box 438, statement S. Melzewski, September 6, 1945. For the reluctance of other guards, see Blatman, Death, 110, 114, 420; Greiser,Todesmärsche, 99–100, 154, 272–73; Jacobeit, “Ich,” 84.

243. Goldhagen, Executioners, 332, 363, 367, 371. See also Rothkirchen, “‘Final Solution’”; Bauer, “Death Marches,” 4, 8. For criticism of this thesis, see Blatman, Death, esp. 416; Sprenger, “KZ Groß-Rosen,” 1120; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 27–29; Buggeln, Arbeit, 625.

244. Estimate in Greiser, Todesmärsche, 27–28. See also Blatman, Death, 194; Kolb, “Kriegsphase,” 1135.

245. For the opposite argument, see Goldhagen, Executioners, 345.

246. Blatman, Death, 417. See also Greiser, Todesmärsche, 136, 139–40; BoA, testimony of B. Warsager, September 1, 1946; de Rudder, “Zwangsarbeit,” 230–31. The WVHA introduced new insignia for Jews in November 1944, with a yellow stripe over a triangle, though this was rarely used in practice; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 272.

247. Laqueur, Bergen-Belsen, 106, 112–13, 121.

248. For the opposite view, see Bauer, Jews, 241; Sofsky, Violence, 104–107; idem, “Perspektiven,” 1160–63.

249. See also Neander, Mittelbau, 164–65.

250. Some ten to twelve thousand Buchenwald inmates and over eight thousand Neuengamme inmates perished on death transports; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 9; Buggeln, Arbeit, 635, 653.

251. Gedenkstätte Buchenwald, Buchenwald, 204–206; Röll, Sozialdemokraten, 139–56; VöB, September 1, 1944; IfZ, F 13/6, Bl. 355–58: R. Höss, “Gerhard Maurer,” November 1946; Kirsten and Kirsten, Stimmen, 188–92.

252. For example, see OdT, vol. 2, 285; ibid., vol. 4, 459.

253. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, quote on 383; Antelme, Menschengeschlecht, 89; Langbein, Menschen, 149.

254. Kaienburg, Wirtschaft, 683; Wagner, Produktion, 280–81; Bessel, Germany 1945, 12, 24.

255. Strebel, Celle.

256. Hertz-Eichenrode, KZ, vol. 1, 53–55, 265–74, quote on 272; Lange, “Neueste Erkenntnisse”; Garbe, “‘Cap Arcona.’”

257. NARA, RG 549, 000–50–9, Box 438, statement C. Schmalzl, September 11, 1945; ibid., statement X. Triebswetter, September 11, 1945; ibid., statement S. Melzewski, September 6, 1945.

258. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 284, 500–502; NARA, RG 549, 000–50–9, Box 438, statement X. Triebswetter, September 11, 1945.

259. Horwitz, Shadow, 144–51; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 262–68.

260. For example, see NARA, M-1174, roll 2, Bl. 762: examination of G. Neuner, November 26, 1945. See also Horwitz, Shadow, 151; Zarusky, “Dachau,” 58.

261. Laqueur, Bergen-Belsen, 120–28; Herzberg, Between, 213; Horwitz, Shadow, 152–53; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 269–70.

262. For example, see YVA, O 15 E/1761, Protokoll V. Jakubovics, July 9, 1945.

263. Buggeln, Arbeit, 145–48; WVHA-D to WVHA-B, August 15, 1944, ND: NO-1990, TWC, vol. 5, 388–92.

264. Jacobeit, “Ich,” 113–15; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 190–93, 197, 273–75; Wagner, Produktion, 555; Blatman, Death, 429–31.

265. Zarusky, “‘Tötung,’” 85; Distel, “29. April,” 8. See also Holzhaider, Sechs.

266. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 125, 161; Erpel, Vernichtung, 176–77; Neander, Mittelbau, 135–36.

267. Horwitz, Shadow, 146–47, 153; NARA, M-1174, roll 2, Bl. 762–70: examination of T. Weigl, November 26, 1945.

268. NARA, RG 549, 000–50–9, Box 438, statement X. Triebswetter, September 11, 1945; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 125, 160.

269. Maršálek, Mauthausen, quotes on 296; Dietmar, “Häftling X,” 131. See also Greiser, Todesmärsche, 260–61; Neander, Mittelbau, 161–62; Blatman, Death, 399, 401–402.

270. JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), quote on 68; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 160; Horwitz, Shadow, 154.

271. Blatman, Death, 270–71, 396–400, 405, 418–19. See also Neander, Mittelbau, 135; Schulze, Zeiten, 291; Herbert, Fremdarbeiter, 330–31, 338–39.

272. Blatman, Death, 394–405, 419; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 115–23, 132, 167.

273. Most of the survivors were forced on a death march toward Bergen-Belsen. See Strebel, Celle, 52–123, quote on 61; Bertram, “8. April 1945.”

