Notes

Preface

1 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 285. Lampert’s description of Henry’s journey across the Alps has often been criticised for its melodramatic tone, but the descent from the Mont Cenis pass is indeed a steep one, and all the sources are agreed that the winter of 1076–7 was exceptionally bitter.

2 Wipo. Quoted by Morris, p. 19.

3 Quoted by Cowdrey (1998), p. 608.

4 Gregory VII, Register, 3.10a.

5 Ibid., 4.12.

6 For the likelihood that the future Pope had attended Henry’s coronation in 1054, see Cowdrey (1998), pp. 34–5.

7 Tellenbach (1940), p. 1.

8 Otto of Freising, The Two Cities, 6.36.

9 Bonizo of Sutri, p. 238. The reference is to Henry’s original excommunication.

10 Southern, Western Society and the Church in the Middle Ages, p. 34.

11 Quoted by Zimmerman, p. 3.

12 Moore (2000), p. 12.

13 Ironically, the phrase comes from the Bible: Psalm 113. The anecdote is quoted by Leyser (1965), p. 60.

14 Blumenthal, p. 64.

15 The thesis that the decades either side of the Millennium witnessed a unique crisis in the order of Christendom was most brilliantly elucidated by the great French historian Georges Duby. The twin poles of the debate today are represented by two other formidable French scholars: Pierre Bonnassie and Dominique Barthélemy. An excellent though cussedly sceptical survey of the historiography can be found in Crouch (2005).

16 Ferdinand Lot. Quoted by Edmond Pognon (1981), p. 11.

17 Les Fausses Terreurs de l’An Mil, by Sylvain Gouguenheim.

18 Carozzi, p. 45.

19 An argument that derives principally from Richard Landes, Professor of History at Boston University, and doyen of all those scholars who, over the past couple of decades, have argued for the existence of what he himself has termed “The Terribles espoirsof 1000 and the Tacit Fears of 2000” (Landes, Gow and Van Meter, p. 3).

20 From the second vision of the Visionary of St. Vaast. The quotation provides the frontispiece for a seminal essay by the German scholar Johannes Fried, one of the first to argue in convincing detail for the influence of apocalyptic hopes and anxieties upon Christendom at the turn of the first Millennium. Taken from the English translation in Landes, Gow and Van Meter, p. 17.

21 Fulton, p. 72.

22 Glaber, 4.1.

23 Rees, p. 186.

24 Lovelock, p. 189.

25 Ibid., p. 7.

26 Odo of Cluny, col. 585.

1 The Return of the King

1 Matthew 4.9.

2 Daniel 7.19.

3 Matthew 5.9.

4 Matthew 26.52.

5 1 Peter 5.13. The first independent allusion to Peter’s presence in Rome does not date until AD 96.

6 Revelation 17.4–6.

7 Ibid., 20.2.

8 Romans 13.1.

9 2 Thessalonians 2.6.

10 Mark 13.32.

11 Revelation 21.2.

12 Christians were expelled from the army some time around 300, just before the great persecution launched by the Emperor Diocletian in 303. This has raised considerable doubts about the veracity of the story of St. Maurice, since he and his legion are supposed to have been martyred for refusing to take part in this self-same persecution. For a convincing explanation of the legend’s origin, see Woods.

13 Eucherius of Lyon, 9.

14 Lactantius, 44.5.

15 Augustine, City of God, 5.25.

16 Eusebius, Life of Constantine, 3.31.

17 Ibid., In Praise of the Emperor Constantine, 1.

18 “Examples of prayers for the Empire and the Emperor” (c), Folz (1969), p. 176.

19 Revelation 18.19.

20 Ibid., 20.8.

21 Pseudo-Methodius, quoted in Alexander (1985), p. 40.

22 Ibid., p. 50.

23 Avitus of Vienne, p. 75.

24 Augustine, City of God, 4.15.

25 Ibid., 19.17.

26 Revelation 20.1–3.

27 Augustine, City of God, 20.7.

28 Gregory I, Moralium Libri, col. 1011.

29 Ibid., Regulae Pastoralis Liber, col. 14.

30 The bishop was Pope Gregory I, “the Great”: Homiliarum in Evangelia, col. 1213.

31 Augustine, On Order, 2.1.2.

32 The etymology was originally St. Jerome’s. Scholars nowadays hold it to be inaccurate.

33 Michael Psellus, p. 177.

34 Pre-eminently by Justinian.

35 This was a very ancient tradition, dating back at least to the early third century, and maybe earlier.

36 Not until the reign of Gregory VII, however, did this become an official prescription.

37 A letter of Pope Gregory II. Quoted by Ullman (1969), p. 47.

38 Lex Salica, pp. 6–8.

39 1 Peter 2.9. Pope Paul I, in 757, quoted the verse in a letter to Pepin. See Barbero, p. 16.

