Military history



1 Quotation: Siriol Colley, More Than a Grain, 161.

2 On the journalist Gareth Jones, see Siriol Colley, More Than a Grain, 224-238; Jones, “Will there be soup?”; Conquest, Harvest, 309; and Dalrymple, “Further References,” 473. On Kharkiv, see Falk, Sowjetische Städte, 140, 172-175, 288; Kovalenko, Holod, 557; and Werth, Terreur, 130. The image is Vasily Grossman’s.

3 Falk, Sowjetische Städte, 284-285, 288, 298-300.

4 Quotations: Falk, Sowjetische Städte, 299, see also 297-301; Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 157, 160. On the schoolgirl and the hospitals, see Davies, Years, 160, 220. See also Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror, 171, 184. On the use of survivor testimony, see Graziosi, War, 4.

5 Quotation: Siriol Colley, More Than a Grain, 233. On Dnipropetrovsk: Kravchenko, I Chose Freedom, 111. On Stalino, see Maksudov, “Victory,” 211.

6 On fainting from weakness, see Kovalenko, Holod, 61; see also Siriol Colley, More Than a Grain, 235. On Khartsyszk, see Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror, 170. On Grossman, see Todorov, Mémoire du mal, 61. See also Koestler, Yogi, 137.

7 Quotation: Serbyn, “Ukrainian Famine,” 131; see also Falk, Sowjetische Städte, 289.

8 For a sophisticated guide to the meanings of the Plan, see Harrison, Soviet Planning , 1-5.

9 Quotations: Kuromiya, Stalin, 85; Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 37.

10 Quotation and poster: Viola, War, 177; Viola, Unknown Gulag, 32.

11 Quotations: Viola, War, 238; Conquest, Harvest, 121. For details on the shootings and deportations, see Davies, Years, 20, 46; Werth, Terreur, 463; Viola, Unknown Gulag, 6, 32; Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 51, 56; Khlevniuk, Gulag, 11; Graziosi, War, 48; and Davies, Years, 46.

12 On the 113,637 people forcibly transported, see Viola, War, 289; see also Kulczycki, Hołodomor, 158. For details on some of the arrivals, see Kotkin, “Peopling,” 70-72.

13 For the lament, see Kovalenko, Holod, 259. On Solovki, see Applebaum, Gulag, 18-20, 49. On the special settlements, see Viola, Unknown Gulag (the numbers of Ukrainian peasants deported are given at 195 and 32).

14 Quotation: Applebaum, Gulag, 48. For the death estimates, see Viola, Unknown Gulag, 3; and Applebaum, Gulag, 583. For the characterization of the Gulag, see Khlevniuk, Gulag, 1-10; Applebaum, Gulag, xvi-xvii; and Viola, Unknown Gulag, 2-7.

15 Quotations: Siegelbaum, Stalinism, 45 (first two); Viola, Unknown Gulag, 53. On Belomor, see Khlevniuk, Gulag, 24-35; and Applebaum, Gulag, 62-65.

16 Applebaum, Gulag, 64-65.

17 Quotation: Viola, Unknown Gulag, 35. See also, generally, Viola, Best Sons. On the pace of collectivization, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 39.

18 On the percentage of arable land, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 40.

19 Quotation: Snyder, Sketches, 93. For background on the struggle of peasants in Ukraine for land, see Beauvois, Bataille; Edelman, Proletarian Peasants; Hildermeier, Sozialrevolutionäre Partei; Kingston-Mann, Lenin; and Lih, Bread and Authority.

20 Quotation: Dzwońkowski, Głód, 84. For the Stalinist “First Commandment,” see Kulczycki, Hołodomor, 170. See also Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 70.

21 On livestock and on feminine rebellions, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 66, 72; and Conquest, Harvest, 158.

22 Graziosi, War, 53-57; Viola, War, 320; Kulczycki, Hołodomor, 131; Snyder, Sketches, 92-94.

23 Quotation: Morris, “The Polish Terror,” 753. On the Soviet concern about Poland’s new policy to Ukrainian minorities, see Report of 13 July 1926, AVPRF, 122/10/34. See also, generally, Snyder, Sketches, 83-114.

24 Kuromiya, “Spionage,” 20-32.

25 Cameron, “Hungry Steppe,” chap. 6. On Xinjiang, see Millward, Eurasian Crossroads , 191-210.

26 Snyder, Sketches, 101-102.

27 Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 74; Snyder, Sketches, 103-104.

28 Davies, Years, 8-11, 24-37; Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 86-90.

29 Quotations: Viola, Unknown Gulag, 75; Kravchenko, I Chose Freedom, 106. On the 32,127 households deported from Soviet Ukraine, see Kulczycki, Hołodomor, 158. On the percentage of collectivized farmland, see Kuśnierz, Ukraine, 86.

30 Davies, Years, 48-56.

31 On the harvest, see Davies, Years, 57-69, 110-111; Graziosi, “New Interpretation,” 1-5; and Dronin, Climate Dependence, 118. On Kosior and Kaganovich, see Davies, Years, 72, 82, 89, 95.

32 Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 102-103; Davies, Years, 112-114.

33 On the Red Cross, see Davies, Years, 112-113. Quotations: Kul’chyts’kyi, Kolektyvizatsiia , 434; Kul’chyts’kyi, “Trahichna,” 151.

34 On the reports of death by starvation, see Kuśnierz, 104-105. On Stalin, see Davies, Kaganovich Correspondence, 138. On the request for food aid, see Lih, Letters to Molotov, 230. On Kaganovich (23 June 1932), see Hunchak, Famine, 121.

35 Cameron, “Hungry Steppe,” chap. 2; Pianciola, “Collectivization Famine,” 103-112; Mark, “Hungersnot,” 119.

36 Quotation: Davies, Kaganovich Correspondence, 138. On Stalin’s predisposition to personalized politics, see Kulczycki, Hołodomor, 180; and Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 152.

37 On Stalin, see Marochko, Holodomor, 21. On the objective problems recounted by local party officials, see Davies, Years, 105-111, 117-122.

38 Cited in Kovalenko, Holod, 110.

39 Quotation: Davies, Years, 146. See also Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 107; and Werth, Terreur , 119.

40 On “our father,” see Sebag Montefiore, Court, 69. On talk of starvation as an excuse for laziness, see Šapoval, “Lügen,” 136. For a sense of the relationships among Molotov, Kaganovich, and Stalin, consult Lih, Letters to Molotov; and Davies, Kaganovich Correspondence.

41 Quotations: Davies, Kaganovich Correspondence, 175, 183.

42 Snyder, Sketches, 83-95; Kuromiya, “Great Terror,” 2-4.

43 Snyder, Sketches, 102-104; Haslam, East, 31.

44 Quotation: Report of 6 June 1933, CAW I/303/4/1928. On the Polish consulate, see Marochko, Holodomor, 36. On Poland’s caution, see Snyder, Sketches, 102-108; and Papuha, Zakhidna Ukraïna, 80.

45 Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 108; Maksudov, “Victory,” 204.

46 On the Soviet judges, see Solomon, Soviet Criminal Justice, 115-116. Quotation: Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 116.

47 Quotations: Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 139; Kovalenko, Holod, 168. On the watchtowers and their number, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 115; see also Maksudov, “Victory,” 213; and Conquest, Harvest, 223-225.

48 On the limited gains from such methods of requisition, see Maksudov, “Victory,” 192. On the party activists’ abuses, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 144-145, 118-119; and Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror, 170-171.

49 As against fifty-seven percent for the USSR as a whole; see Davies, Years, 183. On Molotov, see Davies, Years, 171-172.

50 On Stalin, see Sebag Montefiore, Court, 21, 107.

51 Quotation: Kovalenko, Holod, 44. On the two politburo telegrams, see Marochko, Holodomor, 152; and Davies, Years, 174. On the 1,623 arrested kolkhoz officials, see Davies, Years, 174. On the 30,400 resumed deportations, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 59.

52 For the “fairy tale” reference, see Šapoval, “Lügen,” 159; and Davies, Years, 199.

53 Quotations: Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 124. See also Vasiliev, “Tsina,” 60; and Kuromiya, Stalin, 110.

54 Quotation: Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror, 174. On the family interpretation (Stanisław Kosior), see Davies, Years, 206.

55 For similar judgments, see, for example, Jahn, Holodomor, 25; Davies, Tauger, and Wheatcroft, “Grain Stocks,” 657; Kulczycki, Hołodomor, 237; and Graziosi, “New Interpretation,” 11.

56 Sen, Poverty and Famines, quotation at 7; see also 154-155. A convincing national interpretation of the famine is Martin, “Ukrainian Terror,” at 109 and passim. See also Simon, “Waffe,” 45-47; and Conquest, Harvest, 219. On Kaganovich in November 1932, see Kulczyski, Hołodomor, 236.

57 Graziosi, “New Interpretation,” 8; Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 143; Maksudov, “Victory,” 188, 190; Davies, Years, 175 and, on seed grain, 151.

58 On the meat penalty, see Shapoval, “Proloh trahedii holodu,” 162; and Maksudov, “Victory,” 188. Quotation: Dzwonkowski, Głód, 71. For the example described, Dzwonkowski, Głód, 160; see also 219. On the general decline of livestock, see Hunczak, Famine, 59.

59 Shapoval, “Proloh trahedii holodu,” 162; Maksudov, “Victory,” 188; Marochko, Holodomor, 171; Werth, Terreur, 123.

60 Shapoval, “Holodomor.”

61 Davies, Years, 190; Marochko, Holodomor, 171.

62 Snyder, Sketches, 107-114.

63 Quotation: Davies, Years, 187. Regarding 20 December, see Vasiliev, “Tsina,” 55; Graziosi, “New Interpretation,” 9; and Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 135.

64 Davies, Years, 190-192.

65 On the interpretation of starving people as spies, see Shapoval, “Holodomor.” On the 190,000 peasants caught and sent back, see Graziosi, “New Interpretation,” 7. On the events of 22 January, see Marochko, Holodomor, 189; and Graziosi, “New Interpretation,” 9.

66 On the 37,392 people arrested, see Marochko, Holodomor, 192. See also Davies, Years, 161-163.

67 For the recollections of the activist, see Conquest, Harvest, 233. For quotation and details on the importance of purges, see Šapoval, “Lügen,” 133. On purges of the heights, see Davies, Years, 138.

68 On the deathly quiet of Soviet Ukraine, see Kovalenko, Holod, 31; and Dzwonkowski, Głód, 104. See also Arendt, Totalitarianism, 320-322.

69 Quotation: Dalrymple, “Soviet Famine,” 261. On Vel’dii, see Kovalenko, Holod, 132.

70 Quotations: New York Evening Post, 30 March 1933.

71 On Łowińska, see Dzwonkowski, Głód, 104. On Panasenko, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 105. Kravchenko recounted this experience in I Chose Freedom, 104-106.

72 On the fifteen thousand people deported, see Davies, Years, 210. On the sixty thousand people deported from Kuban, see Martin, “Ethnic Cleansing,” 846.

73 On the 67,297 people who died in the camps, see Khlevniuk, Gulag, 62, 77. On the 241,355 people who died in the special settlements, see Viola, Unknown Gulag, 241.

74 Quotation: Khlevniuk, Gulag, 79.

75 Quotations: Dzwonkowski, Głód, 215-219; Kul’chyts’kyi, Kolektyvizatsiia, 365. On life expectancy in Soviet Ukraine, see Vallin, “New Estimate,” 256.

76 On the schoolgirl and the severed head, see Kovalenko, Holod, 471, 46.

77 On prostitution for flour, see Kuromiya, Famine and Terror, 173. On Vynnitsia, see Kovalenko, Holod, 95. On fear of cannibals, see Kovalenko, Holod, 284. On the peasants in train stations, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 155. On the city police, see Falk, Sowjetische Städte. On Savhira, see Kovalenko, Holod, 290.

78 Quotation: Czech, “Wielki Głód,” 23. On the cannibalized son, see Kovalenko, Holod, 132. For the knife-sharpening incident, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 168. On pigs, see Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror, 172.

79 On the half a million boys and girls in the watchtowers, see Maksudov, “Victory,” 213. Quotation: Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 119.

80 On the woman doctor, see Dalrymple, “Soviet Famine,” 262. On the orphans, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 157; and Dzwonkowski, Głód, 142. See also Graziosi, “Italian Archival Documents,” 41.

81 Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 157.

82 On the 2,505 people sentenced for cannibalism, see Davies, Years, 173. For details of the chimney example, see Kovalenko, Holod, 31. On the meat quota, see Conquest, Harvest, 227.

83 On the anti-cannibalism ethic, see Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror, 173. On Kolya Graniewicz, see Dzwonkowski, Głód, 76. For the mother’s request, see Conquest, Harvest, 258.

84 Quotation: Bruski, Holodomor, 179. On the agronomist, see Dalrymple, “Soviet Famine,” 261. On the crews and burials, see Kovalenko, Holod, 31, 306, 345.

85 Quotation: Graziosi, “Italian Archival Documents.” See also Davies, Years, 316.

86 On the 493,644 hungry people in Kiev oblast, see Marochko, Holodomor, 233.

87 On the Soviet census, see Schlögel, Terror. For discussion of 5.5 million as a typical estimate, see Dalrymple, “Soviet Famine,” 259.

88 The demographic retrojection is Vallin, “New Estimate,” which finds 2.6 million “extraordinary deaths” at 252 in Soviet Ukraine for 1928-1937, from which one would have to subtract other mass murders to find a famine total. For a summary of the January 2010 government study, seeDzerkalo Tyzhnia, 15-22 January 2010. The estimate of c. 2.5 million on the basis of recorded deaths only is in Kul’chyts’kyi, “Trahichna,” 73-74. Ellman estimates 9.0-12.3 million total famine deaths in the Soviet Union for 1933 and 1934 (“Note on the Number,” 376). Maksudov estimates losses of 3.9 million Ukrainians between 1926 and 1937 (“Victory,” 229). Graziosi estimates 3.5-3.8 million in Soviet Ukraine (“New Interpretation,” 6).

89 Quotation: Serbyn, “Lemkin.” See also, generally, Martin, Affirmative Action Empire; and Snyder, Sketches.

90 Quotations: Koestler, God That Failed, 68; Weissberg-Cybulski, Wielka Czystka, 266; Koestler, God That Failed, 77.

91 On the arch, see Kuśnierz, Ukraina, 178. On the wealth transfers, see Falk, Sowjetische Städte, 288; Davies, Years, 158; and Conquest, Harvest, 237. On the “sausage makers,” see Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror, 172.

92 Quotation: Conquest, Harvest, 256. See also, generally, Slezkine, Jewish Century; and Fitzpatrick, Education.

93 Quotations: Subtelny, “German Diplomatic Reports,” 17; Polish Consul-General, 4 February 1933, CAW I/303/4/1867; Border Defense Corps, 15 November 1933, CAW I/303/4/6906. On the hopes for war, see Snyder, Sketches, 110. For letters of Soviet Germans to Germany, seeHungersnot. See also Berkhoff, “Great Famine.”

94 A relevant speech from Hitler can be found in Deutschösterreichische Tageszeitung, 3 March 1933. On the cardinals, see Dalrymple, “Soviet Famine,” 254. for Innitzer’s interventions, see Reichspost, 20 August 1933 and 12 October 1933; and Die Neue Zeitung, 14 October 1933.

95 For Duranty, see New York Times, 31 March 1933. On Muggeridge, see Taylor, “Blanket of Silence,” 82. For Orwell, see Orwell and Politics, 33-34. See also Engerman, Modernization, 211. In fairness to the New York Times: two anonymous articles of 1 and 11 January 1933 used the concepts of “man-made” hunger and “war with the peasantry.”