274. ASL, Kam 5539, L4, Bl. 26–29: Schwertberger Postenchronik, 1945, quote on 28.

275. Obenaus, “Räumung,” quote on 542; Blatman, Death, 272–342; Neander, Mittelbau, 466–73; Gring, “Massaker.”

276. Blatman, Death, 343–46; Bessel, 1945, 45, 65.

277. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 126–27, 199–201, 274.

278. Broszat, Kommandant, 222–23, 281–82, quote on 222; StANü, Erklärung R. Höss, March 14, 1946, ND: NO-1210; Kershaw, End, 359–60; Orth, SS, 268–69.

279. IfZ, F 13/7, Bl. 388: R. Höss, “Richard Glücks,” November 1946; Broszat, Kommandant, 224–25; DAP, Aussage W. Boger, July 5, 1945, 3251; Naasner, SS-Wirtschaft, 334; IfZ, ZS-1590, interrogation G. Witt, November 19, 1946, 9; BArchB, Film 44840, Vernehmung G. Maurer, March 13, 1947, pp. 3–5.

280. Goeschel, Suicide, 149–66.

281. Longerich, Himmler, 757; BArchL, B 162/7996, Bl. 381–85: Liste von SS-Führern und Unterführern, November 6, 1967; OdT, vol. 2, 486. Hans Kammler is also said to have killed himself (Fröbe, “Kammler,” 316–17), though there are rumors that he was captured and taken to a U.S. detention center (Karlsch, “Selbstmord”).

282. Delmotte shot himself soon after fleeing Dachau in 1945; Langbein, Menschen, 559; Lifton, Doctors, 311.

283. Sigl, Todeslager, 84; Raim, “Westdeutsche Ermittlungen,” 223.

284. For this mind-set, see Broszat, Kommandant, 222–23.

285. Rózsa, “Solange,” 278–79; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 331–32; Kaplan, “Marsch,” 34.

286. Greiser, Todesmärsche, 102; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), p. 67.

287. Greiser, Todesmärsche, quote on 177.

288. Blatman, Death, 207; Neander, Mittelbau, 150.

289. YVA, 033/989, anonymous testimony (by W. Simoni), n.d. (1947), 40.

290. Kaplan, “Marsch,” 31–33, quote on 31; Zeiger, “Todesmärsche,” 68; WL, P.III.h. No. 804, M. Flothuis, “Arbeit für die Philips-Fabrik,” January 1958, p. 16.

291. Perhaps 150,000 prisoners died in the last five weeks of the war (out of around 550,000 KL prisoners at the start of April). Of the remaining c. 400,000 prisoners, maybe 250,000 were liberated inside, around 20,000 were released abroad, and thousands more released inside Germany. This would mean that well over one hundred thousand men, women, and children found freedom during marches and train transports.

292. Bárta, “Tagebuch,” quote on 96; Freund, “KZ Ebensee,” 22, 31; Freund, Toten, 337; Evans, “Introduction,” xvi. Among the last satellites to be reached by Allied troops were the small Mauthausen camp St. Lambrecht on May 11, 1945, and the even smaller Flossenbürg camp Schlackenwerth the following day; OdT, vol. 4, 250–52, 429–33.

293. Rózsa, “Solange,” 302–22, quotes on 290, 316, 323; OdT, vol. 4, 151–54.

294. Overesch, Buchenwald, 60–85, quote on 68; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 76.

295. “Dachau Captured by Americans Who Kill Guards, Liberate 32,000,” New York Times, May 1, 1945; KZ-Gedenkstätte Dachau, Gedenkbuch, 9, 13, 19; Rost, Goethe, 302.

296. Quote in W. Cowling to his parents, April 30, 1945, in Dann, Dachau, 21–24. See also Zámečník, Dachau, 390–96; Distel, “29. April,” 8–11; Rost, Goethe, 304–305; Antelme, Menschengeschlecht, 401.

297. Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 419, 425, 444–45.

298. Quotes in Kupfer-Koberwitz, Tagebücher, 445; Ballerstedt, “Liebe,” 207. See also Czech, Kalendarium, 322, 328–29; Stein, Juden, 126; Zámečník, Dachau, 365–67; ITS, docs 5278997#1, 5323555#1, 5364738#1, 5376484#1, 9896136#1, 9918546#1, 9934351#1, 9943226#2 (my thanks to Susanne Urban for these documents); BLA, EG 74002, EE by M. Choinowski, March 1, 1946 and June 16, 1958; ibid., Bay. Hilfswerk, Fürsorgebericht, April 24, 1949; ibid., Antrag M. Choinowski, June 23, 1958.

Epilogue

    1. Antelme, Menschengeschlecht, 401–402; BoA, interview with J. Bassfreund, September 20, 1946. On the postwar use of the term “survivor,” Reinisch, “Introduction.” For the liberation of the camps, see now also Stone, Sorrows (my thanks to Dan Stone for sharing an early draft).