40 Donation of Constantine, p. 326.

41 Ibid., p. 328.

42 Aethicus Ister, Cosmographia. Quoted by Brown, p. 413.

43 2 Samuel 5.20.

44 Alcuin, Letter 9. Ironically, the comment was made in the context of the first Viking raid on Northumbria.

45 Charlemagne, 2.138.

46 Angilbertus, line 504.

47 Einhard, 28.

48 For the calculations that enabled this to be adduced, see Landes (1988) – a brilliant, though controversial, piece of scholarly detective work. See also Fried, p. 27.

49 Alcuin, Letter 43.

50 Futolf of Michelsberg. Quoted by Goetz, p. 154.

51 “Poeta Saxo,” p. 70.

52 Regino of Prüm, p. 129.

53 From the protocols of an imperial synod at Trosly, 909. Quoted by Bloch (1989), vol. 1, p. 3.

54 Otto of Freising, p. 66.

55 “A Letter on the Hungarians.” Cited by Huygens, p. 232.

56 Ibid.

57 Ibid. The phrase is a quotation from Gregory the Great.

58 Cited by Fried, p. 31.

59 Abbo of Fleury, col. 471 A.

60 Ibid.

61 Heliand, pp. 119–20.

62 Adso of Montier-en-Der, p. 90.

63 Ibid.

64 Ibid.

2 The Old Order Changeth…

1 Thietmar, 6.23.

2 Or rather not strictly speaking a capital, but what in Latin was termed a “civitas”: an untranslatable word. It was so described by Otto I, in his diploma of 937.

3 Widukind, 1.36.

4 Thietmar, 6.23.

5 Alcuin, Letter 113.

6 Widukind, 1.15.

7 Liudprand, History of Otto, 2.20.

8 Widukind, 1.41.

9 Liudprand, Antapodosis, 4.25.

10 Widukind, 2.1.

11 Ibid., 2.36.

12 Ruodlieb, fragment 3.

13 Heliand, chapter 58, lines 4865–900. The poem almost certainly dates from the reign of Charlemagne’s son, Louis I. The lines quoted echo Matthew 26.53.

14 Widukind, 3.46.

15 Ibid., 3.49.

16 Otto I, p. 503.

17 Thietmar, 2.17.

18 Ibid., 7.16.

19 Ibid., 2.17.

20 Widukind, 3.75.

21 Leo the Deacon, 1.1. The apocalyptic tone of Byzantine writers of the late tenth century is all the more striking for the fact that Constantinople had not adopted the anno Domini dating system.

22 See Mango, p. 211.

23 Leo the Deacon, 2.8.

24 See Paul Magdalino, “The Year 1000 in Byzantium,” in Magdalino (2003), p. 244.

25 By the admittedly venomous and resentful Liudprand of Cremona. The Mission to Constantinople, 3.

26 John Skylitzes, p. 271.

27 Thietmar, 4.10.

28 Albert of Metz, p. 698.

29 Liudprand, Antapodosis, 1.3.

30 Liudprand, The Mission to Constantinople, 10.

31 Matthew 24.11.

32 The originator of the phrase was St. John of Damascus, in his book On the Heretics – although, as Sahas points out, he applied it to “the religion of the Ishmaelities,” rather than to Mohammed himself (footnote 7, p. 69).

33 The number of military expeditions in which Mohammed took part is set by an early Muslim historian, Ibn Ishaq, at twenty-seven; he is supposed to have fought personally in nine of these. For the execution of seven hundred prisoners of war in the market place of Medina, see Armstrong, p. 207. The most celebrated opponent of Mohammed to be assassinated on the Prophet’s orders was Ka’b ibn al-Ashraf, a poet overly given to writing erotic verses about Muslim women.

34 From a Greek polemic, probably written around 640. Quoted by Crone and Cook, pp. 3–4.

35 An opinion expressed in the unlikely context of a military treatise, written in the sixth century by a Byzantine combat engineer. Quoted by Dennis (1985), p. 21.