96 Papuha, Zakhidna Ukraïna, 33, 46, 57.

97 On Soviet counterpropaganda, see Papuha, Zakhidna Ukraïna, 56. On Herriot’s weight, see Time, 31 October 1932. See also Zlepko, Hunger-Holocaust, 177; and Conquest, Harvest, 314.

98 Quotations: Kovalenko, Holod, 353; Zlepko, Hunger-Holocaust, 180; see also 175-179. See also Mark, Hungersnot, 26-27; Subtelny, “German Diplomatic Reports,” 21; Marochko, Holodomor, 256-257, 283; Time, 22 January 1934.

99 Marochko, Holodomor, 257; Zlepko, Hunger-Holocaust, 176-177; Time, 11 September 1933. Final paragraph: Werth, “Un État”; Marochko, Holodomor, 283. In fairness to Herriot: he abstained in the June 1940 parliamentary vote to grant Petain full powers in France and was arrested and sent to Germany at the end of the German occupation.


1 Quotations: Siriol Colley, More Than a Grain, 212, 216.

2 Jones is cited in Siriol Colley, More Than a Grain, 218.

3 Quotation: Evans, Coming, 330.

4 On German voters, see King, “Ordinary,” 987-988 and passim. On Dachau, see Goeschel, Concentration Camps, 14. For quotation and analysis of Himmler, see Eiber, “Gewalt in KZ Dachau,” 172.

5 Evans, Power, 23.

6 Quotation: Deutschösterreichische Tageszeitung, 3 March 1933.

7 On “class against class,” see Brown, Rise and Fall, 85. On voting behavior, see King, “Ordinary,” 987-988. See also, generally, Bayerlein, “Abschied.”

8 Longerich, Politik der Vernichtung, 26-32, quotation at 38; Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 73.

9 On the 37,000 German Jews, see Evans, Power, 15. See also Longerich, Politik der Vernichtung, 126.

10 Longerich, Politik der Vernichtung, 35.

11 Goeschel, Concentration Camps, 7.

12 See, generally, Krüger, Die Außenpolitik; Turner, Stresemann; Snyder, Sketches.

13 Roos, Polen, 130-154; Ken, Collective Security, 94, 157; Kornat, Polityka, 32-33; Rossino, Hitler, 2.

14 Quotation: Davies, Kaganovich Correspondence, 33.

15 The surest guide is Kołakowski, Main Currents. The most famous anecdotal definition is that provided by the veteran communist to Jorgé Semprun at Buchenwald: “C’est l’art et la manière de toujours retomber sur ces pattes, mon vieux!”

16 Graziosi, “New Interpretation.”

17 See, generally, Haslam, Collective Security; Furet, Passé; and Brown, Rise and Fall.

18 These numbers will be elucidated in this and the following chapter.

19 On the dialectics involved, see Burrin, Fascisme, nazisme, autoritarisme, 202, 209. See also, generally, Weber, Hollow Years. On Blum, see Judt, Burden of Responsibility.

20 Haslam, Collective Security, 120-121. On the Soviet press, see Schlögel, Terror, 136-137. See also, generally, Beevor, Battle for Spain. On the essential point, I am following Furet, Passé.

21 Orwell, Homage, 53-64. Quotation: Schlögel, Terror, 148. See also Brown, Rise and Fall, 89.

22 On 11 May, see Kuromiya, “Anti-Russian,” 1427.

23 Quotation: Kuromiya, “Notatka,” 133, also 119.

24 Levine, In Search of Sugihara, 13-89; Kuromiya, Między Warszawą a Tokio, 160-175; Siriol Colley, Incident.

25 Haslam analyzes China within the Popular Front framework; see East, 64-70. On Xinjiang, see Millward, Eurasian Crossroads, 206-207. On the “Long March,” see Brown, Rise and Fall, 100.

26 See Kuromiya, Stalin, 136.

27 Quotation: McLoughlin, “Mass Operations,” 121.

28 Khlevniuk, “Objectives”; Kuromiya, Stalin, 118-119.

29 Quotation: Kuromiya, Stalin, 134, also 101.

30 On the history of the troika, see Wheatcroft, “Mass Killings,” 126-139. For general introductions to the state police, see Andrew, KGB; and Dziak, Chekisty.

31 Getty, Yezhov, 140; Kuromiya, Stalin, 116.

32 On Yezhov’s associates and their methods, see Wheatcroft, “Agency,” 38-40. For Stalin’s solicitude about Yezhov’s health, see Getty, Yezhov, 216.

33 Quotation: Haslam, Collective Security, 129. For Bukharin’s threat, see Kuromiya, Stalin, 83.

34 Quotation: Brown, Rise and Fall, 122. There were of course exceptions, such as Antoni Słonimski; see Shore, Caviar and Ashes, 150. On fascism and anti-fascism, see Furet, Passé.

35 Werth, Terreur, 282. See also Kuromiya, Stalin, 121. The theme of strength in weakness was developed by Furet, Passé.

36 Orwell, Homage, 145-149, at 149. See also Furet, Passé, 296, 301, 306; and Haslam, Collective Security, 133.

37 56,209 is the number of executions remaining after the subtraction: of those in the national actions (see next chapter) and the kulak action from the total 681,692 executions carried out in the Great Terror of 1937-1938. I provide a general figure because slightly different totals for the kulak action circulate; see Jansen, Executioner, 75. On the Red Army generals, see Wieczorkiewicz, Łańcuch, 296. This is a fundamental work on the military purges.

38 Evans, Power, 21-22.

39 Ibid., 34, 39; Shore, Information, 31, 37.

40 On Himmler’s rise, see Longerich, Himmler. On the police structures, see Westermann, “Ideological Soldiers,” 45. I am simplifying the situation considerably by not discussing the federal structure of the German state. This, too, was seen by Himmler as a problem to be overcome. The police institutions noted here will be discussed further in Chapters 5, 6, and 7.

41 Evans, Power, 627; Lee, Dictatorships, 172.

42 These killing actions by German police are the subjects of Chapters 6 and 7.

43 Compare Wheatcroft, “Mass Killing,” 139.

44 Quotations: Baberowski, Feind, 758-759.

45 Werth, Terreur, 280; Viola, Forgotten Gulag, 195.

46 On religious faith, see McLoughlin, “Mass Operations,” 124; and Binner, “S etoj,” 181-183.

47 Shearer, “Social Disorder,” 527-531, quotation at 531.

48 On the Siberian Terror, see Ablažej, “Die ROVS-Operation,” 287-298; Baberowski, Terror, 189-190; and Kuromiya, “Accounting,” 93.

49 Binner, “Massenmord,” 561-562; Werth, Terreur, 283. On “an extra thousand,” Jansen, Executioner, 82, 87.

50 For “once and for all,” see Binner, “Massenmord,” 565, also 567. For the cited numbers, see Nikol’s’kyi, “Represyvna,” 93.

51 Vashlin, Terror, 38. For “better too far . . . ,” see Baberowski, Terror, 192.

52 Binner, “Massenmord,” 565-568.

53 Ibid., 567.

54 Ibid., 568. On the latrine incident, see Michniuk, “Przeciwko Polakom,” 118. See also Weissberg, Wielka czystka, 293. For the signing of blank pages, see McLoughlin, “Mass Operations,” 127.

55 Binner, “Massenmord,” 571-577. Sometimes Stalin’s orders were very local and precise; for examples, see Kuz’niatsou, Kanveer, 72-73. Some 1,825 prisoners of Solovki would eventually be shot.

56 On Omsk, see Binner, “Massenmord,” 657-580. On the sentencing of 1,301 people in a single night, see McLoughlin, “Mass Operations,” 129. See also Khlevniuk, Gulag, 150.

57 For quotation and details on the execution techniques, see McLoughlin, “Mass Operations,” 130, 131; and Schlögel, Terror, 602, 618. On the explosives, see Gregory, Terror, 71.

58 On the shooting of 35,454 people, see Junge, Vertikal’, 201. On the remaining numbers, see Binner, “S etoj,” 207. On the camps, see Werth, Terreur, 285; and Khlevniuk, Gulag, 332. On the elderly, see Nikol’s’kyi, “Represyvna,” 99. On the shooting of thirty-five deaf and dumb people,” see Schlögel, Terror, 624; McLoughlin, “Mass Operations,” 136; and Binner, “Massenmord,” 590.

59 On the events of December and February, see Nikol’skij, “Kulakenoperation,” 623; and Nikol’s’kyi, “Represyvna,” 100. On Leplevskii’s interpretations of the categories of Order 00447, see Šapoval, “Behandlung,” 339, 341. On the arrests of 40,530 people, see Nikol’s’kyi, “Represyvna,” 153. On the 23,650 people added to the death quota, see Šapoval, “Behandlung,” 343. For the figures 70,868 and 35,563 and 830, see Junge, Vertikal’ , 533. For the figures 1,102 and 1,226, see Nikol’skij, “Kulakenoperation,” 634-635.

60 Stroński, Represje, 243. For discussion, see Weiner, Making Sense.

61 Pasternak made this general point in Dr. Zhivago.

62 Gurianov, “Obzor,” 202.

63 Goeschel, Concentration Camps, 26-27. Perhaps 5,000-15,000 people were sent to concentration camps for homosexuality, of whom perhaps half died by the end of the Second World War; see Evans, Third Reich at War, 535.

64 Goeschel, Concentration Camps, 4, 20, 21, 27; Evans, Power, 87. The argument about the swinging pendulum of nationality policy is powerfully formulated by Martin in Affirmative Action Empire.

65 On the 267 sentences in Nazi Germany, see Evans, Power, 69-70.


1 Martin, “Origins,” brings analytical rigor to the national operations. Quotation: Jansen, Executioner, 96; see also Baberowski, Terror, 198.

2 For greater detail on the Polish line, see Snyder, Sketches, 115-132.

3 Snyder, Sketches, 115-116. The “Polish Military Organization” idea seems to have originated in 1929, when a Soviet agent was placed in charge of the security commission of the Communist Party of Poland; see Stroński, Represje, 210.

4 Stroński, Represje, 211-213. On Sochacki, see Kieszczyński, “Represje,” 202. For further details on Wandurski, see Shore, Caviar and Ashes. At least one important Polish communist did return from the Soviet Union and work for the Poles: his book is Reguła, Historia.

5 On January 1934, see Stroński, Represje, 226-227. For the motives and numbers of later deportations, see Kupczak, Polacy, 324.

6 On the first cue, see Kuromiya, Voices, 221. For “know everything,” see Stroński, Represje, 2336-227. See also Morris, “Polish Terror,” 756-757.

7 Stroński, Represje, 227; Snyder, Sketches, 119-120.

8 Nikol’s’kyi, Represyvna, 337; Stroński, Represje, 227. For details on Balyts’kyi, see Shapoval, “Balyts’kyi,” 69-74. A similar fate awaited Stanisław Kosior, the former head of the Ukrainian section of the party, who was Polish. He too had played a major role in the starvation campaign of 1933, and he too was executed as a Polish spy.

9 For further discussion of the origins of the Polish operation, see Rubl’ov “Represii proty poliakiv,” 126; Paczkowski, “Pologne,” 400; and Stroński, Represje, 220.

10 For the text of Order 00485 see Leningradskii martirolog, 454-456.

11 For some further examples, see Gilmore, Defying Dixie.

12 Petrov, “Polish Operation,” 154; Nikol’s’kyi, Represyvna, 105. Figures on representatives of national minorities are given later in the chapter.

13 On the “suppliers,” see Kuromiya, Stalin, 118. On the Polish diplomats, see Snyder, Sketches, 121-127. For the date on the central committee, see Kieszczyński, “Represje,” 198. On the experiences of Polish communists in the USSR, Budzyńska’s Strzępy is invaluable.

14 Quotation: Petrov, “Pol’skaia operatsiia,” 23. The phone book anecdote is in Brown, No Place, 158.

15 Stroński, Represje, 240.

16 Petrov, “Pol’skaia operatsiia,” 28; Werth, Terreur, 294.

17 Quotation and number: Naumov, NKVD, 299-300. For examples, see Stroński, Represje, 223, 246.

18 On the Juriewicz family, see Głębocki, “Pierwszy,” 158-166, at 164.

19 On the Makowski family, see Głębowski, “Pierwszy,” 166-172. For the figure 6,597, see Petrov, “Polish Operation,” 168.

20 Ilic, “Leningrad,” 1522.

21 Awakened: Dzwonkowski, Głód, 236. Black raven appears in Polish and Russian, black maria in Russian. For attestation to soul destroyer, which was later used in reference to German gas vans, see Schlögel, Terror, 615. On Kuntsevo, see Vashlin, Terror, 40, 44.

22 On the sources of Polish borderland identity, see Snyder, Reconstruction of Nations. The redefinitions of Soviet Poles is the central subject of Brown, No Place.

23 On the national purge, see Naumov, NKVD, 262-266; flower quotation at 266. Berman quotation: Michniuk, “Przeciwko Polakow,” 115. On the 218 writers, see Mironowicz, Białoruś, 88-89. See also Junge, Vertikal’, 624.

24 For further discussion of this method of killing, see Goujon, “Kurapaty”; and Marples, “Kurapaty,” 513-517. See also Ziółkowska, “Kurapaty,” 47-49.

25 For the figure of 17,772 sentences, see Petrov, “Pol’skaia operatsiia,” 168. On the total number of deaths (61,501), see Morris, “Polish Terror,” 759.

26 Jansen, Yezhov, 258. On Uspenskii, compare Parrish, Lesser Terror, 6, 11; and Kuromiya, Freedom and Terror, 240.

27 Werth, Terreur, 292.

28 On Moszyńska and Angielczyk, see Kuromiya, Voices, 49-51, 221-223.

29 Quotation: Dzwonkowski, Głód, 94. On Zhmerynka, see Stroński, Represje, 225.

30 Quotation: Dzwonkowski, Głód, 244. See also Stroński, Represje, 235; and Iwanow, Stalinizm, 153.

31 On Koszewicz, the undergarments, and the message, see Dzwonkowski, Głód, 90, 101, 147.

32 On autumn 1937 and the orphanages, see Petrov, “Pol’skaia operatsiia,” 26; Kupczak, Polacy, 327, 329; and Jansen, Executioner, 97. On Piwiński and Paszkiewicz, see Dzwonkowski, Głód, 151, 168.

33 On Sobolewska, see Dzwonkowski, Głód, 215-219, at 219.

34 Petrov, “Pol’skaia operatsiia,” 30; Binner, “Massenmord,” 591; Werth, Terreur, 294, 470.

35 On the sentencing of 100 and 138 people, see Stroński, Represje, 228.

36 For the figure 111,091, see Petrov, “Pol’skaia operatsiia,” 32. For the estimate of eighty-five thousand executions of Soviet Poles, see Petrov, “Polish Operation,” 171. Jansen, Executioner, 99, draws a similar conclusion. Naumov estimates the Polish dead at 95,000; see NKVD, 299. See also Schlögel, Terror, 636.

37 Compare Morris, “Polish Terror,” 762, whose calculations are almost identical.

38 For comparative arrest numbers, see Khaustov, “Deiatel’nost,” 316. Here and elsewhere, remarks about the weakness of the Polish intelligence presence in 1937 and 1938 are based upon weeks of review of the pertinent files of the Second Department of the Polish General Staff in the Polish military archives (the Centralne Archiwum Wojskowe, or CAW). See Snyder, Sketches, 83-112, for a more detailed discussion and a range of archival citations. I also discuss there the question of the harm the Terror did to the Soviet security position.