    2. Testimony of P. H., February 1946, in Heberer, Children, 384.

    3. For this and the previous paragraph, see BLA, EG 74002. Additional information in R. König to M. Choinowski, n.d. (late 1953) (copy in possession of the author); ITS, Doc. No. 90343219#1; Shephard, Road, 364–79; Cohen, Case, 30. Quotes in BLA, EG 74002, M. Choinowski, Antrag auf Erteilung eines Bezugsscheins, April 14, 1948; ibid., M. Choinowski to Landesentschädigungsamt, April 20, 1957; M. Choinowski to R. König, May 10, 1965 (copy in possession of the author; my thanks to Rita von Borck for this letter and other information).

    4. For the quotes in this and the previous paragraph, see DaA, Nr. 27376, E. Kupfer to K. Halle, September 1, 1960; StAL, EL 350 I/Bü 8033, E. Kupfer to Landesamt für Wiedergutmachung, November 28, 1979. For Kupfer’s postwar life, see StAL, EL 350 I/Bü 8033; Distel, “Vorwort,” 15–17; ITS, doc. 81062064#1.

    5. Todorov, Facing, 263; Orth, SS, 273–95.

    6. WL, P.III.h. No. 494, A. Lehmann, “Im Lager Bergen Belsen,” 1946, quote on 4; ibid., No. 573, A. Lehmann, “Das Lager Vught,” n.d., 33; ibid., No. 416, A. Lehmann, “Die Evakuations-Transporte,” n.d. (1946); Koker, Edge, 369–70.

    7. My calculation is based on an estimated 250,000 prisoners being liberated from the KL during the final five weeks of Nazi rule.

    8. WL, P.III.h. No. 494, A. Lehmann, “Im Lager Bergen Belsen,” 1946, quote on 5; Stiftung, Bergen-Belsen, 217; Reilly, Belsen, 25–26; report G. Hughes, June 1945, in Niedersächsische Landeszentrale, Bergen-Belsen, 186–93.

    9. Shephard, Road, 69–72; idem, Daybreak, 28–32; Zweig, “Feeding,” 843–45; Zelizer, Remembering, 64.

  10. Abzug, Inside, passim.

  11. Quote in Strebel, Ravensbrück, 503. See also Gutterman, Bridge, 225–26; Erpel, Vernichtung, 193–94; WL, P.III.h. No. 864, G. Deak, “Wie eine junge Frau Auschwitz und den Todes-Marsch überlebt hat,” March 1958, p. 18; ibid., No. 828, T. Krieg, “Der ‘Totenzug’ von Bergen-Belsen nach Theresienstadt,” December 1957, p. 8. For mass rapes of German women by Soviet soldiers during the occupation more generally, see Grossmann, Jews, 48–71; Beevor, Berlin.

  12. WL, P.III.h. No. 494, A. Lehmann, “Im Lager Bergen Belsen,” 1946, quote on 5; Helweg-Larsen et al., Famine, 255–62; Reckendrees, “Leben,” 101–102; Vaisman, Auschwitz, 65–66; Kielar, Anus Mundi, 402; Goldstein et al., Individuelles, 188; YVA, M-1/E 121, Aussage M. Weiss, June 24, 1946, p. 8; MacAuslan, “Aspects,” 50–55. The problem of overeating was exacerbated by well-meaning soldiers who handed out excessive amounts of rich food, upsetting the inmates’ already damaged digestive system.

  13. Laqueur, Bergen-Belsen, 129–32, quote on 132; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 201, 207–14.

  14. Laqueur, Bergen-Belsen, 136.

  15. Quote in Schulze, Zeiten, 299. See also Meyer, Kriegsgefangenen, 80.

  16. Schulze, Zeiten, 91, 120–21, 295–96, 299–300; Meyer, Kriegsgefangenen, 81–85; Vogel, Tagebuch, 166; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 281.

  17. Quotes in Abzug, Inside, 132; Reilly, Belsen, 41; MacAuslan, “Aspects,” 74. See also Shephard, Road, 67, 101–102; Flanagan and Bloxham, Remembering, 65–66.

  18. Quote in letter by A. Horwell, May 1945, in Flanagan and Bloxham, Remembering, 65. For the use of the term “organize,” see Laqueur, Bergen-Belsen, 131; YVA, 033/989, anonymous testimony (by W. Simoni), n.d. (1947), p. 41.

  19. Rovan, Geschichten, 293–97; Zámečník, Dachau, 398.

  20. WL, P.III.h. No. 494, A. Lehmann, “Im Lager Bergen Belsen,” 1946, p. 5.

  21. MacAuslan, “Aspects,” 65, 69–82, 106–107, 110–11, quote on 75. See also Reilly, Belsen, 26–28, 33–40; Flanagan and Bloxham, Remembering, 21–40; Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 315; Stiftung, Bergen-Belsen, 253.

  22. Benz, “Befreiung.” See also Overesch, “Ernst Thapes,” 657, 661–63, 670; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 280; Erpel, Vernichtung, 195.