36 Qur’an 9.29.

37 Leo VI, Tactics, 18.24.

38 Ibid., 2.45.

39 Thietmar, 3.20.

40 Ibid., 3.23.

41 Ibid., 3.21.

42 The phrases come from a verse epitaph inscribed on the tomb of Basil II (reigned 976–1025), aptly nicknamed the “Bulgar-slayer.”

43 Quoted in Bonner (2004), p. xxi.

44 Ibn Hawqal, The Face of the Earth. Quoted in Whittow, p. 328.

45 John VIII. Quoted in McCormick (2001), p. 736.

46 Bernard the Monk, Itinera Hierosolymitana, pp. 310–11.

47 Erchempert, 17.

48 Qur’an 7.4.

49 Ibid., 8.1.

50 Ibid., 8.41.

51 Umar, who ruled as the second Caliph. Quoted by Brague, p. 35.

52 Qur’an 9.29.

53 John of St. Arnoul, 136.

54 Ibid., 132.

55 Ibid., 133.

56 Hrotsvit of Gandersheim, line 12. The phrase is all the more suggestive for coming, not from a Muslim source, but from a poem written by a Saxon nun. The phrase refers specifically to the city of Córdoba, and it is widely accepted that Hrotsvit may have obtained her information from a member of John’s embassy to the Caliph.

57 See Bulliet, pp. 38–51.

58 Ibn Hawqal, The Face of the Earth. Quoted in Fierro, p. 16.

59 The words date from the thirteenth century, but the sentiment was timeless. Ibn Idhari. Quoted by Kennedy, p. 22.

60 Liudprand, Antapodosis, 6.6.

61 Quoted in Karsh, p. 63.

62 A celebrated hadith, narrated by Al-Bayhaqi.

63 Gibbon, vol. 3, p. 348. All the figures relating to the caliphal library at Córdoba are exaggerations.

64 Widukind, 3.56.

65 Richer, 3.55.

66 Ibid., 3.52.

67 Thietmar, 3.18.

68 Gerbert, Letter 23.

69 Ibid., Letter 51.

70 Thietmar, 4.10.

71 Or perhaps the autumn. See Althoff, p. 52.

72 Gerbert, Acta Concilii Remensis ad Sanctum Basolum, p. 676 MGH SS, 3.676.

73 “A Song for SS. Peter and Paul’s Day,” Primer of Medieval Latin, p. 340.

74 John Canaparius, 21.

75 Arnold of Regensburg, 2.34.

76 Paulinus of Aquileia, 5.7. In sober point of historical fact, there is no firm evidence that Christians were ever martyred in the Colosseum.

77 Arnold of Regensburg, 2.34.

78 Annales Quedlinburgenses, p. 73.

79 Ex Miraculis Sancti Alexii, p. 620.

80 Thietmar, 4.48.

81 John Canaparius, 23.

82 Bruno of Querfort, Passio Sancti Adalberti, 23.

83Deus Teutonicus.” See Jones and Pennick, p. 170.

84 The chronology of this is generally accepted, but not universally. See, e.g., The Letters of Gerbert, p. 285.

85 Gerbert, Letter 221.

86 Ibid., Letter 230.

87 Ibid., Letter 232.

88 Ibid., Letter 231.

89 Annales Hildesheimenses, 3, Preface.

90 Leo of Synada, p. 20.

91 Annales Quedlinburgenses, p. 74.

92 John the Deacon, p. 31.

93 Vita Sancti Nili, p. 617.

94 From the “Graphia Aureae Urbis Romae,” a guidebook to the wonders of Rome written in the twelfth century, but drawing on descriptions written around the Millennium. Quoted in Schramm 2 (1929), p. 76.

95 One source (the Gesta Episcoporum Cameracensium) describes Otto’s palace as being built on the Aventine Hill, opposite the Palatine: a mistranscription that has resulted in much confusion. For a good analysis of the controversy, and a definitive resolution, see Augenti, pp. 74–5.

96 Leo of Vercelli, verse 8. Baghdad is titled “Babylon.”

97 Ibid., verse 10.

98 Gallus Anonymus, p. 37.

99 Chronicon Novaliciense, 106.

100 Revelation 19.14.

101 Thietmar, 4.47.

102 Adam of Bremen, 2.40.

103 Thietmar, 4.48.

104 Thangmar, p. 770.

105 Peter Damian, Vita Romualdi, pp. 45–6.

106 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 1, p. 199. The Gospel verse cited is Matthew 24.27.