39 In the Caucasus, smaller numbers of people were also forcibly transferred; see Baberowski, Feind, 771-772. On the killing of 20,474 people, see Kuromiya, “Asian Nexus,” 13. See also Gelb, “Koreans.”

40 Quotation: Evans, Power, 357. On the German action, see Order 00439 (55,005 sentences, 41,989 death sentences). See also Schlögel, Terror, 628.

41 Khlevniuk, Gulag, 147. I am citing the figures in Binner, “S etoj,” 207. Martin gives 386,798 deaths under Order 00447; see “Origins,” 855.

42 Soviet Ukraine represented twenty-two percent of the population and saw twenty-seven percent of the convictions; see Gregory, Terror, 265. For the 123,421 death sentences, see Nikol’s’kyi, Represyvna, 402; at 340 are the national proportions of those arrested during 1937-1938 in Soviet Ukraine: Ukrainians 53.2 percent (78.2 percent of population), Russians 7.7 percent (11.3 percent of population), Jews 2.6 percent (5.2 percent of population), Poles 18.9 percent (1.5 percent of population), and Germans 10.2 percent (1.4 percent of population).

43 Khlevniuk, “Party and NKVD,” 23, 28; Binner, “Massenmord,” 591-593.

44 On the proportions of ranking officers, see Petrov, Kto rukovodil, 475; and Gregory, Terror, 63. The representation of Jews in summer 1936 was still higher at the rank of general (fifty-four percent) and in the central apparatus of the NKVD in Moscow (sixty-four percent) and among ranking officers in Soviet Ukraine (sixty-seven percent). See Naumov, Bor’ba, 119, for the first two; Zolotar’ov, “Nachalnyts’kyi,” 326-331, for the third. Latvians, Germans, and Poles disappeared entirely from the top ranks of the NKVD during the Great Terror. The Pole Stanisław Redens, for example, was the head of the Moscow NKVD and, as such, had signed the orders to execute 20,761 people in the Terror. He himself was arrested and later executed as a Polish nationalist.

45 On the state pensions, see Kotkin, Magnetic Mountain, 122.

46 Haslam, Collective Security, 194.

47 Hirsch, Empire, 293-294.

48 On Austria, see Dean, Robbing, 86, 94, 105.

49 On the expulsion, see Tomaszewski, Preludium, 5, 139, passim. See also Longerich, Politik der Vernichtung, 193-204; and Kershaw, Hitler, 459, 472.

50 Goeschel, Concentration Camps, 24.

51 On 12 November 1938, see Polian, “Schriftwechsel,” 4.

52 On Madagascar, see Polian, “Schriftwechsel,” 4, 8. On the Revisionists, see Arens, “Jewish Military,” 205; and Spektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 539.

53 On Polish-German relations, see Roos, Polen, 253, 396; Kershaw, Hitler, 475; and Weinberg, Foreign Policy, 20, 404, 484.

54 Quotation: Evans, Power, 604.

55 Kershaw, Hitler, 482; Zarusky, “Hitler bedeutet Krieg,” 106-107.

56 See Haslam, Collective Security, 90, 153. On Litvinov, see Herf, Jewish Enemy, 104; and Orwell, Orwell and Politics, 78.

57 Quotation: Wieczorkiewicz, Łańcuch, 323.

58 Haslam, Collective Security, 227. Quotation: Weinberg, World at Arms, 25. I have not discussed Koestler’s experiences in Spain, which coincided with the imprisonment of his friend Weissberg in the USSR; see God That Failed, 75-80.

59 Quotations: Lukacs, Last European War, 58-59.

60 Krebs, “Japan,” 543; Haslam, East, 132.

61 Levine, In Search of Sugihara, 121; Sakamoto, Japanese Diplomats, 102; Kuromiya, Między Warsawą a Tokio, 470-485; Hasegawa, Racing, 13.


1 Böhler, Verbrechen, 16, 69, 72, 74, Böhler, Überfall, 100. Datner counts 158; see 55 Dni, 94.

2 On Warsaw, see Böhler, Überfall, 171-172. On the strafing, see Datner, 55 Dni, 96; and Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 67.

3 Naumann, “Die Mörder,” 54-55; Grass, Beim Häuten, 15-16.

4 On the death of German soldiers as “murder,” see Datner, Zbrodnie, 73. For “insolence,” see Lukacs, Last European War, 58. On the barn and cavalry, see Datner, Zbrodnie, 72, 69; Rossino, Hitler, 166, 169; and Böhler, Verbrechen, 23.

5 Here is the instruction in somewhat greater detail: “Close your hearts to pity. Brutal action. Eighty million must get their due. Their existence must be secured. The stronger has the right. The greatest of severity.” See Mallman, Einsatzgruppen, 54. On Ciepielów, see Böhler, Verbrechen, 131. On the red cross, see Rossino, Hitler, 181; see also 184. For other tank incidents, see Datner, Zbrodnia, 62.

6 For “Poles are the slaves” and the death grimace, see Rossino, Hitler, 141, 204. On “the intention of the Leader to destroy and exterminate the Polish people,” see Mallmann, Einsatzgruppen, 57.

7 Rossino, Hitler, 138, 141; Böhler, Verbrechen, 100.

8 Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 52-53.

9 Böhler, Verbrechen, 19.

10 On Solec, see Böhler, Verbrechen, 116. On the Jewish boy who asked for water, see Rossino, Hitler, 172. On Dynów, see Böhler, Überfall, 200. Rossino estimates that Jews were seven thousand of the fifty thousand Polish civilians killed by the Germans by the end of 1939; see Hitler, 234. Mallman, Böhler, and Mathaüs also give these figures in Einsatzgruppen, at 88. Böhler estimates about thirty thousand by the end of October (Verbrechen, 140) and forty-five thousand, of whom seven thousand were Jews, by the end of the year (Überfall, 138).

11 On the possibility of such hope, see Młynarski, W niewoli, 54-59.

12 Quotation: Weinberg, World at Arms, 57.

13 On the Lwów betrayal, see Cienciala, Crime, 20; Czapski, Wspomnienia, 9-10; and Wnuk, Za pierwszego Sowieta, 35.

14 On the Ukrainian steppe, see Czapski, Wspomnienia, 15. On the Polish farmers’ distress, see Młynarski, W niewoli, 98-99.

15 Hrycak estimates 125,000 prisoners of war (“Victims,” 179); Cienciala, 230,000-240,000 (Crime, 26). The Soviets also kept about fifteen thousand people for hard labor in the mines and in road-building, of whom some two thousand died in 1941 during evacuations; see Hryciuk, “Victims,” 180.

16 For examples of people moving from prison to power, taken from multiple regions, see HI 209/1/10420, HI 209/6/5157, HI 209/11/4217, HI 210/14/10544, HI 210/14/4527, HI 210/14/2526, HI 209/13/2935, and HI 210/12/1467. The instances of violence given here are in Gross, Revolution, 37, 44. For details on similar incidents, see HI 209/13/2935, HI 209/13/3124, HI 210/1/4372, HI 210/5/4040, HI 210/14/4908, and HI 209/7/799.

17 On the typical sentence, see Jasiewicz, Zagłada, 172. On the 109,400 people arrested and the 8,513 people sentenced to death, see Hryciuk, 182. On the disproportion between arrest and imprisonment numbers, see Khlevniuk, Gulag, 236; and Głowacki, Sowieci, 292.

18 On the sixty-one thousand Polish citizens, see Rossino, Hitler, 15, also 30; “destroy Poland” is at 77. See also, generally, Ingrao, “Violence,” 219-220. On Heydrich and Hitler, see Mallman, Einsatzgruppen, 57; and Mańkowski, “Ausserordentliche,” 7. On the doctorates, see Browning,Origins, 16.

19 On Katowice, see Rossino, Hitler, 78. On the absence of good records, see Mallman, Einsatzgruppen, 80.

20 The Einsatzgruppe z. b. V had the assignment of expelling Jews. See Rossino, Hitler, 90, 94, 98; the figure of twenty-two thousand is at 101. On Przemyśl, see Böhler, Überfall, 202-203. See also Pohl, Herrschaft, 52.

21 On Hitler, see Rutherford, Prelude, 53. On Frank, see Seidel, Besatzungspolitik, 184 (including quotation). On Frank as Hitler’s former lawyer, see Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 74.

22 Wnuk, Za pierwszego Sowieta, 13-23. The locus classicus is Gross, Revolution.

23 Wnuk, Za pierwszego Sowieta, 23; Hryciuk, “Victims,” 199.

24 On the 139,794 people taken from their homes, see Hryciuk, “Victims,” 184. Głowacki records temperatures of minus 42 Celsius, which is minus 43 Fahrenheit; see Sowieci, 328. See also Jolluck, Exile, 16.

25 On “hell” and the adult dead, see Wróbel, Polskie dzieci, 156, 178. See also Gross, Revolution, 214-218. For “their dreams and their wishes,” see Gross, Children’s Eyes, 78.

26 Jolluck, Exile, 41.

27 There were 10,864 dead among deportees in special settlements by 1 July 1941; see Khlevniuk, Gulag, 279. On “the natives,” see Dark Side, 143. On the boots and swelling, see Gross, Children’s Eyes, 63, 88.

28 On the skeletons, “what was in his heart,” and the white eagle emblem, see Gross, Children’s Eyes, 191, 202, 78 (also 71, 194).

29 Pankowicz, “Akcja,” 43; Burleigh, Germany Turns Eastwards, 275.

30 Quotation: Shore, Information, 15. See also Rutherford, Prelude, 56.

31 Rutherford, Prelude, 59, 75.

32 On the numbers cited, see Rutherfold, Prelude, 59; Grynberg, Relacje, xii; and Hilberg, Destruction (vol. I), 156, 189.

33 For the deportation numbers, see Rutherford, Prelude, 1, also 75, 88. On Owińska, see Kershaw, Hitler, 535; and Evans, Third Reich at War, 75-76. On the murder of 7,700 Polish citizens found in mental institutions, see Browning, Origins, 189. See also Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 85.

34 Quotation: Urbański, Zagłada, 32. On Łowicz, see Grynberg, Relacje, 239-240.

35 Rutherford, Prelude, 9, quotations at 88 and 102.

36 For general descriptions of the three camps, see Cienciala, Crime, 29-33; also Abramov, Murder, 46, 83, 101; and Młynarski, W niewoli, 113-114. On the Christmas Day observances, see Młynarski, W niewoli, 156-157.

37 Cienciala, Crime, 33. On the outlines and skeletons, see Czapski, Wspomnienia, 16, 31; and Młynarski, W niewoli, 115-117. For the ravens, see Berling, Wspomnienia, 34.

38 Czapski, Wspomnienia, 18; Swianiewicz, Shadow, 58; Młynarski, W niewoli, 205-209; Cienciala, Crime, 33-35, 84-99, and for her estimate of the total number of informers (about one hundred), 159.

39 Jakubowicz: Pamiętniki znalezione, 30, 38, 43, 53. On the return addresses, see Swianiewicz, Shadow, 65.

40 On the dogs befriended by prisoners, see Młynarski, W niewoli, 256-257; Abramov, Murderers, 86, 102; and Czapski, Wspomnienia, 43. On the veterinarian who looked after them, see Młynarski, W niewoli, 84, 256.

41 On the Polish underground, see Wnuk, Za pierwszego Sowieta, 368-371. On the decision to execute the prisoners, see Cienciala, Crime, 116-120, quotations at 118. See also Jasiewicz, Zagłada, 129.

42 Jasiewicz, Zagłada, 131, 144-145, 159. These 7,305 people were apparently shot at Bykivnia and Kuropaty, major killing sites of the Great Terror; see Kalbarczyk, “Przedmioty,” 47-53.

43 Swianiewicz, Shadow, 75; Cienciala, Crime, 122, 129-130, 175, quotation at 130. For additional passages from Adam Solski’s diary, see Zagłada polskich elit, 37.

44 Cienciala, Crime, 124; Zagłada polskich elit, 43.

45 Cienciala, Crime, 124; Zagłada polskich elit, 43. On Blokhin, see Braithwaite, Moscow, 45.

46 Cienciala, Crime, 126-128; Zagłada polskich elit, 39.

47 Cienciala, Crime, 122-123; Czapski, Wspomnienia, 7, 8, 15, 17, 18, 45.

48 Abramov, Murderers, 46; Swianiewicz, Shadow, 63, 66.

49 Cienciala, Crime, 34; Czapski, Wspomnienia, 18; Swianiewicz, Shadow, 64; Młynarski, W niewoli, 225. For an informer on the system, see Berling, Wspomnienia, 32.

50 Quotation: Swianiewicz, Shadow, 69.

51 This is the sum of the execution figures given in Cienciala, Crime, passim.

52 Cienciala, Crime, 118, 173-174, 198-199, quotation about fathers at 198. On the 60,667 people sent to special settlements in Kazakhstan, see Hryciuk, “Victims,” 187. On the “former people,” see Khlevniuk, Gulag, 282. See also Goussef, “Les déplacements,” 188. For wives being told they would be joining their husbands, see Jolluck, Exile, 16. For the “eternal mud and snow,” see Gross, Children’s Eyes, 79.

53 On the dung and the NKVD office, see Jolluck, Exile, 40, 122-123. On the economist, see Czapski, Wspomnienia, 27.

54 Of the 78,339 people deported, about eighty-four percent were Jewish; see Hryciuk, “Victims,” 189.

55 Gross, Children’s Eyes, 221.

56 See Snyder, Reconstruction.

57 Krebs, “Japan,” 545, 548; Levine, Sugihara, 132, 218, 262, 273; Sakamoto, Japanese Diplomats, 102, 107, 113-114.

58 For the numbers cited, see Polian, Against Their Will, 123. See also Weinberg, World at Arms, 167-169; and Kuromiya, Między Warszawą a Tokio, 470-485.

59 This figure—408, 525 deportations—is the sum of the major actions. Rutherford estimates 500,000 total; see Prelude, 7.

60 On Eichmann and the January 1940 proposal, see Polian, “Schriftwechsel,” 3, 7, 19.

61 On the origins of Łódź’s ghetto, see Grynberg, Życie, 430. Unrivalled in its description of the Warsaw ghetto is Engelking, Getto warszawskie, in English translation as The Warsaw Ghetto: A Guide to the Perished City. On Schön, see T. B., “Organizator,” 85-90. On German intentions and on population movements, see Browning, Origins, 100-124.

62 Drozdowski, “Fischer,” 189-190. See also Engelking, Getto warszawskie, chap. 2. Ringelblum is cited in Friedländer, Extermination, 160; on tourists, see also Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 95.

63 Quotation: Zagłada polskich elit, 23. See also Longerich, Unwritten Order, 55; Kershaw, Fateful Choices, 447. Some 11,437 people died in the Łódź ghetto in 1941; see Grynberg, Życie, 430.

64 See, above all, Żbikowski, “Żydowscy przesiedleńcy,” 224-228; also Grynberg, Relacje, 244; Browning, Origins, 124; and Kassow, Archive, 107, 273. These movements were senseless, even from a German perspective: Jews were cleared from the Warsaw district from January to March 1941 to make room for Poles who were to be expelled from the Warthegau, who were removed to make room for Germans, who were coming west from the Soviet Union: but Germany would invade the Soviet Union in June 1941, so that Germans could move east and colonize its lands.