  23. Quotes in ITS, 1.1.6.0/folder 21, Bl. 2–3: Lagerälteste to Blockältesten, May 1, 1945; E. Fleck and E. Tenenbaum, “Buchenwald,” April 24, 1945, in Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 196. See also Greiser, “‘Sie starben,’” 122–23; Benz, “Befreiung,” 39–42, 47, 53; Maršálek, Mauthausen, 338–39; Freund, Zement, 434–35.

  24. Quote in Benz, “Befreiung,” 51. In Belsen, the prisoner organization was weaker; Kolb, Bergen-Belsen, 165.

  25. Szeintuch, “‘Tkhias Hameysim,’” quote on 215 (translation by Kim Wünschmann); Poljan, “‘Menschen,’” 87; Mankowitz, Life, 39; Königseder and Wetzel, Lebensmut, 19–20.

  26. Gross, Fünf Minuten, 214, 217, 244, 263–64, quote on 216; Overesch, “Ernst Thapes,” 666–68; idem, Buchenwald, 121; Freund, Zement, 429; Hammermann, “‘Dachau.’”

  27. Benz, “Befreiung,” 54, 59, quote on 61; Poljan, “‘Menschen,’” 86–87.

  28. WL, P.III.h. No. 494, A. Lehmann, “Im Lager Bergen Belsen,” 1946, quote on 6; MacAuslan, “Aspects,” 134–59; D. Sington report, 1948, in Niedersächsische Landeszentrale, Bergen-Belsen, 202–203.

  29. J. Pogonowski to his family, n.d. (November 1942?), in Piper, Briefe, 36–39.

  30. Hördler, “Ordnung,” quote on 313; Schelvis, Sobibor, 2.

  31. Bessel, 1945, 255–62; Shephard, Road, 63–64; Judt, Postwar, 29.

  32. Laqueur, Bergen-Belsen, 139; WL, P.III.h. No. 494, A. Lehmann, “Im Lager Bergen Belsen,” 1946, p. 5; Sellier, Dora, 333; Judt, Postwar, 29–30; Rovan, Geschichten, 256–76. On France, see also Koreman, “Hero’s Homecoming”; Dreyfus, “Aufnahme”; Bauerkämper, Gedächtnis, 227–28; Michelet, Freiheitsstraße.

  33. Poljan, “‘Menschen,’” quote on 84; Distel and Zarusky, “Dreifach,” quote on 101; Shephard, Road, 78–83; Erpel, Vernichtung, 211–14.

  34. Shephard, Road, 100–101; Gerlach and Aly, Kapitel, 409.

  35. BoA, interview with L. Stumachin, September 8, 1946.

  36. Gross, Fear. See also Zaremba, “Nicht”; Königseder and Wetzel, Lebensmut, 47–57; Shephard, Road, 185–87; Michael, Davidstern; Szita, Ungarn, 211, 216; Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 254–55.

  37. Königseder, “Aus dem KZ,” 226–28, 231; Shephard, Road, 83–94, 200–211; Holian, Between, 213–36; Pilecki, Auschwitz, liii–liv; Debski, Battlefield, 245; Lowe, Savage, 212–29. For background, see Stone, Goodbye.

  38. Quotes in BoA, interview with L. Stumachin, September 8, 1946. See also Buergenthal, Child, 134–65; Segev, Million, 118–19, 153–86.

  39. Kogon, Theory, 300.

  40. Quote in WL, P.III.h. No. 795, “Gipsy-Camp Birkenau,” January 1958. See also Pilichowski, Verjährung, 166–69; Cohen, Human, 63–81; Langbein, Menschen, 549–50; Helweg-Larsen et al., Famine, 418.

  41. Levi, “Memory,” 12. More generally, see Langer, Holocaust.

  42. Nyiszli, Auschwitz, 158; Evans, “Introduction,” xvii. He died of a heart attack in 1956.

  43. Helweg-Larsen et al., Famine, quote on 436; Delbo, Auschwitz, 257–67; Leys, Guilt; Niederland, Folgen, 8–9, 229–35; Jureit and Orth, Überlebensgeschichten, 166–70.

  44. Freund, “Mauthausenprozess,” quote on 43. More generally, see Pick, Wiesenthal; Segev, Wiesenthal.

  45. For example, see Stengel, Langbein.

  46. Wachsmann, “Introduction” (2009), xviii–xxii; Todorov, Hope, 148–58.

  47. Quote in author’s interview with K. Kendall, June 1996. See also Gilbert, Boys, 140–41, 203–204, 385; Jureit and Orth, Überlebensgeschichten, 56–57; Ellger, Zwangsarbeit, 261.

  48. LSW, Bl. 44–66: Vernehmung S. Dragon, May 10, 11, and 17, 1946, quote on 66; Fings, Krieg, 297; Jureit and Orth, Überlebensgeschichten, 170; Niederland, Folgen, 170.