107 Bruno of Querfort, Vita Quinque Fratrum, 7.

108 Ibid. The Latin word is “honore”: literally, the “badge” or “attribute” of royalty.

109 Ibid.

110 Adémar, 3.31.

111 Quoted by Fried, p. 39.

112 Rhythmus de Obitu Ottonis III. Quoted by Gregorovius, p. 496.

113 Bruno of Querfort, Vita Quinque Fratrum, 7.

3 …Yielding Place to New

1 Adso of Montier-en-Der, p. 96. The last phrase is from 2 Thessalonians 2.8.

2 Flodoard, p. 138

3 From a twelfth-century chronicler of Laon. Quoted by Poly, p. 292

4 Flodoard, p. 101

5 Chronicon Mosomense, 1.7

6 Fulbert of Chartres, Letter 47

7 Glaber, 2.8

8 Byrhtferth, pp. 132–3

9 Andrew of Fleury, Vie de Gauzlin, Abbé de Fleury, 68a.

10 Abbot of Fleury, col. 472 C.

11 Matthew 24.7–8. The verses were echoed in the letter of Gauzlin, Abbot of Fleury, to King Robert (Andrew of Fleury, Vie de Gauzlin, 68b).

12 Adémar, 205

13 Louis IV, 1, 4

14 Dudo, p. 81

15 Gesta Consulum Andegavorum, 47

16 Glaber, 2.4

17 Gesta Consulum Andegavorum, 45–6

18 Archives d’Anjou, vol. 1, p. 60

19 Cartulaire du Ronceray, no. 4

20 From a letter Fulk wrote to the local archbishop. Quoted by Bachrach (1985), p. 245

21 Glaber, 2.7

22 Documents pour l’Histoire de l’Église de Saint-Hilaire de Poitiers, p. 74

23 Bachrach (1985), p. 252

24 In Latin, “fidelissimus.” Quoted by Guillot, p. 16

25 Liber Miraculorum Sancte Fidis, 1.33

26 Matthew 24.12

27 Richer, 4.37

28 Adalbero of Laon, line 37

29 Glaber, 4.12

30 Ibid., 2.17

31 Aelfric, 19–20. The writer was English, but the horrors of an early start can be reckoned universal.

32 Hariulf, 4.21

33 Vita et Miracula Sancti Leonardi, 3

34 Sigehard, 2

35 Glaber, 2.10–12

36 Odo of Cluny, col. 562. Odo was citing – or believed that he was citing – St. Jerome.

37 From an oath imposed on knights at Beauvais in 1023. Reproduced in Head and Landes, pp. 332–3

38 Quoted by Iogna-Prat (2002), p. 37

39 Andrew of Fleury, Vie de Gauzlin, 44a.

40 Matthew 25.35–6

41 John of Salerno, Life of St. Odo, 2.4

42 Revelation 21.2

43 John of Salerno, Life of St. Gerald of Aurillac, 2.8

44 The Rule of St. Benedict, “Of Humility” (chapter 7).

45 Peter the Venerable, 1.12

46 Glaber, 5.13

47 Liber Tramitis Aevi Odilonis Abbatis, p. 4.

48 Quoted by Constable (2000), p. 415. The phrase comes from the confirmation of Cluny’s privileges issued in 931 by the Pope.

49 Odo of Cluny, col. 585

50 John of Salerno, Life of St. Gerald of Aurillac, 1.8

51 Ibid., 2.17

52 Glaber, 4.14

53 Letaldus of Micy, Delatio Corporis Sancti Juniani ad Synodem Karoffensem. Reproduced in Head and Landes, p. 328

54 Glaber, 4.16

55 Liber Miraculorum Sancte Fidis, 2.4

56 Ibid., 1.13

57 Glaber, 4.16

58 From an anathema pronounced against the murderers of an archbishop of Reims in 900. See Fichtenau, p. 396

59 Fulbert of Chartres, “The Joy of Peace,” in Letters and Poems, p. 263

60 The council has also variously been dated to 1018, 1019 or 1021

61 Odo of Cluny, col. 581

62 Revelation 14.3–4. The monk was Aldebald of St. Germain d’Auxerre.

63 Adalbero of Laon, line 156

64 Ibid., lines 295–6.

4 Go West

1 Henry II, p. 424

2 Ibid., p. 170

3 Wulfstan, Lectio Sancti Evangelii Secundum Matheum 2 .

4 Adam of Bremen, 4.26

5 Thietmar, 8.2

6 Geoffrey of Malaterra, 1.1

7 Jordanes, 4

8 Adam of Bremen, 4.26

9 Snorri Sturluson, King Harald’s Saga, p. 67

10 Dudo, p. 15

11 Egil’s Saga, Page, p. 70

12 Ibid.

13 The Raven’s Tale, Page, p. 107

14 The Lay of Helgi, Killer of Hunding, Page, p. 130

15 Cartulaire de l’Abbaye de Saint-Aubin d’Angers, no. 21

16 Hávamál, Page, p. 141

17 The narrative given here depends upon sources that are either fragmentary or late. Nevertheless, it is broadly accepted. For the best account, see Crouch (2002), pp. 2–8.