65 On Sborow and Lederman, see Sakowska, Dzieci, 51, 50. Quotation: Żbikowski, “Żydowscy przesiedleńcy,” 260.

66 “Sprawozdania Świetliczanek,” 65, quotations at 70, 69.

67 On the two different approaches to elites, see Friedländer, Extermination, 40. See also Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 364-365; and Mańkowski, “Ausserordentliche,” 9-11, quotation at 11. Compare Cienciala, Crime, 114-115; and Jolluck, Exile, 15.

68 Wieliczko, “Akcja,” 34-35; Pankowicz, “Akcja,” 43-45; Zagłada polskich elit, 62, 67.

69 Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 64-65; Dunin-Wąsowicz, “Akcja,” 24.

70 Pietrzykowski, “Akcja,” 113-115; Jankowski, “Akcja,” 65-66. On the brothel for Germans, see Pietrzykowski, Akcja AB, 77-78.

71 Pietrzykowski, “Akcja,” 114-115.

72 See, for example, Pankowicz, “Akcja,” 44. On “We can’t tell . . . ,” see Cienciala, Crime, 182.

73 On all three men, see Pietrzykowski, “Akcja,” 117-118.

74 Dunin-Wąsowicz, “Akcja,” 22-25; Bauer, Dowbor, 217, 241; Crime of Katyń, 33; Zagłada polskich elit, 73.

75 Zagłada polskich elit, 77.

76 On Himmler and the transports, see Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 59, 60, 123-125. For further details on the transports, see Zagłada polskich elit, 69; Seidel, Besatzungspolitik in Polen. On Bach-Zelewski and the execution site, see Dwork, Auschwitz, 166, 177. On IG Farben, see Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 443.

77 On collectivization, see Report of 25 November 1941, SPP 3/1/1/1/1; also Shumuk, Perezhyte, 17.

78 On the Ukrainians targeted, see HI 210/14/7912. These operations were part of a series of June 1941 deportation actions that were then organized throughout the newly annexed regions of the Soviet Union, from the Baltics to Romania. On the 11,328 and 22,353 Polish citizens, see Hryciuk, “Victims,” 191, 193. See also Olaru-Cemirtan, “Züge.”

79 On the bombing, see Jolluck, Exile, 16. Quotation: Gross, Children’s Eyes, 52.

80 Some 292,513 Polish citizens were deported in four waves, along with thousands more individually or in smaller actions. See Deportacje obywateli, 29; and Hryciuk, “Victims,” 175. Of the deportees, some 57.5 percent were counted by the Soviets as Poles, 21.9 percent as Jews, 10.4 percent as Ukrainians, and 7.6 percent as Belarusians; see Hryciuk, “Victims,” 195. For overall counts I rely on Hryciuk, “Victims,” 175; and Autuchiewicz, “Stan,” 23. See also Gurianov, “Obzor,” 205.

81 Czapski, Na nieludzkiej ziemi, 68.

82 King James Bible, Matthew 5:37; Koestler, Darkness at Noon, 249. Czapski’s meeting with Reikhman took place on 3 February 1942; see Crimes of Katyń, 90.

83 Czapski, Na nieludzkiej ziemi, 120, 141-143, 148.

84 Czapski, Na nieludzkiej ziemi, 149.

85 On Frank, see Longerich, Unwritten Order, 47. On the NKVD, see Kołakowski, NKWD, 74. On Hitler, see Mańkowski, “Ausserordentliche,” 7. Compare Aly, Architects , 151.


1 This is not an intellectual history, and I can permit myself only the briefest of remarks about these complex issues. As individuals, Hitler and Stalin embodied different forms of the early-nineteenth-century German response to the Enlightenment: Hitler the tragic romantic hero who must bear the burden of leading a flawed nation, Stalin the Hegelian world spirit that reveals reason in history and dictates it to others. A more complete comparison, as Christopher Clark has suggested, would account for different views of time. The Nazi and Soviet regimes both rejected the basic Enlightened assumption that time was moving forward on its own, bringing knowledge and thus progress. Each was instead racing ahead to a point that was supposed to be in the past. Marxism was indeed a scheme of progress, but Lenin had leapt ahead of Marx’s predictions to make a revolution in a backward country, while the more industrial countries defied Marx’s predictions by not having socialist revolutions at all. The Soviets under Stalin were thus hastening, in the 1930s, so that the homeland of socialism could defend itself from the imperialist world. The Nazis were in an even greater hurry toward an even more fantastic vision. They imagined a cataclysm that would destroy the Soviet Union, remake eastern Europe, and restore German greatness and purity. Hitler was anxious to make the Germany of his dreams in his own lifetime, one that he feared would be short. An introduction to attempts to bind discussions of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union within intellectual history is Bracher, Zeit der Ideologien.

2 This is a recasting of the argument developed in Chapters 1-3. For “Garden of Eden” (16 July 1941), see Mulligan, Illusion, 8.

3 Compare Goulder, “Internal Colonialism”; and Viola, “Selbstkolonisierung.”

4 Britain is more an external factor in this study than a subject of inquiry; but there is a case to be made for the importance of individuals in history here as well. See Lukacs, Hitler and Stalin; and Lukacs, Five Days in London. See also Isaiah Berlin’s essay “Winston Churchill in 1940” inPersonal Impressions, 1-23.

5 See the Preface; also Streit, Keine Kameraden, 26-27. Oil was necessary for both industry and agriculture. Here, too, Germany was dependent upon imports, and true autarky seemed to require the conquest of the Soviet Caucasus and its oil fields.

6 Consult Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 409, 424, 429, 452. For the “most autarkic state in the world,” see Kennedy, Aufstieg, 341. On the oil reserves, see Eichholtz, Krieg um Öl, 8, 15, passim. Compare Hildebrand, Weltreich, 657-658. The German military was convinced that Soviet resources were needed to fight the war; see Kay, Exploitation, 27, 37, 40, and “immense riches” at 212.

7 On Germany’s naval capacity, see Weinberg, World at Arms, 118; also Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 397-399; and Evans, Third Reich at War, 143-146. Quotation: Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 133. Alan Milward long ago drew attention to the significance of the assumption of a rapid victory; see German Economy, 40-41.

8 On Generalplan Ost, see Madajczyk, “Generalplan,” 12-13, also 64-66; Aly, Architects , 258; Kay, Exploitation, 100-101, 216; Wasser, Himmlers Raumplannung, 51-52; Aly, Architects, 258; Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 466-467; Rutherford, Prelude, 217; Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 206, 210; and Longerich, Himmler, 597-599.

9 On Himmler, see Longerich, Himmler, 599. On Hitler, see Kershaw, Hitler, 651. See also Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 469.

10 Hitler’s proclamation of 31 January 1941 is cited after Tooze, Wages of Destruction , 465. The final form of the Final Solution is the subject of the next chapter. Evans argues that Hitler needed to begin the war against the Soviet Union before the war against Britain was over because German citizens would have opposed a new war; see Third Reich at War, 162.

11 Deutschösterreichische Tageszeitung, 3 March 1933; Kershaw, Fateful Choices, 267. On the percentage cited, see Kay, Exploitation, 56, 143.

12 Quotations: Kay, Exploitation, 211, 50, 40. See also Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 469; and Kershaw, Hitler, 650.

13 Quotation: Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 342. The institutional apparati are clarified in Kay, Exploitation, 17-18, 148.

14 Kay, Exploitation, 138, 162-163.

15 On the “extinction of . . . a great part of the population,” see Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 65. The long quotation is in Kay, Exploitation, 133; see also Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 52-56. Given the settlement patterns of Soviet Jews, these “superfluous people” included not only Russians, Belarusians, Ukrainians, and Balts but at least three quarters of the Soviet Jewish population as well.

16 Kay, Exploitation, 164. In June, Hitler confirmed Göring’s overall responsibility for economic planning.

17 Hauner, Axis Strategy, 378-383.

18 Hitler’s capacity for improvisation makes it difficult to speak of strategy in the conventional sense. In my view the dispute between those who argue for a continental and a world strategy is most easily resolved thus: Hitler and his commanders agreed that a conquered Soviet Union was needed to pursue the war, whatever form it took. Hitler had in mind a war of continents and believed that it would come. Winning that world war required an earlier victory in the continental war.

19 On the neutrality pact, see Weinberg, World at Arms, 167-169; and Hasegawa, Racing, 13-14.

20 Burleigh, Third Reich, 484, 487.

21 On the Japanese wavering, see Weinberg, World at Arms, 253. On “for the time being,” see Hasegawa, Racing, 13. On the reaffirmation, see Krebs, “Japan,” 554. On the oft-forgotten Italian role, see Schlemmer, Italianer.

22 Quotations: Römer, Kommissarbefehl, 204. Regarding Hitler’s quotation, see Kershaw, Hitler, 566. See also Pohl, Herrschaft, 64; and Bartov, Hitler’s Army, 16.

23 On the use of civilians as human shields, see the order of 13 May 1941, text in Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 46. See also Bartov, Hitler’s Army, 71; Pohl, Herrschaft, 71, and discussion of women in uniform at 205; Römer, Kommissarbefehl, 228, also 551; and Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 774.

24 Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 244, 266; Bartov, Eastern Front, 132.

25 Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 344; Pohl, Herrschaft, 185; Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 266.

26 Quotation: Arnold, “Eroberung,” 46.

27 Compare Edele, “States,” 171. The problem of feeding German soldiers without reducing food rations is examined in Tooze, Wages of Destruction.

28 Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 798. As Tooze has pointed out, Germans were indeed willing to make economic sacrifices for the war effort; see Wages of Destruction.

29 Streit, Keine Kameraden, 143, 153. On Walther von Reichenau (28 September), see Arnold, “Eroberung,” 35.

30 Streit, Keine Kameraden, 143, 153. Compare Kay, Exploitation, 2.

31 See Keegan, Face of Battle, 73; Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 51; Förster, “German Army,” 22; and Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 288.

32 Arnold, “Eroberung,” 27-33.

33 On Kiev, see Berkhoff, Harvest, 170-186, maximum death total (56,400) at 184; also Arnold, “Eroberung,” 34. On Kharkiv, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 192; Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, at 328, gives a minimum of 11,918.

34 Kay, Exploitation, 181, 186.

35 Wagner was in 1944 one of the plotters against Hitler. See Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, at 193 and 311, for quotations. One million is the estimate usually given in the Western literature; see, for example, Kirschenbaum, Siege; and Salisbury, 900 Days. The Soviet estimate is 632,000; seeVerbrechen der Wehrmacht, 308. On food and fuel, see Simmons, Leningrad, 23.

36 Gerlach, Krieg, 36; Salisbury, 900 Days, 508-509; Simmons, Leningrad, xxi; Kirschenbaum, Siege, 1.

37 Głębocki, “Pierwszy,” 179-189.

38 Simmons, Leningrad, 51.

39 The diary is on display at the State Museum of the History of St. Petersburg in the exhibition “Leningrad in the Years of the Great Patriotic War.”

40 On the numbers cited, see Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 209. On the projected number of prisoners, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 783.

41 Bartov, Hitler’s Army, 87; Polian, “Violence,” 123; Overmans, “Kriegsgefangenpolitik,” 800-801. See also Merridale, Ivan’s War, 28; and Braithwaite, Moscow, 165.

42 Berkhoff, Harvest, 94-96; Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 845-857. For a general perspective on the treatment of prisoners of war, see the superb Keegan, Face of Battle, 49-51.

43 Polian, “Violence,” 121. Datner estimates 200,000-250,000; see Zbrodnie, 379.

44 Overmans, “Kriegsgefangenpolitik,” 805; Gerlach, Krieg, 24.

45 On “comrades,” see Dugas, Vycherknutye, 30.

46 On the chain of authority, see Streim, Behandlung, 7. Quotation: Pohl, Herrschaft, 219; also Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 801. See also Overmans, “Kriegsgefangenpolitik,” 808. On cannibalism, see Shumejko, “Atanasyan,” 174; and Hartmann, “Massenvernichtung,” 124.

47 On ration cuts, see Megargee, Annihilation, 119. For “pure hell,” see Ich werde es nie vergessen, 178. On Minsk, see Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 227-229; Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 768, 856; Gerlach, Krieg, 51; Polian, “Violence,” 121; Overmans, “Kriegsgefangenpolitik,” 807; and Beluga, Prestupleniya, 199. On Bobruisk, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 224. On Homel, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 224; and Dugas, Sovetskie Voennoplennye , 125. On Mahileu, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 224-225. On Molodechno, see Gerlach, Krieg, 34; and Magargee, Annihilation, 90; also Bartov, Hitler’s Army, 79.

48 On Kirovohrad, see Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 239-244. On Khorol, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 226. On Stalino, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 227; and Datner, Zbrodnie, 404.

49 Motyka, “Tragedia jeńców,” 2-6; Kopówka, Stalag 366, 47. On the 45,690 people who died in the General Government camps, see Dugas, Sovetskie Voennoplennye, 131. Compare Młynarczyk, Judenmord, 245 (250,000-570,000).

50 On the lack of warm clothing, see Bartov, Eastern Front, 112. On the three Soviet soldiers, see Dugas, Sovetskie Voennoplennye, 125.

51 Ich werde es nie vergessen, 113.

52 On the civilians who tried to bring food to camps, see Berkhoff, Harvest, 95, 101; and Overmans, “Kriegsgefangenpolitik,” 808. On Kremenchuk, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 226.

53 Compare Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 188.

54 On the intention to kill Soviet elites, see Kay, Exploitation, 104. On Hitler in March 1941, Streim, Behandlung, 36. For the text of the guidelines, see Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 53-55.

55 On the 2,252 shootings, see Römer, Kommissarbefehl, 581.

56 On 2 July 1941, see Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 63; Kay, Exploitation, 105; and Kershaw, Fateful Choices, 453. On the instructions given to the Einsatzgruppen and their fulfillment, see Datner, Zbrodnie, 153; Streim, Behandlung, 69, 99; and Berkhoff, Harvest, 94. On October 1941, see Streit, “German Army,” 7.

57 Pohl, Herrschaft, 204 (and 153 and 235 for the estimates of fifty and one hundred thousand). Overmans estimates one hundred thousand shootings in “Kriegsgefangenpolitik,” 815. Arad estimates eighty thousand total Jewish POW deaths; see Soviet Union, 281. Quotation (doctor): Datner,Zbrodnie, 234. On medicine as a nazified profession, see Hilberg, Perpetrators, 66.

58 Streim, Behandlung, 102-106.

59 For an estimate at the low end, see Streim, Behandlung, 244: minimum 2.4 million. For estimates of 3-3.3 million, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 210; Overmans, “Kriegsgefangenpolitik,” 811, 825; Dugas, Sovetskie Voennoplennye, 185; and Hartmann, “Massenvernichtung,” 97. For an estimate at the high end, see Sokolov, “How to Calculate,” 452: 3.9 million. On morale, see Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 204.

60 On 7 November 1941, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 817. Compare Gerlach and Werth, “State Violence,” 164. See also Streim, Behandlung, 99-102, 234. On the four hundred thousand total deaths among those released, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 215. Quotation (Johannes Gutschmidt): Hartmann, “Massenvernichtung,” 158; a similar estimation by Rosenberg is in Klee, “Gott mit uns,” 142.

61 Belgium: Kay, Exploitation, 121.

62 On Goebbels, see Evans, Third Reich at War, 248. Compare Kay, Exploitation, 109; Longerich, Unwritten Order, 55, 60; Browning, Origins; Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 747; Gerlach, Krieg, 178; Arad, Reinhard, 14; and Aly, Architects, 160.