  49. Jagoda et al., “‘Nächte,’” 222.

  50. Greif, Wir weinten, 50, 122–24.

  51. Langbein, Menschen, quote on 540; Fröbe et al., “Nachkriegsgeschichte,” 547.

  52. Lichtenstein, Majdanek, 82–85.

  53. DAP, Aussage L. Schlinger, September 14, 1964, quote on 17788; Renz, “Tonbandmitschnitte.”

  54. Schmidt, Justice, quote on 237. The ex-prisoner was sentenced to three months’ imprisonment for dishonoring the tribunal, though later freed on bail.

  55. DA, A 3233, A. Carl to H. Schwarz, November 19, 1967; Lasker-Wallfisch, Inherit, 128.

  56. Letter M. Nadjary, November 1944, in SMAB, Inmitten, 270–73; Nadjary survived and emigrated to the United States. See also Bacharach, Worte, 60–65; Roseman, “‘… but of revenge,’” 79–82; Langbein, Menschen, 133; Stoop, Geheimberichte, 52; LBIJMB, MF 425, L. Bendix, “Konzentrationslager Deutschland,” 1937–38, vol. 4, 59, 64.

  57. Bohnen, “Als”; Gutterman, Bridge, 224.

  58. Bárta, “Geschichte,” quote on 161; Freund, Zement, 419–20; Liblau, Kapos, 144; Niethammer, Antifaschismus, 65; Wagner, Produktion, 445; Szita, Ungarn, 192–93; Goldstein et al., Individuelles, 84; Stiftung, Bergen-Belsen, 231; Cramer, Belsen, 88–89.

  59. There were fewer than eighty vigilante killings in the first days after the liberation of Buchenwald (which held over twenty thousand inmates); Abzug, Inside, 52.

  60. Quote in Heberer, Children, 381. See also BoA, interview with I. Unikowski, August 2, 1946; Gutterman, Bridge, 224; Todorov, Facing, 216–20.

  61. The best account of the events is Zarusky, “Erschießungen.”

  62. Kielar, Anus Mundi, 405; BoA, interview with B. Piskorz, September 1, 1946.

  63. Hammermann, “Kriegsgefangenenlager”; Jardim, Mauthausen, 22; Sigel, Interesse, 38. For the early arrival of war crimes investigators, see Wickert, “Aufdeckung”; DaA, A 3675, testimony Colonel Chavez, n.d.; Jardim, Mauthausen, 62–63; Cramer, Belsen, 47–92.

  64. Quote in Orth, SS, 286. See also Sigel, Interesse, passim; Jardim, Mauthausen, 10–50; Yavnai, “U.S. Army.” Of the thirty-six defendants sentenced to death, eight later had their sentences commuted.

  65. Cramer, Belsen. See also Jardim, Mauthausen, 36–37; OdT, vol. 1, 348–49.

  66. Form, “Justizpolitische,” 58–61; Paetow, “Ravensbrück-Prozess.”

  67. OdT, vol. 1, 350–51; Eiber, “Nürnberg,” 45–48; Morsch, Sachsenburg, 46; Sigl, Todeslager.

  68. Prusin, “Poland’s Nuremberg.” See also Struk, Photographing, 119–23; BArchL, B 162/1124, Bl. 2288–316: Volkstribunal Krakow, Urteil, September 5, 1946; IfZ, G 20/1, Volkstribunal Krakow, Urteil, December 22, 1947; Marszałek, Majdanek, 248; Harding, Hanns, 240–45; Rudorff, “Strafverfolgung,” 337–38, 346. After his release from Polish captivity in 1958, Dr. Kremer was tried once more in West Germany, but barely served any of his ten-year sentence, as it was set off against the time he had served in Poland. He died later in the 1960s; Rawicz, “Dokument,” 11–16.

  69. Weckel, Bilder, 115–23, 219–26, quote on 222; Indictment, n.d. (October 1945), IMT, vol. 1, 27–92; Orth, SS, 282; Broszat, Kommandant, 226–27; Rudorff, “Strafverfolgung,” 333.

  70. The harshest penalty was eight years in prison. See Lindner, “Urteil”; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 297–311. Not all managers with links to the KL system were as fortunate: the owner of the Zyklon B supplier Tesch & Stabenow and his second-in-command were sentenced to death by a British court in March 1946; UN War Crimes Commission,Law Reports, 93–103.

  71. Weindling, Nazi Medicine; Schmidt, Justice.

  72. Schulte, “Zentrum”; Von Kellenbach, Mark, 88–97; Orth, SS, 282–86.

  73. For Camp SS defense strategies (also used below), see Jardim, Mauthausen, 115–67; Cramer, Belsen, 193–234; Hammermann, “Verteidigungsstrategien.”

  74. Quotes in JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), p. 136; NAL, WO 235/19, statement J. Kramer, May 22, 1945, p. 14.

  75. Von Kellenbach, Mark, quote on 95; Cramer, Belsen, 260.

  76. Wolfangel, “‘Nie,’” quote on 76; Von Kellenbach, Mark, quote on 91 (my translation); Hammermann, “Verteidigungsstrategien,” 90–95; Cramer, Belsen, 199–201; Kretzer, NS-Täterschaft, 336–37; Roseman, “Beyond Conviction?”