18 Adémar, 140

19 Dudo, p. 149

20 Ibid., p. 29

21 Inventio et Miracula Sancti Vulfranni, 7

22 Dudo, p. 150

23 Plaintsong of William Longsword, in Van Houts, p. 41

24 Dudo, p. 8

25 Warner of Rouen, 40–1

26 It is possible, of course, that there were older charters that used the title but have not survived. Some historians have argued that it was applied to Richard I during the last years of his reign.

27 Richer, 1.156

28 Blickling Homilies, p. 76

29 The author himself makes an allusion to the date within the text of his homily – a level of precision that is unusual, and surely suggestive.

30 Blickling Homilies, p. 82

31 In truth, the descent of the House of Wessex from Cerdic may not have been quite as unbroken as its propagandists liked to claim – but it was almost universally accepted, nevertheless.

32 History of the Ancient Northumbrians. Quoted by Wood (1981), p. 184

33 The site of the battle, “Brunanburh,” remains unknown. For a typically stirring account of the attempt to solve the mystery, see “Tinsley Wood” in Wood (1999).

34 The Annals of Ulster, entry for 939.6

35 See Loomis (1950) for a fascinating piece of historical detective work, tracing how a “holy spear” might indeed have passed from Charlemagne, via Duke Hugh, into the care of Athelstan.

36 Or given secret burial in a commoner’s house, or even, according to one account, burned. If the latter, then the body venerated as Edward’s could not, of course, have been his.

37 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle(Peterborough Manuscript), entry for 979

38 Ibid. (Abingdon Manuscript).

39 Blickling Homilies, p. 64

40 Campbell (2000), p. 173

41 Warner of Rouen, 75–7

42 Wulfstan, The Sermon of the Wolf to the English.

43 Aelfric’s Catholic Homilies, p. 37

44 William of Malmesbury, 2.2

45 Adam of Bremen, 2.40

46 Ibid., 2.57. For the hirsute character of women in the furthest reaches of Scandinavia, see 4.32

47 That Trygvasson led the Viking army at Maldon is something more than inference, something less than a certainty. To maintain it, as the leading authority on the battle has put it, is “to give oneself the benefit of the doubt, but such leaps are the stuff of Anglo-Saxon history” (Scragg, p. 90).

48 Battle of Maldon, p. 294

49 Although our earliest source for the epithet is posthumous, it seems probable that it originated during Ethelred’s lifetime.

50 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, entry for 1002

51 Matthew 13.37–40

52 Renewal by King Ethelred for the monastery of St. Frideswide, Oxford: EHD, document 127

53 Quoted by Wulfstan, Lectio Sancti Evangelii Secundum Matheum.

54 Blickling Homilies, p. 145

55 Adam of Bremen, p. 229

56 Hávamál, Page, p. 142

57 Adam of Bremen, 4.39

58 Ari Thorgilsson, p. 66

59 Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla. King Olaf Trygvasson’s Saga, 37

60 Forkbeard’s presence at Maldon, like that of Trygvasson, has to be inferred. See the essay by Niels Lund, “The Danish Perspective,” in Scragg (pp. 137–8).

61 Saxo Grammaticus, 10.8.4

62 Thietmar, 7.36

63 Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla. King Olaf Trygvasson’s Saga, 121

64 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, entry for 1014

65 Ottar the Black, p. 308

66 Encomium Emmae Reginae, 2.4

67 Wulfstan, The Sermon of the Wolf to the English.

68 Völuspá, Page, p. 209

69 For the argument that Völuspá was inspired by Wulfstan, see Joseph Harris, p. 94

70 Völuspá, Page, p. 210

71 EHD, p. 424

72 Ibid., pp. 416–18.

5 Apocalypse Postponed

1 2 Thessalonians 2.4

2 City of God, 20.19

3 Encomium Emmae, 2.21

4 Glaber, 3.13

5 Matthew 24.2

6 Glaber, 21.3

7 “What we should like most of all to know,” as the great historian of medieval Spain, Richard Fletcher, put it, “is why the bishop was convinced that the relics discovered were those of St. James” (Fletcher 1984, p. 59). One legend claims that he was led to the plain where the body lay buried by a mysterious star; but this is a late tradition, and reflects a heroic attempt to derive the shrine’s name of Santiago de la Compostella from the Latin phrase “campus stellae,” or “plain of the star.” In fact, most scholars now agree that the word “compostella” derives from a diminutive of “compostum,” or “burial place.”