63 On the asphyxiation experiments, see Overmans, “Kriegsgefangenpolitik,” 814; Longerich, Unwritten Order, 82; Longerich, Himmler, 567; Datner, Zbrodnie, 208, 428; Verbrechen, 281; Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 383; Browning, Origins, 357; and Klee, “Gott mit uns,” 136.

64 On the number of prisoners recruited, see Pohl, Herrschaft, 181. See also Black, “Handlanger,” 313-317; and Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 207-208.


1 Browning and Gerlach have debated whether Hitler’s decision came in summer/autumn or in December 1941. In this chapter I am arguing that shooting Jews was the fifth version of the Final Solution, and the first one to show promise. The idea that the Jews could be removed from Europe by killing them must have been in the minds of Himmler and Hitler no later than August. It is quite possible that the two of them discussed this explicitly, although they need not have done so. Reinhard Koselleck (Futures Past, 222) cites Hitler, who is himself citing (unknowingly, I assume) Dostoevsky in Crime and Punishment: one need not admit to having plans, even to oneself, in order to have them. For my purposes, December 1941 is the more important date, since that was the time when other associates of Hitler grasped that the Final Solution meant the total mass murder of Jews rather than the murder of some and the deportation of others.

2 See however the important revisions of Speer’s role in Tooze, Wages of Destruction. The problem was posed in its classical form by Milward, German Economy, 6-7 and passim. Quotation: Longerich, Himmler, 561. The massive debate over “institutionalism” and “functionalism” cannot be presented here. This discussion began before the centrality of the eastern front to the Holocaust was understood. Like several other scholars, I am arguing that the thinkability and the possibility of a Final Solution by mass murder emerged from a combination of signals from above (for example, Hitler to Himmler, Himmler to Bach) and from below (for example, Einsatzgruppe A to Himmler, Himmler to Hitler) or indeed in both directions (the relationship between Jeckeln and Himmler). The place where murder emerged as the method of the Final Solution was the eastern front, where the main technique was shooting.

3 Quotation: Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 368. On Wannsee, see Gerlach, “Wannsee”; and Longerich, Unwritten Order, 95. See also, generally, Roseman, Villa. The connection between Hitler and Rosenberg’s civilian administration is made in Lower, “Nazi Civilian Rulers,” 222-223.

4 Einsatzgruppe A, B, C, D respectively: 990 men, 655 men, 700 men, 600 men. See MacLean, Field Men, 13. On “numbers . . . too small,” see Browning, “Nazi Decision,” 473. On the importance of the Order Police, see Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 152. The death count is from Brandon, “First Wave.” At least 457,436 Jews were killed by the Einsatzgruppen by the end of 1941.

5 This is not explicitly argued in these terms in Longerich, Himmler, but I believe that the interpretation squares with the arguments presented there. Compare Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 115; and Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 229.

6 Quotation: Wasser, “Raumplannung,” 51. See also Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 378 and passim; and Steinberg, “Civil Administration,” 647.

7 The Romanian lands taken by Stalin were invaded by the Romanian army, not the German. They were followed by Einsatzgruppe D; see Angrick, Besatzungspolitik.

8 See Snyder, Reconstruction.

9 The deportation figures are in Angrick, Riga, 46. If conscription is included, the total rises to 34,000.

10 MacQueen, “White Terror,” 97; Angrick, Riga, 59. Among the two hundred thousand I include Jews in Vilnius and surrounding areas annexed to Lithuania.

11 Arad, Soviet Union, 144, 147; MacQueen, “White Terror,” 99-100; Angrick, Riga, 60.

12 Tomkiewicz, Ponary, 191-197.

13 Ibid., 203.

14 Angrick, Riga, 66-76. See also Arad, Soviet Union, 148.

15 Weiss-Wendt, Estonians, 39, 40, 45, 90, 94-105.

16 The 9,817 count in Verbrechen is at 93. See also Wnuk, Za pierwszego Sowieta, 371 (11,000-12,000); and Hryciuk, “Victims,” 183 (9,400).

17 On interwar anti-Jewish politics, see, generally, Polonsky, Politics; and Mendelsohn, Jews.

18 On Białystok, see Matthäus, “Controlled Escalation,” 223; and Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 593. Spektor (in “Żýdzi wołyńscy,” 575) counts thirty-eight pogroms in Volhynia; and the authors and editors of Wokół Jedwabnego, about thirty in the Białystok region.

19 On the total number of Jews killed (19,655), see Brandon, “First Wave.” For the “Hundreds of Jews . . . running down the street,” see Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 99. On the nationality of the prisoners, see Himka, “Ethnicity,” 8.

20 The idea of double collaboration as biographical self-cleansing is advanced in Gross, Neighbors. For examples from Estonia, Ukraine, and Belarus of double collaboration, see Weiss-Wendt, Estonians, 115-119; Dubno: sefer zikaron, 698-701; Rein, “Local Collaborators,” 394; Brakel,Unter Rotem Stern, 304; Musial, Mythos, 266; and Mironowicz, Białoruś, 160. See also Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews.” A systematic study of double collaboration would be worthwhile.

21 This is the closest that I would come to an Arendtian argument about alienation. Arendt’s follower Jan Gross makes a similar argument about the privatization of violence in his study of the first Soviet occupation, Revolution from Abroad. But then in his studies of the consequences of two occupations, Neighbors and Fear, he shifts away from sociology and toward ethics, as if Poles should have remembered themselves when German occupation was added to Soviet, or Soviet to German. In my view the logical move would have been to press forward with the Arendtian argument, but claiming that the overlap of both “totalitarian” powers plays the historical role that Arendt assigned to modernity. This is not quite what Gross claims (although he makes gestures in this direction in Upiorna dekada and in a few passages in both Neighbors and Fear). But I do think it follows from his occupation studies as a whole, if they are read as studies of human behavior (rather than of Polish ethics). This line of argument is pursued in the Conclusion.

22 Westermann, “Ideological Soldiers,” 46 (30% and 66%).

23 Compare Gerlach, “Nazi Decision,” 476.

24 Longerich, Himmler, 551; Kay, Exploitation, 106. On Uman, see USHMM-SBU 4/1747/19-20.

25 Matthäus, “Controlled Escalation,” 225; Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 555; Kershaw, Fateful Choices, 456, 458. Cüppers, in Wegbereiter, develops the argument about the crucial early role of the Waffen-SS.

26 Kay, Exploitation, 107; Browning, “Nazi Decision,” 474. Pohl notes that the reinforcements came first to Ukraine; see Herrschaft, 152. He specifies early August as the time when Einsatzgruppe C understood that women and children were to be killed; see “Schauplatz,” 140.

27 Mallmann, Einsatzgruppen, 97.

28 Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 142; Kruglov, “Jewish Losses,” 274-275; Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 135.

29 Kruglov, “Jewish Losses,” 275.

30 Ruß, “Massaker,” 494, 503, 505; Berkhoff, “Records,” 294; Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 147.

31 Berkhoff, Harvest, 65-67, at 65; FVA 3267.

32 Darmstadt testimony, 29 April 1968, IfZ(M), Gd 01.54/78/1762.

33 Ruß, “Massaker,” 486; Berkhoff, Harvest, 68. On Sara, see Ehrenburg, Black Book, Borodyansky-Knysh testimony. On the valuables, see Dean, “Jewish Property,” 86. On the people “already bloody,” see “Stenogramma,” 24 April 1946, TsDAVO, 166/3/245/118. On the bones and ash and sand, see Klee, Gott mit uns, 136.

34 Darmstadt testimony, 29 April 1968, IfZ(M), Gd 01.54/78/1764-1765; Berkhoff, “Records,” 304.

35 Prusin, “SiPo/SD,” 7-9; Rubenstein, Unknown, 57. Romanowsky makes the point about the rotation of official enemies in “Nazi Occupation,” 240.

36 Rubenstein, Unknown, 54, 57, 61; Prusin, “SiPo/SD,” 7-9.

37 On Kharkiv, see Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 148; and Verbrechen der Wehrmacht, 179. On Kiev, see Prusin, “SiPo/SD,” 10.

38 Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 544, 567. Nebe was a member of the resistance to Hitler in 1944.

39 Megargee, Annihilation, 99.

40 Quotation and figures are from Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 588, 585; see also Ingrao, “Violence,” 231.

41 For the “sea of blood,” see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 182. For “thus must be destroyed,” see Verbrechen, 138.

42 This was an argument of the previous chapter.

43 The Soviet rationale was a classic one. First, the NKVD “established” that Germany had hundreds of spies among the Volga Germans. Then, the NKVD argued that the entire population was guilty, since none of the Volga Germans had reported all of this espionage to the proper authorities. In a particularly refined move, the NKVD used the presence of swastikas in German households as evidence of Nazi collaboration. In fact, the Soviets had themselves distributed those swastikas, in 1939, when Moscow and Berlin were allies, and a friendly visit from Hitler was expected. By the end of 1942, the Soviets had resettled some nine hundred thousand Germans, the vast majority of the German population in the Soviet Union. The Soviets deported some eighty-nine thousand Finns, most of them to Siberia. On Stalin, see Polian, Against Their Will, 134. On Hitler, see Longerich,Unwritten Order, 75; Gerlach, Krieg, 96; Gerlach, “Wannsee,” 763; Pinkus, “Deportation,” 456-458; Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 370; and Friedlander, Extermination, 239, 263-264.

44 Quotation: Lukacs, Last European War, 154; see also Friedlander, Extermination , 268.

45 Angrick, Riga, 133-150.

46 Chełmno is discussed in Chapter 8. The connection is made by Kershaw, Fateful Choices, 462; see also Kershaw, Hitler, 66. Mazower emphasizes the centrality of the Wartheland in Hitler’s Empire, for example at 191. I am excluding in this judgment Jews killed in the “euthanasia” program.

47 Himmler and Globocnik will be discussed at greater length in Chapter 8.

48 Megargee, Annihilation, 115.

49 Arguing from the periphery, from Belarus and Ukraine to Berlin, Gerlach and Pohl each make a case for the importance of food supplies in the extermination of the Jews. Aly and Heim, arguing forward from the logic of prewar planning, present a kind of negative explanation for the Holocaust: the Jews were already regarded as harmful in future designs and as useless consumers of present necessities. Hitler certainly undertook the war against the Soviet Union on the understanding that food supplies could thereby be secured during the war and for future wars. It is certainly true that the Hunger Plan, real supply difficulties for the Wehrmacht, and the perceived need to satisfy German civilians mattered a great deal on the eastern front generally. The concern for food made it easier for officers to endorse killing Jews. As the war continued, the economic argument about Jewish labor would be countered by the economic argument about the food Jews would eat. I agree that food played a much greater role in the process than it might appear from English-language literature on the Holocaust. But I do not believe that food (or any other economic consideration) can explain the timing or the precise content of Hitler’s policy as conveyed in December 1941. It was an ideological expression and political resolution of pressing problems arising from a failed colonial war. It was also a choice.

50 Quotation: Edele, “States,” 374.

51 On the 3 January meeting of Hitler with the Japanese ambassador, see Hauner, Axis Strategy, 384. See also Lukacs, Last European War, 143.

52 Krebs, “Japan,” 547-554.

53 German propaganda was making the case explicitly; see Herf, Jewish Enemy, 100, 128. Compare Gerlach, “Wannsee.” The recent scholarly emphasis upon Himmler and December has much to do with Gerlach’s work and with the publication of Witte, Dienstkalendar, and Longerich,Himmler. Himmler was the crucial executor of a policy for which Hitler was responsible.

54 Quoted and discussed, for example, in Longerich, Unwritten Order, 95; Gerlach, Krieg, 123; Gerlach, “Wannsee,” 783, 790; Kershaw, Fateful Choices, 466; Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 504; and Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 376 (for the Frank quotation as well). As Friedländer points out in a persuasive passage, this was one of a cluster of such statements; see Extermination, 281.

55 On Hitler (“common front”), see Herf, Jewish Enemy, 132. On Goebbels, see Pohl, Verfolgung, 82.

56 Madajczyk, “Generalplan Ost,” 17; Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 198.

57 Compare Browning, “Nazi Decision”; and Gerlach, “Wannsee.” See also Kershaw, Fateful Choices, 433.

58 See Kroener, “Frozen Blitzkrieg,” 140, 148.

59 See Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 582, for quotation and interpretation.

60 On Serbia, see Manoschek, Serbien, 79, 107, 186-197; and Evans, Third Reich at War, 237, 259. The blame for the death of the Jews, in this conception, did not rest on the Germans. If the United States was a Jewish state, went the Nazi reasoning, its leaders must have understood that Hitler was keeping alive the Jews of Europe as hostages. If the United States entered the war, it followed, Washington was responsible for the death of these hostages. Of course, no one in the United States actually reasoned in this way, and the American entry into the war had little if anything to do with European or American Jews. See Longerich, Unwritten Order, 55; Friedländer, Extermination , 265, 281; Arad, Soviet Union, 139; and Gerlach, “Wannsee.”

61 That such camouflage was felt to be necessary is a telling sign, since it reveals the Nazis’ supposition that someone else might read their documents, which would happen only if they lost the war. Stalinists and Stalin himself had no such difficulties writing, signing, and filing direct orders to kill large numbers of people.

62 Birn, “Anti-Partisan Warfare,” 289.

63 For the count, see Brandon, “The First Wave.”

64 Deletant, “Transnistria,” 157-165; Pohl, Verfolgung, 78-79; Hilberg, Destruction (vol. I), 810.

65 Deletant, “Transnistria,” 172; Pohl, Verfolgung, 79. See also Case, Between States.

66 Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 153, 162. The gas chambers are the subject of Chapter 8.

67 Pohl counts thirty-seven thousand auxiliary policemen active in July 1942 in the Reichskommissariat Ukraine; see “Hilfskräfte,” 210.

68 These Volhynian communities are treated in greater detail in Spector, Volhynian Jews, and Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 77-84. The fate of Galician Jews, discussed in Chapter 8, was different; see Pohl, Ostgalizien, and Sandkühler, Galizien.

69 Arad, in Soviet Union at 521 and 524, counts 1,561,000-1,628,000 murdered Jews in the lands annexed by the USSR, as well as 946,000-996,000 Jews of the prewar Soviet Union. See also Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 85-89.

70 Grynberg, Życie, 602; Spektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 477; Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 91-96; Pohl, “Schauplatz,” 158-162.

71 For the Judenrat negotiations, see letters of 8 and 10 May 1942, DAR 22/1/10=USHMM RG-31.017M-2. See also Grynberg, Życie, 588; Spektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 477; and Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 91-96.

72 ŻIH 301/1982; ŻIH 301/5657; Sefer Lutsk, “Calendar of Pain, Resistance and Destruction”; Grynberg, Życie, 584-586, quotation at 586.

73 Spektor, “Żydzi wołyńscy,” 477; Snyder, “West Volhynian Jews,” 91-96. For “useless eaters,” see Grynberg, Życie, 577. Regarding the Great Synagogue in Kovel and for the quotations in the next paragraph, see ŻIH/1644. The inscriptions were noted by Hanoch Hammer. The Soviets used the synagogue to store grain.


1 Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 374; Szybieka, Historia, 337. Compare Edele, “States,” 348, 361. On the 19 July ghetto order, see Verbrechen, 80.

2 On the first killing actions, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 506, 549, 639; Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 260; Longerich, Vernichtung, 370 (women); Epstein, Minsk, 81; and Ehrenburg, Black Book, 116. On the 7-9 November killings, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 506, 509, 624; Smolar,Ghetto, 41; Ehrenburg, Black Book, 118; and Rubenstein, Unknown, 237-238, 245, 251. Other symbolic murders: the Germans carried out an action on 23 February 1942 (Red Army Day) and shot Jewish women on 8 March 1942 (International Women’s Day).