  77. NARA, M-1174, roll 3, Bl. 1428–36: examination of O. Moll, December 5–6, 1945, Bl. 1431, 1434. Initially, Moll had worked in agriculture in Auschwitz, but he was soon transferred to the gas chambers (Hördler, “Ordnung,” 152). He was hanged in May 1946.

  78. BArchB, Film 44837, Vernehmung A. Liebehenschel, September 18, 1946, quote on 26; USHMM, 1998.A.0247, reel 15, NTN 169, Bl. 52–53: Gnadengesuch A. Liebehenschel, December 24, 1947; IfZ, G 20/1, Volkstribunal Krakow, Urteil, December 22, 1947, p. 102.

  79. JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), 106; Sigel, Interesse, 71–75. See also Jardim, Mauthausen, 107; Cramer, Belsen, 201–208; Hammermann, “Verteidigungsstrategien,” 86, 91, 95.

  80. Broszat, Kommandant, 79, 229–35; Orth, SS, 282–83; Prusin, “Poland’s Nuremberg,” 11–12.

  81. Quote in USHMM, 1998.A.0247, NTN 169, Bl. 60: Gnadengesuch Aumeier, December 24, 1947. See also ibid., reel 15, Bl. 184–93: statement of H. Aumeier, December 15, 1947; Hördler, “Ordnung,” 49; APMO, Proces Liebehenschel, ZO 54, Bl. 19–29: interrogation H. Aumeier, August 10, 1945; ibid., Bl. 33–39: questionnaire H. Aumeier; NAL, WO 208/4661, statement H. Aumeier, July 25, 1945; Langbein, Menschen, 559–60.

  82. Sigel, Interesse, 196; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 449; Cramer, Belsen, 390–91.

  83. Schulte, Zwangsarbeit, 434; Tuchel, Inspektion, 217–18; Orth, “SS-Täter,” 55–56; Riedel, Ordnungshüter, 338. Probably the most senior WVHA official to get away, escaping from Allied captivity in 1946, was August Harbaum, Glücks’s former deputy.

  84. Jardim, Mauthausen, 82–83, 165–67, 206–207, 213–14, 216; Greiser, “Dachauer,” 166; Cramer, Belsen, 245–46; Pohl, “Sowjetische,” 138.

  85. Jardim, Mauthausen, 96, 102, 202; Hammermann, “Verteidigungsstrategien,” 88–89; Eisfeld, Mondsüchtig, 164–73; Klee, Auschwitz, 90, 253. More generally, see Jacobsen, Paperclip.

  86. Just one example: Obersturmbannführer Mummenthey, the former head of DESt in charge of all SS quarries, was sentenced to life in November 1947 and released early in 1953, while Rottenführer Klimowitsch, a regular sentry who had patrolled the Mauthausen quarry, was sentenced to death in May 1946 and executed; Schulte,Zwangsarbeit, 473; JVL, DJAO, United States v. Altfuldisch, RaR, March 1946, p. 46.

  87. Sigel, Interesse, 160, 194; idem, “Dachauer,” 77; Bryant, “Militärgerichtsprozesse,” 120–22; Wagner, Produktion, 568. According to a U.S. poll in late 1944, most respondents demanded that Germans guilty of KL murders should be executed, preferably “in poison gas chambers, by hanging, electrocution, or by firing squad”; Gallup, Poll, 472.

  88. Kretzer, NS-Täterschaft, 131–33; JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), p. 162; Sigel, Interesse, 57; Jardim, Mauthausen, 47.

  89. Cramer, Belsen, 114–15. The prisoner was found not guilty.

  90. Yavnai, “U.S. Army,” 62–63. Israeli judges often handed out lighter sentences in trials of former KL Kapos during the 1950s and 1960s; Ben-Naftali and Tuval, “Punishing.”

  91. Cramer, Belsen, 115, 249, 257. See also Raim, Dachauer, 248; Bessmann and Buggeln, “Befehlsgeber,” 540.

  92. Brzezicki et al., “Funktionshäftlinge,” 238; Wagner, IG Auschwitz, 200, 321–22.

  93. NARA, M-1174, roll 3, examination of L. Knoll, December 7, 1945, quote on 1593 (“capo” in the original); JVL, JAO, Review of Proceedings, United States v. Weiss, n.d. (1946), pp. 107–108, 155–56; Zámečník, Dachau, 154–55; Sigel, Interesse, 57–63, 75. Knoll was also known by the first names Christian and Ludwig.

  94. Between 1945 and 1953, just 673 of around 6,400 surviving Auschwitz SS officials were sentenced by Polish courts, which conducted most Auschwitz trials; Lasik, “Apprehension.”