8 The words of Gottschalk, Bishop of Le Puy in the Auvergne, who travelled to Santiago in 951, the first pilgrim to do so that we know of by name.

9 Such, at any rate, was the standard fate of Christian captives brought to Córdoba. See Fierro, p. 107

10 Qur’an 8.12

11 Abd Allah b. Buluggin al-Ziri al-Sanhaji, p. 44

12 Al-Nuwayri. Quoted by Scales, p. 65

13 Qur’an 2.191. “Tumult and oppression” is the translation of the notoriously untranslatable word “fitna,” which can mean chastisement, faction fighting, schism or civil war – and at its most extreme the period of total anarchy that will precede the end of days. The word was used by Muslim historians to describe the fall of the Caliphate of Córdoba, and its aftermath.

14 Ibn Hazm, chapter 23

15 Ibid., chapter 26

16 Ibid., chapter 23

17 From the hadiths collected by Ibn Maja, 2.4086

18 From the hadiths collected by Abu Dawud, 2.421

19 Muqaddasi. Quoted by Peters, p. 237

20 Ibid.

21 The testimony of a Muslim, Ibn al-Athr. Quoted by Canard, p. 18

22 Matthew 12.40

23 Or possibly early 1008: the dating depends on the evidence of a Muslim historian, Ibn al-Qalanisi.

24 Adémar, 3.47. The description derived from the eyewitness account of the Bishop of Périgueux, who had been in Jerusalem at the time, and subsequently related what he had seen to Adémar.

25 Again, on the evidence of Ibn al-Qalanisi. See Assad, p. 107

26 Adémar, 3.46

27 Ibid., 3.35

28 Ibid., 3.46

29 Ibid., 3.47

30 For a definitive statement, see Moore (1987), p. 89

31 For a powerful statement of this argument, see Landes (1996).

32 Quoted by Landes (1995), p. 41

33 Glaber, 3.24

34 The testimony of a Persian traveller, Nasir-i-Khusrau, who visited the church in 1047. Biddle (p. 79) quotes it as evidence that the restoration project must have been begun long before the traditional date of 1048, which derives from the much later chronicle of William of Tyre. As Biddle also points out (p. 81), the speed with which the church was rebuilt offers the likeliest explanation for the silence of Western writers about the destruction of 1009 in the decades that preceded the First Crusade. “The event of 1009 was not mentioned, not because it had passed out of memory, nor because men did not care, but rather because architectural history was not relevant.”

35 Quoted by Landes (1995), p. 45. For a brilliant explication of how and why Adémar sought to obscure the apocalyptic tenor of his times, see ibid., pp. 144–53 and 287–308. Anyone who writes on Adémar must be for ever in Landes’s debt.

36 Glaber, 2.22

37 The precise date of Vilgard’s heresy is unknown.

38 Adémar, 3.143

39 Andrew of Fleury, Miraculi Sancti Benedicti, p. 248

40 The degree to which mass heresy existed, or was a nightmare conjured up by its chroniclers, is intensely controversial. For the view that it was a reflection of faction battles among a clerical elite, see Moore’s essay (2000). For a strongly stated – and, in my opinion, thoroughly convincing – counter-view, see Landes (1995), pp. 37–40

41 It is true that one heretic, a theologian by the name of Priscillian, had been executed back in 383 – but even then on an official charge of sorcery. One intriguing theory holds that it was his tomb which subsequently came to be venerated at Santiago. See Fletcher (1984), p. 59