3 On the promised parade, see Braithwaite, Moscow, 252.

4 Smilovitsky, “Antisemitism,” 207-208; Braithwaite, Moscow, 262.

5 See Brandenberger, National Bolshevism, 118-119.

6 Quotation: Brandenberger, National Bolshevism, 119.

7 Quotation: Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 90.

8 On the boots taken from dead or captured soldiers, see Ich werde es nie vergessen, 66, 188; and Merridale, Ivan’s War, 138.

9 Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 768; Epstein, Minsk, 22; Smolar, Ghetto, 15; Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 221.

10 On the humiliations reserved for Jews, see Rubenstein, Unknown, 256; also Ehrenburg, Black Book, 125. On Eberl, see Grabher, Eberl, 66. On the film, see Longerich, Himmler, 552.

11 On the “beauty contest,” see Ehrenburg, Black Book, 132; and Smolar, Ghetto, 22. On the evening in autumn 1941, see Smolar, Ghetto, 46. Quotation: Rubenstein, Unknown, 244. At the nearby Koldychevo concentration camp, guards serially raped and murdered women; see Chiari, Alltag, 192.

12 Epstein, Minsk, 42 and passim. On the Soviet documents, see Chiari, Alltag, 249.

13 Epstein, Minsk, 130.

14 Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 228. For biographical details on Smolar, see “Ankieta,” 10 August 1949, AAN, teczka osobowa 5344.

15 Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 117-120; Chiari, Alltag, 240; Smolar, Ghetto, 19.

16 On the signaling of danger, see Smolar, Ghetto, 62. On the Jewish policemen, see Epstein, Minsk, 125. On the gloves and socks, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 680. On the guides, see Smolar, Ghetto, 95; and Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 164. For the ball, see Epstein, Minsk, 215.

17 Brakel, “Versorgung,” 400-401.

18 On the funding, see Epstein, Minsk, 96, 194.

19 Klein, “Zwischen,” 89. See also Hull, Absolute Destruction; Anderson, “Incident”; and Lagrou, “Guerre Honorable.”

20 On Franz Halder and his nuclear-weapon fantasy, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 558. On Himmler and the thirty million Slavs, see Sawicki, Zburzenie, 284. Quotation: Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 228.

21 Quotations: Birn, “Anti-Partisan Warfare,” 286; Verbrechen, 469. See also Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 566.

22 Szybieka, Historia, 348; Mironowicz, Białoruś, 158; Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 232; Klein, “Zwischen,” 90.

23 Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 680, 686.

24 Quotation: Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 261.

25 Smolar, Ghetto, 72; Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 125. For the figure 3,412, see Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 262. On Lipski, see Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 158.

26 Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 123; Epstein, Minsk, 133. On Heydrich, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 694. On the fur coats, see Browning, Origins, 300.

27 On the figure cited, see Smolar, Ghetto, 98. Quotation: Ehrenburg, Black Book, 189. See also Cholawsky, “Judenrat,” 126; and Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 704.

28 On the gas vans, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 1075; and Rubenstein, Unknown , 245, 248, 266-267. For “soul destroyers,” see Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 162.

29 Rubenstein, Unknown, 246; see also Ehrenburg, Black Book, 132.

30 Smolar, Ghetto, 158; Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 231; Brakel, “Versorgung,” 400-401. On the women and children, see Smilovitsky, “Antisemitism,” 218.

31 On Zorin, see Slepyan, Guerillas, 209; and Epstein, Minsk, 24. On the raid, see Ehrenburg, Black Book, 135. On Rufeisen, see Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 254.

32 Tec, Defiance, 80, 82, 145, 185, quotation at 80; Slepyan, Guerillas, 210; Musial, “Sowjetische,” 185, 201-202.

33 On the 23,000 partisans and the “partisan republics,” see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 231. On the civilians, see Brakel, Unter Rotem Stern, 290, 304; Szybieka, Historia, 349; Slepyan, Guerillas, 81; and Mironowicz, Białoruś, 160. On the locomotives, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 868.

34 Musial, Mythos, 189, 202; Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 238; Ingrao, Chasseurs, 131; Verbrechen, 495.

35 Slepyan, Guerillas, 17, 42.

36 Kravets and Gerassimova are quoted in Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 47, 126. For the use of “whore” as the standard mode of address, see Chiari, Alltag, 256. On the game of hide-and-seek, see Projektgruppe, “Existiert,” 164.

37 On 18 August, see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 232; and Westermann, “Ideological Soldiers,” 57. On “special treatment,” see Musial, Mythos, 145. On the villagers to be destroyed “like Jews,” see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 239.

38 Westermann, “Ideological Soldiers,” 53, 54, 60; Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 705, 919.

39 For the reckoning of 208,089 Jews killed in Belarus in 1942, see Brandon, “The Holocaust in 1942.” This does not include the Białystok region, which was part of the BSSR in 1939-1941 but not after the war.

40 On Gottberg, see Klein, “Massenmörder,” 95-99. On Bach and for the numbers cited, see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 233, 239.

41 Stang, “Dirlewanger,” 66-70; Ingrao, Chasseurs, 20-21, figure (“at least thirty thousand civilians”) at 26, 132; Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 958; MacLean, Hunters, 28, 133.

42 On the kill quotas, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 890. On Operation Swamp Fever, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 911-913, 930; Benz, Einsatz, 239; Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 267; and Ingrao, Chasseurs, 34. On Jeckeln, see Brakel, Unter Rotem Stern, 295. On Hornung, see Gerlach,Kalkulierte Morde, 946; and Klein, “Massenmörder,” 100.

43 Brakel, Unter Rotem Stern, 304; Smilovitsky, “Antisemitism,” 220. On the prewar communists, see Rein, “Local Collaborators,” 394.

44 On the eight hundred policemen and militiamen, see Musial, Mythos, 266. On the twelve thousand, see Mironowicz, Białoruś, 160. See also Slepyan, Guerillas, 209.

45 Szybieka, Historia, 345, 352; Mironowicz, Białoruś, 159.

46 On October 1942, see Nolte, “Partisan War,” 274.

47 Klein, “Zwischen,” 100.

48 On Operation Cottbus, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 948; Pohl, Herrschaft, 293; Musial, Mythos, 195; and Verbrechen, 492. On the swine, see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 241.

49 On Operation Hermann, see Musial, Mythos, 212; and Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 907.

50 On the shooting of 127 Poles, see Musial, Mythos, 210. See also Jasiewicz, Zagłada , 264-265.

51 Brakel, Unter Rotem Stern, 317; Gogun, Stalinskie komandos, 144.

52 Shephard, “Wild East,” 174; Angrick, Einsatzgruppe D, 680-689. Quotation: Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 242.

53 Birn, “Anti-Partisan Warfare,” 291; see also, generally, Klein, “Zwischen,” 96.

54 Dallin, Brigade, 8-58.

55 Chiari, Alltag, 138; Szybieka, Historia, 346; Mironowicz, Białoruś, 148, 155.

56 Szybieka, Historia, 346.

57 Musial, “Sowjetische,” 183.

58 On the figures cited (“fifteen thousand” and “ninety-two”), see Ingrao, Chasseurs , 36. For the figure of 5,295 localities, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 943. On the 10,431 partisans reported shot, see Klee, Gott mit uns, 55. On the diary, see Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 239. See also Matthäus, “Reibungslos,” 268.

59 Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 1158.

60 On the killing of 17,431 people as traitors, see Musial, Mythos, 261. On class enemies, see Jasiewicz, Zagłada, 264-265.

61 Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 1160. Chiari estimates that 276,000 Poles had been killed or moved by the end of the war; see Alltag, 306.

62 On the crematoria, see Gerlach, “Mogilev,” 68. On Asgard, see Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, 425.

63 Arad, Reinhard, 136-137.


1 Compare two fundamental works by one historian: Arad, Reinhard, and Arad, Soviet Union.

2 Quotation: Wasser, Raumplannung, 61, also 77. On the special status of Lublin, see Arad, Reinhard, 14; Musiał, “Przypadek,” 24; and Dwork, Auschwitz, 290. On the implementation of Generalplan Ost known as the “Zamość Action,” see Autuchiewicz, “Stan,” 71; Aly, Architects, 275; and Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 468. On the date cited (13 October 1941), see Pohl, “Znaczenie,” 45.

3 Browning, Origins, 419; Rieger, Globocnik, 60.

4 On the lack of personnel, see Musiał, “Przypadek,” 31. On German preferences, see Black, “Handlanger,” 315.

5 Browning, Origins, 419; Black, “Handlanger,” 320.

6 Evans, Third Reich at War, 84-90.

7 Quotation: Gerlach, “Wannsee,” 782. See also Rieß, “Wirth,” 244; Pohl, “Znaczenie,” 45; and Poprzeczny, Globocnik, 163. On Wirth’s role, see Black, “Prosty,” 105; and Scheffler, “Probleme,” 270, 276. The “euthanasia” program continued, with greater stealth, now with the use of lethal injections and drug overdoses. Tens of thousands more Germans were killed in the years to come.

8 Kershaw, Final Solution, 71; Mazower, Hitler’s Empire, 191 and passim.

9 Quotation: Kershaw, Final Solution, 66. See also, generally, Mallmann, “Rozwiązać,” 85-95, date at 95; Horwitz, Ghettostadt, 154; and Friedländer, Origins, 314-318. On Lange, see Friedlander, Origins, 286; and Kershaw, Final Solution, 71.

10 According to Arad, Wirth was responsible for the design; see Reinhard, 24.

11 See Pohl, Ostgalizien; and Sandkühler, Galizien.

12 Arad, Reinhard, 44, 56; Młynarczyk, Judenmord, 252, 257. On 14 March, see Rieger, Globocnik, 108. On the 1,600 Jews who lacked labor documents, see Poprzeczny, Globocnik, 226.

13 Młynarczyk, Judenmord, 260.

14 On the daily quotas and more generally, see Młynarczyk, Judenmord, 260; and Pohl, Verfolgung, 94.

15 For the figure 434,508, see Witte, “New Document,” 472. Pohl counts three survivors; see Verfolgung, 95. On Wirth, see Black, “Prosty,” 104. The commander of Bełżec as of August 1942 was Gottlieb Hering.

16 On Cracow, see Grynberg, Życie, 3; Pohl, Verfolgung, 89; and Hecht, Memories, 66.

17 Pohl, Verfolgung, 95.

18 On 17 April, see Pohl, “Znaczenie,” 49. On 1 June, see “Obóz zagłady,” 134.

19 Grabher, Eberl, 70, 74.

20 On Frank, see Arad, Reinhard, 46; Berenstein, “Praca,” 87; and Kershaw, Final Solution, 106. On the Trawniki men, see Młynarczyk, “Akcja,” 55.

21 Quotation: Longerich, Himmler, 588.

22 Friedländer, Extermination, 349.

23 Gerlach, “Wannsee,” 791. See also Pohl, “Znaczenie,” 49.

24 Tooze, Wages of Destruction, 365, 549.

25 Gutman, Resistance, 198. Compare Aly, Architects, 211.

26 Quotation: Witte, “New Document,” 477.

27 Arad, Reinhard, 61; Młynarczyk, “Akcja,” 55; Urynowicz, “Zagłada,” 108; Friedländer, Extermination, 428; Hilburg, “Ghetto,” 108. On the promised bread and marmalade, see Berenstein, “Praca,” 142. Quotation: FVA 2327.

28 Engelking, Getto, 661-665; Gutman, Resistance, 142.

29 Urynowicz, “Zagłada,” 108-109; Trunk, Judenrat, 507.

30 Urynowicz, “Zagłada,” 109-111. See also Gutman, Resistance, 142.

31 On Korczak, see Kassow, History, 268; and Friedländer, Extermination, 429. Quotation: Engelking, Getto, 676.

32 For the cited figures, see Friedländer, Extermination, 230. Higher estimates are in Drozdowski, “History,” 192 (315,000), and Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 195 (310,322).

33 “Treblinka,” 174. On the payment “in kind,” see Trunk, Judenrat, 512.

34 On the sweat, see Arad, Reinhard, 64. On the fields and forests, see Wdowinski, Saved, 69.

35 On Wiernik, see Kopówka, Treblinka, 28.

36 Arad, Reinhard, 81; Mlynarczyk, “Treblinka,” 266; “Obóz zagłady,” 141; Królikowski, “Budowałem,” 49.

37 On 22 August, see Evans, Third Reich at War, 290. On 23 August, see Mlynarczyk, “Treblinka,” 262. On 24 August, see Wiernik, Year, 8. On 25 August, see Krzepicki, “Treblinka,” 98. On 26 August, see Shoah 02694, in FVA. Stangl quotation (21 August): Sereny, Darkness, 157.

38 Arad, Reinhard, 87.

39 Wdowinski, Saved, 78; Arad, Reinhard, 65.

40 Stangl quotation: Arad, Reinhard, 186.

41 On Franz, see Arad, Reinhard, 189; Kopówka, Treblinka, 32; Glazar, Falle, 118; and “Treblinka,” 194.

42 On the Polish government, see Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 36-53. On the contemplated attack, see Libionka, “Polska konspiracja,” 482. On the postcards, see Hilberg, “Judenrat,” 34. On the postal service, see Sakowska, Ludzie, 312.

43 On the “clinic,” see “Obóz zagłady,” 137; Glazar, Falle, 51; Arad, Reinhard, 122; and Mlynarczyk, “Treblinka,” 267. On the “station,” see “Obóz zagłady,” 137; Arad, Reinhard, 123; and Willenberg, Revolt, 96. On the orchestra, see “Tremblinki,” 40; and “Treblinka,” 193. On the Yiddish, see Krzepicki, “Treblinka,” 89.

44 “Treblinka,” 178; Arad, Reinhard, 37; Mlynarczyk, “Treblinka,” 269. On the rapes, see Willenberg, Revolt, 105.

45 Arad, Reinhard, 108; Młynarczyk, “Treblinka,” 267; Willenberg, Revolt, 65.

46 Arad, Reinhard, 119; Mlynarczyk, “Treblinka,” 259, 269.

47 Kopówka, Treblinka, 34; Mlynarczyk, “Treblinka,” 263, 269. On the “metamorphosis,” see Rajchman, Le dernier Juif, 88.

48 Rajgrodzki, “W obozie zagłady,” 107. Arad, Reinhard, 174. On the Germans warming themselves, see Wiernik, Year, 29. On the women naked in the cold, see Rajchman, Le dernier Juif, 96.

49 For “It’s no use,” see Rajchman, Le dernier Juif, 33. On the embrace and Ruth Dorfmann, see Willenberg, Revolt, 56, 65.

50 On the local economy, see Willenberg, Revolt, 30; and Rusiniak, Obóz, 26. On “Europe,” see Rusiniak, Obóz, 27.

51 Friedländer, Extermination, 598. On Stalingrad, see Rajgrodzki, “W obozie zagłady,” 109.

52 On the dismantling, see Arad, Reinhard, 373. On Operation Harvest Festival (Erntefest), see Arad, Reinhard, 366. Some 15,000 Białystok Jews were also shot; see Bender, “Białystok,” 25.