  95. Eiber, “Nürnberg,” 43–44; Jardim, Mauthausen, 30–32, 112–13.

  96. Beischl, Wirths, 212–16, quote on 228; Klee, Personenlexikon, 112.

  97. Keller, Günzburg, 60; Stangneth, Eichmann, 377. More generally, see Schneppen, Odessa; Stahl, Nazi-Jagd.

  98. Raim, Justiz, 647–53, 1007–39; Wieland, “Ahndung,” 15–51, 57; Eichmüller, “Strafverfolgung”; Eschebach, “Frauenbilder.” Mennecke was sentenced primarily for his part in the general “euthanasia” program; he died before the death penalty was executed; LG Frankfurt, Urteil, December 21, 1946, JNV, vol. 1, 143–44; Klee,Personenlexikon, 403, 601.

  99. Kuretsidis-Haider, “Österreichische,” quote on 257.

100. Schley, Nachbar, 1–3.

101. Hertz-Eichenrode, KZ, vol. 1, 344–52, quote on 351; OdT, vol. 5, 546; Greiser, Todesmärsche, 297–315; Wagner, Produktion, 565; Raim, Dachauer, 276–77; Erpel, Vernichtung, 200; Perz, KZ-Gedenkstätte, 34–35.

102. Brink, Ikonen, 23–78, quote on 46; Weckel, Bilder, 151–72, 418–56; Peitsch, “Deutschlands,” 107.

103. Cramer, Belsen, 271; Erpel, “Ravensbrück-Prozesse”; Urban, “Kollektivschuld.”

104. Greiser, “Dachauer,” 170; JVL, DJAO, United States v. Prince zu Waldeck, RaR, November 15, 1947, p. 95. See also Heschel, “Atrocity”; Kretzer, NS-Täterschaft; Jaiser, “Grese.”

105. Brink, Ikonen, 84, 89; Weckel, Bilder, 517–18; Neitzel, Abgehört, 313–15.

106. Peitsch, “Deutschlands,” 102–103; Schulze, Zeiten, 76, 286; Marcuse, Legacies, 80–81.

107. Schley, Nachbar, quotes on 4, emphasis in the original; Knigge, “Schatten,” 156; Weckel, Bilder, 170–72, 493, 528; Chamberlin, “Todesmühlen”; Brink, Ikonen, 84–93; Peitsch, “Deutschlands,” 96, 131, 142; Steinbacher, Dachau, 220; Johe, “Volk,” 332; Rüther, Köln, 908–10. More generally, see Frei, Vergangenheitspolitik; Moeller, War Stories; Marcuse, Legacies.

108. Stone, Goodbye, chapters 1 and 2.

109. Marcuse, Legacies, 151–57; Kansteiner, “Losing,” 108–12.

110. Sigel, Interesse, 159–93; Jardim, Mauthausen, 208–11; Urban, “Kollektivschuld.”

111. Klee, Auschwitz, 385–88; Segev, Soldiers, 228.

112. Eichmüller, Keine Generalamnestie, 226, 425, 428–30.

113. Steiner, “SS,” 432–33, 441; Mallmann and Paul, “Sozialisation,” 19–20.

114. Orth, SS, quote on 291; Mailänder Koslov, Gewalt, 230–31, 299, 488; Steiner, “SS,” 441; Schwarz, Frau, 162; Dicks, Licensed.

115. Goschler, Schuld; idem, “Wiedergutmachungspolitik.”

116. Wollheim instructed his lawyer in 1958 to end the legal proceedings; Rumpf, Fall Wollheim. For an unsuccessful civil case, see Irmer, “‘Stets.’”

117. Distel, “Morde,” 113. Steinbrenner was released in 1962 and committed suicide two years later.

118. Van Dam and Giordano, KZ-Verbrechen; Gregor, Haunted, 250–55; Eichmüller, Keine Generalamnestie, 155, 174–81, 214–19, 430; “Charge of Killing 11,000 Prisoners,” The Times, October 14, 1958; LG Bonn, Urteil, February 6, 1959, JNV, vol. 15.

119. Dicks, Licensed, quote on 100; AEKIR, 7 NL 016 Nr. 95, Sorge to Schlingensiepen, March 3, 1965, January 4, 1970, March 1, 1970; Riedle, Angehörigen, 203, 219.

120. K. Adenauer, “Geleitwort,” in Michelet, Freiheitsstrasse, 5–6.

121. Pendas, Frankfurt, 20–21, 249–52, quote on 256; Wittmann, Beyond, 3, 174–90; Orth, SS, 289–90; Weinke, Verfolgung, 82–93, 333; Horn, Erinnerungsbilder; Wolf, “‘Mass Deception.’”

122. Some cases, including the 1970s proceedings against the Auschwitz sterilization doctor Horst Schumann, collapsed because the defendants were judged too ill (Schilter, “Schumann,” 106–107). Others never came to court because the offenses were judged to fall under the statute of limitations, as in the case of a lengthy investigation of former WVHA-D managers, finally abandoned in 1974 (BArchL B 162/7999, Bl. 768–937: StA Koblenz, EV, July 25, 1974).