42 Adémar, 3.138

43 From a letter by a monk named Heribert. Quoted by Lobrichon (1992), p. 85

44 Adémar, 3.138

45 Wazo of Liège, p. 228

46 Landulf Senior, p. 65

47 Adam of Bremen, 4.8

48 John of Salerno, Life of Odo, 2.3

49 Wazo of Liège, p. 228

50 From “The Miracles that Happened at Fécamp”: van Houts, p. 78

51 Liber Miraculorum Sancte Fidis, 2.12

52 Glaber, 3.19

53 Quoted by Landes (1995), p. 177. See also Landes (1991).

54 For the full extraordinary story of Adémar’s forgeries, see ibid.

55 Glaber, 4.1

56 Ibid., 4.21

57 Ibid., 4.18

58 Arnold of Regensburg, p. 563.

59 Glaber, 4.18

60 Quoted by Landes (1995), p. 322

61 Glaber, 4.14

62 Ibid., 4.17

63 Arnold of Regensburg, p. 547

64 Ibid.

65 Wipo, p. 40

66 Wido of Osnabrück, p. 467

67 From the anathema against the Eastern Church delivered by Cardinal Humbert. Ironically, he appears to have regarded the practice of depicting Christ dead upon the Cross as a peculiarly Greek one.

68 Arnulf of Milan, 3.4

69 Hildebrand’s precise origins are controversial. The claims that are repeated here – that they were humble – were so widespread as to seem to me irrefutable; but some scholars have argued that Hildebrand was in fact Gregory VI’s nephew, either by marriage or by blood. If the latter, then the foremost steward of the Catholic Church in the eleventh century was the grandson of a Jew. The biographies of Cowdrey (pp. 27–8) and Morghen (pp. 10–11) represent the opposite poles of opinion on this. That Hildebrand became a monk while still a boy is, again, the expression of a consensus rather than a certainty.

70 Acts of the Apostles 8.23

71 Peter Damian, Vita Romualdi, p. 33

72 Desiderius of Monte Cassino, p. 1143

73 Life of Pope Leo IX, 1.2

74 Ibid., 1.15

75 Ibid., 2.3

76 Hildebert, col. 865

77 John of Fécamp, col. 797

78 From the notorious letter written by Humbert to the Patriarch of Constantinople, and published under Leo’s name: PL 143, col. 752

79 Humbert, De Sancta Romana Ecclesia. Quoted by Schramm 2 (1929), p. 128

80 Otto of Freising, The Two Cities, 6.33

81 Desiderius of Monte Cassino, 1.2

82 Amatus of Monte Cassino, 3.7

83 Ibid., 3.16

84 Blickling Homilies, p. 137

85 Liudprand, The Mission to Constantinople, 3.34

86 Revelation 12.9. The prophecy that Michael would kill the Antichrist dates back to the late fourth century.

87 Hermann of Reichenau, p. 132

88 William of Apulia, 2.240–1

89 Michael Psellus, p. 116.

90 Ibid., p. 269

91 Orderic Vitalis, 5.27.

6 1066 and All That

1 Miracula S. Wulframni. Quoted by Haskins, p. 259

2 According to the tradition preserved by William of Apulia, at any rate. Amatus of Monte Cassino tells a different story, but in his account too, the first Normans recruited as mercenaries in southern Italy are described as originally having been pilgrims.

3 Amatus of Monte Cassino, 1.2

4 Dudo, 269. He is referring to Richard I.

5 The theory is Bachrach’s. See Fulk Nerra, pp. 228–9

6 Not, as is conventionally alleged, a tanner. See Van Houts (1986).

7 See Searle (1986).

8 Glaber, 4.22

9 Adam of Bremen, 4.21

10 William of Poitiers, 1.44

11 William of Jumièges, vol. 2, p. 92

12 Encomium Emmae Reginae, 2.16

13 Geoffrey of Malaterra, 1.3

14 Orderic Vitalis, 4.82

15 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle (Abingdon Manuscript), entry for 1042

16 William of Poitiers, 1.7

17 Ibid., 1.48

18 Snorri Sturluson, The Ynglinga Saga, 1

19 From an epitaph inscribed on a rune stone, memorialising adventurers who had travelled to “Serkland.” Quoted by Page, p. 89

20 The derivation of the name is widely, but not universally, accepted. The socalled “Normanist controversy” – the question of whether the Rus were predominantly Scandinavian or Slavic – has been a point of issue between Western and Russian scholars for two hundred years. See Franklin and Shepherd, pp. 28 passim, for a concise overview.

21 Constantine VII Porphyrogenitos, p. 94

22 Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla. The Saga of Olaf Haraldsson, chapter 238

23 Ibid., chapter 199

24 Snorri Sturluson, King Harald’s Saga, chapter 2

25 Ibid.

26 Russian Primary Chronicle, p. 111

27 Michael Psellus, p. 33

28 Snorri Sturluson, King Harald’s Saga, chapter 5

29 Ibid., chapter 12. One plausible suggestion is that Harald’s undoubted presence in Jerusalem related to the restoration of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre. See Ellis Davidson, p. 219

30 Snorri Sturluson, King Harald’s Saga, chapter 16

31 Ibid., chapter 17

32 Laxdaela Saga, chapter 77. The description of the hero’s return from service with “the King of Miklagard” would surely have served for Harald’s as well.