53 The sources of the Treblinka count are Witte, “New Document,” 472, which provides the Germans’ count for 1942 of 713,555 (intercepted by the British); and Młynarczyk, “Treblinka,” 281, which supplies a 1943 reckoning of 67,308. For the Radom estimate, see Młynarczyk, Judenmord, 275. Wiernik claims that there were two transports of (uncircumcised) Poles; see Year, 35. “Obóz zagłady,” a report published in Warsaw in early 1946, gives the estimate 731,600, and provides much basic information.

54 Rusiniak, Obóz, 20.

55 Kamenec, “Holocaust,” 200-201; Kamenec, “Deportation,” 116, 123, figure at 130.

56 Hilberg, Destruction (vol. III), 939, 951; Browning, Origins, 421.

57 Compare Brandon, “Holocaust in 1942”; Dwork, Auschwitz, 326.

58 Pohl, Verfolgung, 107; Hilberg, Destruction (vol. III), 959; Stark, Hungarian Jews, 30; Długoborski, “Żydzi,” 147.

59 Although we know the number of dead in these facilities with some precision, the precise number of Polish Jews is difficult to extract from the larger figure. Although Treblinka, Sobibór, and Bełżec were primarily killing centers for the Polish Jews of the General Government, other people also died in these three places, especially in 1943: Czechoslovak Jews, German Jews, Dutch Jews, French Jews, as well as Poles and Roma.

60 On the Roma, see Pohl, Verfolgung, 113-116; Evans, Third Reich at War, 72-73, 531-535; and Klein, “Gottberg,” 99.

61 For the “wonderful song,” see Glazar, 57. On music as “revolutionary,” see Rajgrodzki, “W obozie zagłady,” 109. On “el male rachamim,” see Arad, Reinhard, 216.


1 Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 246; Zaloga, Bagration, 27, 28, 43, 56.

2 Zaloga, Bagration, 7, 69, 71. The Americans had been in Italy since 1943.

3 Grossman, Road, 27. See also Furet, Passé, 536; and Gerard, Bones, 187-189. Grossman may not have understood that the signs of the mass murder were visible because the local Polish population had been looking for valuables. It would have been impossible for him to write that the guards at Treblinka were Soviet citizens.

4 Engelking, Żydzi, 260. See also Miłosz, Legends; and Snyder, “Wartime Lies.”

5 Tokarzewski-Karaszewicz, “U podstaw tworzenia Armii Krajowej,” 124-157.

6 On fighting for the restoration of Poland as a democratic republic, see Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 19, 23, 34. On the NKVD, see Engelking, Żydzi, 147.

7 Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 24.

8 Wdowinski, Saved, 78; Arens, “Jewish Military,” 205.

9 Wdowinski, Saved, 79, 82; Libionka, “Pomnik,” 110; Libionka, “Deconstructing,” 4; Libionka, “Apokryfy,” 166.

10 On Agudas Israel, see Bacon, Politics of Tradition.

11 The story of the formation of the Jewish Combat Organization is complex. See Sakowska, Ludzie, 322-325; and Zuckerman, Surplus.

12 On the rescue organization, see Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 16; and Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 27, 33, 36, 39, 56.

13 Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 60, 71.

14 Bartoszewski, Ten jest, 32; Sakowska, Ludzie, 321, quotation (Marek Lichtenbaum) at 326.

15 Gutman, Resistance, 198.

16 Engelking, Warsaw Ghetto, 763; Kopka, Warschau, 33-34.

17 On the arms cache, see Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 69; and Moczarski, Rozmowy, 232. On the anti-Semitic minority, see Engelking, Żydzi, 193, and passim.

18 Quotation (Himmler): Kopka, Warschau, 36.

19 Szapiro, Wojna, 9; Milton, Stroop, passim; Libionka, “Polska konspiracja,” 472.

20 Quotation (Gustawa Jarecka): Kassow, History, 183.

21 Engelking, Warsaw Ghetto, 774; Engelking, Getto warszawskie, 733; Gutman, Resistance, 201.

22 Szapiro, Wojna, passim; also Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 82.

23 Quotations: Zuckerman, Surplus, 357; Szapiro, Wojna, 35.

24 On the flags, see Milton, Stroop. Quotation: Moczarski, Rozmowy, 200.

25 The Edelman testimony is in “Proces Stroopa Tom 1,” SWMW-874, IVk 222/51, now at IPN.

26 Moczarski, Rozmowy, 252, quotation at 253.

27 Engelking, Warsaw Ghetto, 794.

28 Puławski, W obliczu, 412, 420-421, 446. On the pope, see Libionka, “Głową w mur.”

29 Quotation: Engelking, Warsaw Ghetto, 795. On the eleven attempts to help Jews, see Engelking, Getto warszawskie, 745; and Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 79. On the Soviet propaganda, see Redlich, Propaganda, 49.

30 On Wilner, see Sakowska, Ludzie, 326.

31 Quotation: Engelking, Getto warszawskie, 750; Gutman, Resistance, 247; Marrus, “Jewish Resistance,” 98; Friedländer, Extermination, 598.

32 For the numbers cited, see Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 256. On 1 June 1943, see Kopka, Warschau, 39.

33 See Zimmerman, “Attitude,” 120; and Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 119-123.

34 Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 242.

35 Madajczyk, “Generalplan,” 15; Rutherford, Prelude, 218; Aly, Architects, 275; Ahonen, People, 39.

36 On March 1943, see Borodziej, Uprising, 41. On the extermination of Jews as a motive, see Puławski, W obliczu, 442. For the 6,214 instances of partisan resistance, see BA-MA, RH 53-23 (WiG), 66.

37 On 13 October 1943, see Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 286. On the plaster and earth, see Kopka, Warschau, 58-59.

38 Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 331, 348, 376, 378, 385, figure at 427.

39 Kopka, Warschau, 40.

40 Ibid., 46, 53, 75.

41 Quotation: Kopka, Warschau, 69.

42 Kopka, Warschau, 60.

43 On the Bagration connection, see Zaloga, Bagration, 82.

44 The Allies discussed the future Polish border at the Tehran summit of 28 November-1 December 1943; see Ciechanowski, Powstanie, 121.

45 Operatsia “Seim, 5 and passim.

46 On Bielski’s partisan unit, see Libionka, “ZWZ-AK,” 112. For multiple perspectives on Bielski, see Snyder, “Caught Between.”

47 On 22 July 1944, see Borodziej, Uprising, 64.

48 On the exclusion and the arms, see Borodziej, Uprising, 61.

49 The atmosphere is conveyed and the battles described in Davies, Rising ’44. On the fact that no major targets were captured, see Borodziej, Uprising, 75.

50 Engelking, Żydzi, 91 for Zylberberg, and passim; National Armed Forces at 62, 86, 143.

51 On Aronson, see Engelking, Żydzi, 61, National Armed Forces at 62, 86, 143; and Kopka, Warschau, 42, 106, 110, “indifference” quotation at 101.

52 Krannhals, Warschauer Aufstand, 124.

53 Ibid., 124-127.

54 Wroniszewski, Ochota, 567, 568, 627, 628, 632, 654, 694; Dallin, Kaminsky, 79-82. On the Marie Curie Institute, see Hanson, Civilian Population, 90. Quotations: Mierecki, Varshavskoe, 642 (“Mass executions”); Dallin, Kaminsky, 81 (“they raped . . . ”); Mierecki, Varshavskoe, 803 (“robbing . . . ”).

55 Madaczyk, Ludność, 61.

56 On Himmler’s orders, see Sawicki, Zburzenie, 32, 35; and Krannhals, Warschauer Aufstand, 420. On the human shields (and other atrocities), see Stang, “Dirlewanger,” 71; Serwański, Życie, 64; Mierecki, Varshavskoe, 547, 751; and MacLean, Hunters, 182. See also Ingrao, Chasseurs, 180. For estimates of forty thousand civilians murdered, see Hanson, Civilian Population, 90; and Borodziej, Uprising, 81. Ingrao gives the figure of 12,500 shot in one day by the Dirlewanger unit alone; see Chasseurs, 53.

57 On the three hospitals, see Hanson, Civilian Population, 88; and MacLean, Hunters, 182. On the gang rapes and murder, see Ingrao, Chasseurs, 134, 150.

58 On the factory where two thousand people were shot, see Mierecki, Varshavskoe , 547. Quotation: Hanson, Civilian Population, 88.

59 Borodziej, Uprising, 81.

60 Klimaszewski, Verbrennungskommando, 25-26, 53, 69, 70. On the Jewish laborer, see Engelking, Żydzi, 210. See also Białoszewski, Pamiętnik, 28.

61 Quotation: Borodziej, Uprising, 91. See also Ciechanowski, Powstanie, 138, 145, 175, 196, 205.

62 Quotations: Borodziej, Uprising, 94.

63 Quotation: Borodziej, Uprising, 94. See also Davies, Rising ’44.

64 On Himmler, see Borodziej, Uprising, 79, 141; Mierecki, Varshavskoe, 807; Krannhals, Warschauer Aufstand, 329 (and ghetto experience); and Ingrao, Chasseurs, 182.

65 On Bach and the Wehrmacht, see Sawicki, Zburzenie, 284; and Krannhals, Warschauer Aufstand, 330-331. On the last library, see Borodziej, Uprising, 141.

66 Estimates: Ingrao, Les chasseurs (200,000); Borodziej, Uprising, 130 (185,000); Pohl, Verfolgung, 121 (170,000); Krannhals, Warschauer Aufstand, 124 (166,000).

67 On Landau and Ringelblum, see Bartoszewski, Warszawski pierścień, 385. On Ringelblum specifically, see Engelking, Warsaw Ghetto, 671; see also, generally, Kassow, History.

68 Estimates of the numbers of people in hiding are in Paulson, Secret City, 198.

69 Strzelecki, Deportacja, 25, 35-37; Długoborski, “Żydzi,” 147; Löw, Juden, 455, 466, 471, Bradfisch and trains at 472, 476.

70 Kopka, Warschau, 51, 116.

71 Strzelecki, Deportacja, 111.


1 On the importance of German precedents, see Brandes, Weg, 58, 105, 199, and passim; also Ahonen, After the Expulsion, 15-25.

2 On Polish and Czech wartime planning for deportations, generally less radical than what would actually be achieved, see Brandes, Weg, 57, 61, 117, 134, 141, 160, 222, 376, and passim.

3 Quotation: Borodziej, Niemcy, 61. In Polish the distinction is between narodowy and narodowościowy.

4 Mikołajczyk quotation: Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 41; see Naimark, Fires, 124. On Roosevelt, see Brandes, Weg, 258. On Hoover, see Kersten, “Forced,” 78. On Churchill, see Frank, Expelling, 74. On the uprising, see Borodziej, Niemcy, 109.

5 See Brandes, Weg, 267-272.

6 Frank, Expelling, 89.

7 On Hungary, see Ungvary, Schlacht, 411-432; and Naimark, Russians, 70. On Poland, see Curp, Clean Sweep, 51. Yugoslav quotation: Naimark, Russians, 71.

8 On the incidence of rape in the earlier occupation, see Gross, Revolution, 40; and Shumuk, Perezhyte, 17. Worth considering are the reflections of a victim: Anonyma, Eine Frau, 61.

9 Quotation: Salomini, L’Union, 123; also 62, 115-116, 120, 177. The point about conscripts is made inter alia in Vertreibung, 26.

10 Vertreibung, 33. An admirable discussion is Naimark, Russians, 70-74. On Grass, see Beim Häuten, 321.

11 On the burial of the mother, see Vertreibung, 197.

12 On the 520,000 Germans, see Urban, Verlust, 517. On the 40,000 Poles, see Zwolski, “Deportacje,” 49. Gurianov estimates 39,000-48,000; see “Obzor,” 205. Still more Poles seem to have been deported from Soviet Belarus; see Szybieka, Historia, 362. On the Hungarian civilians, see Ungvary, Schlacht, 411-432. On the mines, see Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 71. For the 287,000 people taken as laborers and Camp 517, see Wheatcroft, “Scale,” 1345.

13 For the 185,000 German civilians, see Urban, Verlust, 117. For the 363,000 German prisoners of war, see Overmans, Verluste, 286; Wheatcroft counts 356,687; see “Scale,” 1353. Tens of thousands of Italian, Hungarian, and Romanian soldiers also perished after having surrendered to the Red Army. Regarding the Italians, Schlemmer estimates 60,000 deaths; see Italianer, 74. Regarding the Hungarians, Stark estimates 200,000 (which seems improbably high); see Human Losses, 33. See also Biess, “Vom Opfer,” 365.

14 On the psychological sources of the evacuation problem, see Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 48. Quotation: Hillgruber, Germany, 96. See also Steinberg, “Third Reich,” 648; and Arendt, In der Gegenwart, 26-29.

15 On the Gauleiters and the ships, see Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 52-60.

16 On Jahntz, see Vertreibung, 227. Quotation: Grass, Beim Häuten, 170.

17 Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 135; Jankowiak, “Cleansing,” 88-92. Ahonen estimates 1.25 million returns; see People, 87.

18 Staněk, Odsun, 55-58. See also Naimark, Fires, 115-117; Glassheim, “Mechanics,” 206-207; and Ahonen, People, 81. The Czech-German Joint Commission gives a range of 19,000 to 30,000 fatalities; see Community, 33. Some 160,000 Germans from Czechoslovakia lost their lives fighting in the Wehrmacht. For Grass, see his Beim Häuten, 186.

19 Quotation: Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 136; also Borodziej, Niemcy, 144. On the movement of 1.2 million people, see Jankowiak, Wysiedlenie, 93, also 100. Borodziej estimates 300,000-400,000 (Niemcy, 67); Curp gives the figure 350,000 (Clean Sweep, 53). See also Jankowiak, “Cleansing,” 89-92.

20 On Potsdam, see Brandes, Weg, 404, 458, 470; and Naimark, Fires, 111.

21 Quotation: Naimark, Fires, 109. On Aleksander Zawadzki, the Silesian governor, see Urban, Verlust, 115; and Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 144. On Olsztyn, see Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 158.

22 On Public Security, see Borodziej, Niemcy, 80. Quotation: Stankowski, Obozy, 261.

23 For the 6,488 Germans who died at the Łambinowice camp, see Stankowski, Obozy, 280. Urban (Verlust, 129) estimates that, of the two hundred thousand Germans in Polish camps, sixty thousand died; the latter number seems high in light of the figures for individual camps. Stankowski gives a range of 27,847-60,000; see Obozy, 281. On Gęborski and Cedrowski, see Stankowski, Obozy, 255-256. On the forty prisoners murdered on 4 October 1945, see Borodziej, Niemcy, 87.

24 On the freight trains, see Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 154.

25 On the robberies, see Urban, Verlust, 123; and Borodziej, Niemcy, 109. Nitschke (Wysiedlenie, 161) estimates that 594,000 Germans crossed the border at this time; Ahonen (People, 93) gives the figure 600,000.

26 On the November plan, see Ahonen, People, 93. For the figures cited, see Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 182, 230. Compare Jankowiak, who gives 2,189,286 as a total for 1946 and 1947 (including only those in registered transports); see Wysiedlenie, 501. Death tolls in transports to the British sector are given in Frank, Expelling, 258-259; and Ahonen, People, 141.

27 Regarding the four hundred thousand Germans who died, see the original estimate in Vertreibung, 40-41; the agreement in Nitschke, Wysiedlenie, 231, and Borodziej, Niemcy, 11; the discussion and implicit endorsement in Overmans, “Personelle Verluste,” 52, 59, 60; and the critique of exaggeration in Haar, “Entstehensgeschichte,” 262-270. Ahonen estimates six hundred thousand deaths; see People, 140.

28 See the discussion of the difference between policies of deliberate murder and other forms of mortality in the Introduction and the Conclusion.