123. Zimmermann, NS-Täter, 169–93.

124. Przyrembel, “Transfixed,” quote on 396; LG Augsburg, Urteil, January 15, 1951, JNV, vol. 8; StAMü, Justizvollzugsanstalten Nr. 13948/2, Vermerk, ORR Meyer, February 1967. The focus of later trials on the bestial behavior of defendants was a result of homicide falling under the statute of limitations in 1960, which meant that prosecutors had to prove “bloodlust” or “base motives” to secure a murder conviction; Pendas, Frankfurt, 56–61; Wittmann, Beyond, 36–53.

125. Gregor, Haunted, 265; Pendas, Frankfurt, 253–54; Wittmann, Beyond, 271–72.

126. Marcuse, Legacies, 335–71; DaA, 14.444, Die Vergessenen, Nr. 3, July 1946; Ayaß, “Schwarze”; Baumann, “Winkel-Züge”; von dem Knesebeck, Roma; Mussmann, Homosexuelle. The failure of the 1946 journal owed something to the political extremism of one of its founders, Karl Jochheim-Armin, a former member of Otto Strasser’s Nazi breakaway Schwarze Front, who remained a far-right activist until his death in 1984;Schwarze Front 3 (2008); Eiber, “Ich wusste,” 128–29.

127. Silbermann and Stoffers, Auschwitz; Paul, “Täter,” 33–67.

128. Kuretsidis-Haider, “Österreichische Prozesse,” 250–52, 263–65, quote on 252; idem, “Verfolgung”; Uhl, “Victim”; Allen, “Realms.”

129. Wieland, “Ahndung,” 60–90; Bauerkämper, Gedächtnis, 132–37, 195–97; Weinke, Verfolgung, 344–54; Diercks, “Gesucht”; Stone, Goodbye, chapter 1.

130. KPD Leipzig, Buchenwald!, quote on 96; Niethammer, Antifaschismus, passim; Goschler, Schuld, 407–11; Overesch, Buchenwald, 101; Langbein, Menschen, 22; Hartewig, “Wolf,” 941–43; Gring, “‘zwei Feuern’”; Schiffner, “Cap Arcona-Gedenken”; Borodziej, Polens, 270.

131. Overesch, Buchenwald, 62–63, 78–81, 261–328, quote on 326. See also OdT, vol. 1, 317–18; Niven, Buchenwald, 56–71; Reichel, Politik, 101–106; Endlich, “Orte,” 354–58; Knigge, “Schatten,” 165–69; Marcuse, Legacies, ill. 74; idem, “Afterlife,” 200.

132. For this and the previous paragraph, see Greiner, Terror. See also Ritscher et al., Speziallager, 7–10, 64, 70–73, 82, 216–17; Wachsmann, Prisons, 357–58; OdT, vol. 6, 44. For abuses in British captivity, see Cobain, Cruel.

133. Overesch, Buchenwald, 261–300; idem, “Ernst Thapes,” 658; Reichel, Politik, 102–103; Niven, Buchenwald, 56–71.

134. Marcuse, “Afterlife,” 203.

135. Huener, Auschwitz. See also Citroen and Starzyńska, Auschwitz; Kucia and Olszewski, “Auschwitz.” For other Polish KL memorials, see Marcuse, “Afterlife,” 191–94.

136. Perz, KZ-Gedenkstätte. My thanks to Andreas Kranebitter for the 2012 figure.

137. For this and the previous paragraph, see Marcuse, Legacies; idem, “Afterlife,” 189–90, 195–99; Prenninger, “Riten,” quote on 192; Endlich, “Orte,” 359; Reichel, Politik, 124.

138. For a brief survey, see Niven, Buchenwald, 201–204.

139. For one example, see Hett, Crossing, 258–59. More generally, see Wachsmann and Steinbacher, Linke.

140. Goschler, “Wiedergutmachungspolitik,” 79–84. For reparations for forced laborers from 2000, idem, Entschädigung; Hense, Verhinderte Entschädigung.

141. Reichel et al., “‘Zweite Geschichte,’” 19–20; Schmid, “Deutungsmacht,” 206–209; Siebeck, “‘Raum,’” 75–76; Endlich, “Orte,” 367–69.

142. Skriebeleit, “Ansätze,” 19–20.

143. Garbe, “Wiederentdeckte.”

144. My thanks to Dirk Riedel for showing me around on March 22, 2013. I am also grateful to other staff at the Dachau memorial—Albert Knoll, Rebecca Ribarek, and Ulrich Unseld—for their assistance that day. Quotes in H. Holzhaider, “Zeugnis wider das Vergessen,” Süddeutsche Zeitung, May 2 and 3, 2009; G. Hammermann, “Bezug zur Gegenwart,” ibid., March 22, 2013. For signage, see Marcuse, Legacies, ill. 77.

145. For the use of these terms in Holocaust historiography, see Schleunes, Twisted Road; Browning, Fateful Months. More generally on Auschwitz, see Pressac and Van Pelt, “Machinery,” 213.

146. For his critique of Giorgio Agamben’s work, see Mazower, “Foucault,” quote on 31. For a survey of the debate about modernization, see Stone, Histories, 113–59.

147. Quote in Debski, Battlefield, 206.

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