29 Simons in Eastern Europe introduces the geoethnic issues well.

30 On the relationship between the war and the communist takeovers generally, see Abrams, “Second World War”; Gross, “Social Consequences”; and Simons, Eastern Europe.

31 Secretary of State James Byrnes and the shifting US position are discussed in Ahonen, After the Expulsion, 26-27. See also Borodziej, Niemcy, 70.

32 Quotation: Brandes, Weg, 437. See also Kersten, “Forced,” 81; Sobór-Świderska, Berman, 202; and Torańska, Oni, 273.

33 See Snyder, Reconstruction.

34 Documentation of the UPA’s plans for and actions toward Poles can be found in TsDAVO 3833/1/86/6a; 3833/1/131/13-14; 3833/1/86/19-20; and 3933/3/1/60. Of related interest are DAR 30/1/16=USHMM RG-31.017M-1; DAR 301/1/5=USHMM RG-31.017M-1; and DAR 30/1/4=USHMM RG-31.017M-1. These OUN-B and UPA wartime declarations coincide with postwar interrogations (see GARF, R-9478/1/398) and recollections of Polish survivors (on the massacre of 12-13 July 1943, for example, see OKAW, II/737, II/1144, II/2099, II/2650, II/953, and II/775) and Jewish survivors (for example, ŻIH 301/2519; and Adini, Dubno: sefer zikaron, 717-718). The fundamental study is now Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka. See also Il’iushyn, OUN-UPA, and Armstrong, Ukrainian Nationalism. I sought to explain this conflict in “Causes,”Reconstruction, “Life and Death,” and Sketches.

35 On the 780,000 Poles shipped to communist Poland, see Slivka, Deportatsiï, 25. On the 483,099 dispatched from communist Poland to Soviet Ukraine, see Cariewskaja, Teczka specjalna, 544. On the one hundred thousand Jews, see Szajnok, Polska a Izrael, 40. For a discussion of Operation Vistula, see Snyder, Reconstruction; and Snyder, “To Resolve.”

36 On the 182,543 Ukrainians deported from Soviet Ukraine to the Gulag, see Weiner, “Nature,” 1137. On the 148,079 Red Army veterans, see Polian, “Violence,” 129. See also, generally, Applebaum, Gulag, 463.

37 For further details regarding the 140,660 people resettled by force, see Snyder, Reconstruction; or Snyder, “To Resolve.”

38 Snyder, Reconstruction; and Snyder, “To Resolve”; Motyka, Ukraińska partyzantka , 535. See also Burds, “Agentura.”

39 Polian, Against Their Will, 166-168. In Operation South some 35,796 people were deported, on the night of 5 July 1949, from territories that the Soviets had annexed from Romania.

40 Polian, Against Their Will, 134.

41 See Polian, Against Their Will, 134-155, for all of the cited figures. See also Naimark, Fires, 96; Lieberman, Terrible Fate, 206-207; and Burleigh, Third Reich, 749.

42 On the eight million people returned to the Soviet Union, see Polian, “Violence,” 127. On the twelve million Ukrainians, Belarusians, and Poles, see Gerlach (Kalkulierte Morde, 1160), who has examined these matters closely and estimates a minimum of three million displacements in Belarus alone.

43 Weiner (“Nature,” 1137) notes that the Soviets reported killing 110,825 people as Ukrainian nationalists between February 1944 and May 1946. The NKVD estimated that 144,705 Chechens, Ingush, Balkars, and Karachai died as a result of deportation or shortly after resettlement (by 1948); see Lieberman, Terrible Fate, 207.

44 Survivors of the famine mention this in their memoirs. See Potichnij, “1946-1947 Famine,” 185.

45 See Mastny, Cold War, 30. On Zhdanov’s heart attack, see Sebag Montefiore, Court, 506.


1 On the murder, see Rubenstein, Pogrom, 1. On Tsanava, see Mavrogordato, “Lowlands,” 527; and Smilovitsky, “Antisemitism,” 207.

2 On the Black Book of Soviet Jewry, see Kostyrchenko, Shadows, 68. On the stars, see Weiner, “Nature,” 1150; and Weiner, Making Sense, 382. On the synagogue used to store grain, see ŻIH/1644. On the ashes from Babi Yar, see Rubenstein, Pogrom, 38. See also, generally, Veidlinger,Yiddish Theater, 277.

3 Rubenstein, Pogrom, 35.

4 On Crimea, see Redlich, War, 267; and Redlich, Propaganda, 57. See also Lustiger, Stalin, 155, 192; Luks, “Brüche,” 28; and Veidlinger, “Soviet Jewry,” 9-10.

5 On the state secret, see Lustiger, Stalin, 108. On the decorations for bravery, see Weiner, “Nature,” 1151; and Lustiger, Stalin, 138.

6 These figures were discussed in earlier chapters and will be again in the Conclusion. Regarding Jewish deaths in the USSR, see Arad, Soviet Union, 521 and 524. Filimoshin (“Ob itogakh,” 124) gives an estimate of 1.8 million civilians deliberately killed under German occupation; to this I would add about a million starved prisoners of war and about four hundred thousand undercounted deaths from the siege of Leningrad. So, with both civilians and prisoners of war included, and very roughly, I would estimate 2.6 million Jews and 3.2 million inhabitants of Soviet Russia killed as civilians or prisoners of war. If prisoners of war are reckoned as military casualties, then the Jewish figure will exceed the Russian one.

7 Franklin D. Roosevelt, Winston Churchill, and Josif Stalin, “Declaration Concerning Atrocities Made at the Moscow Conference,” 30 October 1943. This was part of the Moscow Declaration.

8 On the “sons of the nation,” see Arad, Soviet Union, 539. On Khrushchev, see Salomini, L’Union, 242; and Weiner, Making Sense, 351.

9 Thoughtful introductions to postwar Soviet culture are Kozlov, “Soviet Literary Audiences”; and Kozlov, “Historical Turn.”

10 On the seventy thousand Jews permitted to leave Poland for Israel, see Szajnok, Polska a Izrael, 49. On Koestler, see Kostyrchenko, Shadows, 102.

11 On Rosh Hashanah and the synagogue, see Veidlinger, “Soviet Jewry,” 13-16; and Szajnok, Polska a Izrael, 159. On Zhemchuzhina, see Rubenstein, Pogrom, 46. On Gorbman, see Luks, “Brüche,” 34. On the policy turn generally, see Szajnok, Polska a Izrael, 40, 82, 106, 111-116.

12 On the Pravda article, see Kostyrchenko, Shadows, 152. On the decreased number of Jews in high party positions (thirteen percent to four percent from 1945 to 1952), see Kostyrchenko, Gosudarstvennyi antisemitizm, 352. The Grossman quotation is from Chandler’s translation ofEverything Flows.

13 On the dissolution of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee, see Kostyrchenko, Shadows, 104. For the train quotation, see Der Nister, Family Mashber, 71. For the MGB report, see Kostyrchenko, Gosudarstvennyi antisemitizm, 327.

14 Molotov quotation: Gorlizki, Cold Peace, 76. See also Redlich, War, 149.

15 Redlich, War, 152; Rubenstein, Pogrom, 55-60.

16 On the one hundred thousand Jews from the Soviet Union, see Szajnok, Polska a Izrael, 40.

17 This was true of most of the postwar regimes, including the Czechoslovak, Romanian, and Hungarian.

18 Banac, With Stalin Against Tito, 117-142; Kramer, Konsolidierung, 81-84. See also Gaddis, United States.

19 On Gomułka and Berman, see Sobór-Świderska, Berman, 219, 229, 240; Paczkowski, Trzy twarze, 109; and Torańska, Oni, 295-296.

20 On the exchange between Stalin and Gomułka, see Naimark, “Gomułka and Stalin,” 244. Quotation: Sobór-Świderska, Berman, 258.

21 For the Smolar quotation and generally, see Shore, “Język,” 56.

22 Shore, “Język,” 60. All of that said, there were Polish-Jewish historians who did much valuable research on the Holocaust in the postwar years, some of it indispensable for the present study.

23 This was part of the slogan of one of the more striking propaganda posters, executed by Włodzimierz Zakrzewski.

24 Consulte Torańska, Oni, 241, 248

25 Gniazdowski, “Ustalić liczbę,” 100-104 and passim.

26 On the Soviet ambassador, see Sobór-Świderska, Berman, 202; and Paczkowski, Trzy twarze, 114. For the percentage of high-ranking Ministry of Public Security officers who were Jewish by self-declaration or origin, see Eisler, “1968,” 41.

27 Proces z vedením, 9 and passim; Lukes, “New Evidence,” 171.

28 Torańska, Oni, 322-323.

29 See Shore, “Children.”

30 This explanation of the absence of a communist blood purge in Poland can be found inter alia in Luks, “Brüche,” 47. One Polish communist leader apparently murdered another during the war; this too might have bred caution.

31 Paczkowski, Trzy twarze, 103.

32 The Soviet Union did annex the Kuril Islands.

33 Weinberg, World at Arms, 81.

34 Quotation: Sebag Montefiore, Court, 536.

35 Service, Stalin, 554. On central Asia, see Brown, Rise and Fall, 324.

36 Kramer, “Konsolidierung,” 86-90.

37 The argument about the difference between the 1950s and the 1930s is developed in Zubok, Empire, 77. See also Gorlizki, Cold Peace, 97.

38 On Shcherbakov, see Brandenberger, National Bolshevism, 119 and passim; Kuromiya, “Jews,” 523, 525; and Zubok, Empire, 7.

39 On the Victory Day parade, see Brandenberger, “Last Crime,” 193. On Etinger, see Brent, Plot, 11. See also Lustiger, Stalin, 213. Stalin’s concern with medical terrorism dated back to at least 1930; see Prystaiko, Sprava, 49.

40 On Karpai, see Brent, Plot, 296.

41 Lukes, “New Evidence,” 165.

42 Ibid., 178-180; Lustiger, Stalin, 264.

43 For the quotation and the proportion (eleven out of fourteen defendants of Jewish origin), see Proces z vedením, 44-47, at 47. On the denunciations, see Margolius Kovály, Cruel Star, 139.

44 For Slánský’s confession, see Proces z vedením, 66, 70, 72. For the death penalty and the hangman, see Lukes, “New Evidence,” 160, 185. On Margolius, see Margolius Kovály, Cruel Star, 141.

45 On Poland, see Paczkowski, Trzy twarze, 162.

46 Quotation: Brent, Plot, 250.

47 Kostyrchenko, Shadows, 264; Brent, Plot, 267. On the dance, see Service, Stalin, 580.

48 On Mikhoels as Lear, see Veidlinger, Yiddish Theater.

49 For “every Jew . . . ,” see Rubenstein, Pogrom, 62. For “their nation had been saved . . . ,” see Brown, Rise and Fall, 220.

50 Quotations: Kostyrchenko, Shadows, 290. See also Lustiger, Stalin, 250.

51 On Karpai, see Kostyrchenko, Gosudarstvennyi antisemitizm, 466; and Brent, Plot, 296.

52 On the drafting and redrafting, see Kostyrchenko, Gosudarstvennyi antisemitizm , 470-478. On Grossman, see Brandenberger, “Last Crime,” 196. See also Luks, “Brüche,” 47, The Grossman quotation is from Life and Fate at 398.

53 On Ehrenburg, see Brandenberger, “Last Crime,” 197.

54 For the rumors, see Brandenberger, “Last Crime,” 202. For the number of doctors, see Luks, “Brüche,” 42.

55 Khlevniuk, “Stalin as dictator,” 110, 118. On Stalin’s nonappearance at factories, farms, and government offices after the Second World War, see Service, Stalin, 539.

56 On Stalin’s security chiefs, see Brent, Plot, 258.

57 Stalin ordered beatings on 13 November; see Brent, Plot, 224. On the trial, see Lustiger, Stalin, 250.

58 For details on the “anti-Zionist campaign” of 1968, see Stola, Kampania antysyjonistyczna ; and Paczkowski, Pół wieku.

59 Rozenbaum, “March Events,” 68.

60 On the earlier Soviet practice, see Szajnok, Polska a Izrael, 160.

61 Stola, “Hate Campaign,” 19, 31. On the “fifth column, ” see Rozenbaum, “1968,” 70.

62 Stola, “Hate Campaign,” 20.

63 For the figure of 2,591 people arrested, see Stola, “Hate Campaign,” 17. For the Gdańsk railway station, see Eisler, “1968,” 60.

64 See Judt, Postwar, 422-483; and Simons, Eastern Europe.

65 Brown, Rise and Fall, 396.


1 Compare Moyn, “In the Aftermath.” The interpretations here arise from arguments that are documented in the chapters; the annotation is therefore limited.

2 Perhaps a million people died in the German camps (as opposed to the death facilities and shooting and starvation sites). See Orth, System.

3 Compare Keegan, Face of Battle, 55; and Gerlach and Werth, “State Violence,” 133.

4 Most of the remainder of those who starved were in Kazakhstan. I am counting the deaths in Ukraine as intended, and those in Kazakhstan as foreseeable. Future research might change the estimation of intentionality.

5 This and the below quotation follow Robert Chandler’s 2010 translation of Everything Flows, unpublished as I write. See also Life and Fate at 29.

6 A sustained discussion of the moral economy of land and murder is Kiernan, Blood and Soil.

7 Mao’s China exceeded Hitler’s Germany in the famine of 1958-1960, which killed some thirty million people.

8 For “belligerent complicity,” see Furet, Fascism and Communism, 2. Compare Edele, “States,” 348. Hitler quotation: Lück, “Partisanbekämpfung,” 228.

9 Todorov, Mémoire du mal, 90.

10 Milgram, “Behavior Study,” still repays reading.

11 Kołakowski, Main Currents, 43.

12 On international bystanding, see Power, Problem.

13 Fest, Das Gesicht, 108, 162.

14 As Harold James notes, theories of violent modernization actually fare badly in purely economic terms; see Europe Reborn, 26. Buber-Neumann quotation: Under Two Dictators, 35.

15 The most significant German crime in Soviet Russia was the deliberate starvation of Leningrad, in which about a million people died. The Germans killed a relatively small number of Jews in Soviet Russia, perhaps sixty thousand. They also killed at least a million prisoners of war from Soviet Russia in the Dulags and the Stalags. These people are usually reckoned as military losses in Soviet and Russian estimates; since I am counting them as victims of a deliberate killing policy, I am increasing the estimate of 1.8 million in Filimoshin, “Ob itogakh,” 124. I believe that the Russian estimate for deaths at Leningrad is too low by about four hundred thousand people, so I add that as well. If Boris Sokolov is right, and Soviet military losses were far higher than the conventional estimates, then most of the people in the higher estimates were soldiers. If Ellman and Maksudov are right, and Soviet military losses were in fact lower, then most of these people were civilians: often civilians not under German occupation. See Sokolov, “How to Count,” 451-457; and Ellman, “Soviet Deaths,” 674-680.

16 On the deaths of 516,841 Gulag inmates, see Zemskov, “Smertnost’,” 176. On the four million Soviet citizens in the Gulag (including the special settlements), see Khlevniuk, Gulag, 307.

17 Brandon and Lower estimate 5.5-7 million total losses in Soviet Ukraine during the war; see “Introduction,” 11.

18 For an introduction to the memory culture, see Goujon, “Memorial.”

19 Here as elsewhere in the Conclusion, discussions of numbers are documented in the chapters.

20 Janion, Do Europy. On Berman, see Gniazdowski, “‘Ustalić liczbę.”

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