33 Adam of Bremen, 2.61

34 From a Mass for St. Olaf found in an English missal, dated to 1061. See Iversen, p. 405

35 Snorri Sturluson, King Harald’s Saga, chapter 17

36 Ibid., chapter 1

37 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle(Worcester Manuscript), entry for 1051

38 Life of King Edward who Rests at Westminster, pp. 58–9

39 Although, according to Orderic Vitalis, it was Tostig himself who arrived in Norway to make the proposal.

40 Such, at any rate, is what appears to be implied by the scene that appears below the illustration of Halley’s Comet in the Bayeux Tapestry.

41 Snorri Sturluson, King Harald’s Saga, chapter 22

42 Encomium Emmae Reginae, 2.9

43 Adam of Bremen, 3.17

44 Snorri Sturluson, King Harald’s Saga, chapter 87

45 Henry of Huntingdon, 2.27. The story was also interpolated into a version of The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, and may conceivably be authentic, for it is evident that the English were indeed briefly held up at the bridge. I include the story as a tribute to my first history teacher, Major Morris, whose blackboard drawing of the Viking being skewered through his privates first served to awaken me to the joys of medieval history.

46 Snorri Sturluson, King Harald’s Saga, chapter 91

47 Life of King Edward who Rests at Westminster, p. 53

48 Battle of Maldon, p. 294

49 Regino of Prüm, p. xx.

50 Widukind of Corvey, 2.1

51 The Life of King Edward, the Bayeux Tapestry, and even William of Poitiers, a gungho Norman, all imply that Harold had been nominated by the dying Edward.

52 William of Poitiers, 1.41

53 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle(Worcester manuscript), entry for 1066

54 Life of King Edward who Rests at Westminster, p. 51

55 William of Poitiers, 1.38

56 Life of King Edward who Rests at Westminster, p. 81

57 William of Poitiers, 1.48

58 Orderic Vitalis, vol. 2, p. 143

59 Peter Damian. Quoted by Cowdrey (1998), p. 42.

60 Gregory VII, Register, 7.23

61 William of Poitiers, 2.7

62 Ibid., 2.9

63 Ibid., 2.15

64 Carmen de Hastingae Proelio, p. 46

65 This seems to me the likeliest interpretation of Harold’s tactics, but it is not the only one. It is possible, of course, that he had always intended to fight a defensive battle – or indeed to blockade William inside Hastings, and not fight a battle at all. For an eclectic range of opinions, see Morillo. For a scythingly sceptical analysis of how little we know about the precise details of the battle, see Lawson (2007).

66 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, entry for 1003

67 Carmen de Hastingae Proelio, p. 46

68 Though no source specifically names them as being present at Hastings, the description of them in contemporary accounts of the battle leaves little room for doubt.

69 William of Poitiers, 2.21

70 Carmen de Hastingae Proelio, p. 49

71 That Harold was struck in the eye by an arrow is one of the most celebrated details of English history – but its fame derives principally from the Bayeux Tapestry, a hugely problematic piece of evidence. Other sources, however, some of them near contemporary, do lend credence to the tradition. See Lawson (2007), pp. 226–33

72 William of Poitiers, 2.25

73 Thorkill Skallasson. Quoted by Van Houts (1995), p. 836

74 Milo Crispin, 13.33

75 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle(Worcester manuscript), entry for 1066

76 Orderic Vitalis, 2.232

77 Hugh of Cluny, p. 143

78 William of Poitiers, 2.42.

7 An Inconvenient Truth

1 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 80

2 Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 360

3 Rudolf’s kinship to Henry is probable but not absolutely certain. See Hlawitschka.

4 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 92

5 Ibid., p. 81

6 Cited in Struve (1984), p. 424

7 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 4, p. 151

8 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 27

9 Ibid., p. 80.

10 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 371

11 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 283

12 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 130

13 Ibid., p. 165

14 Literally “Loricatus”: a man armed with a breastplate.

15 Peter Damian, Vita Dominici Loricati, col. 1024. This is the first known record of the phenomenon.

16 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 4, p. 61

17 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 100

18 Rather of Verona, 2.3

19 Bonizo of Sutri, p. 203

20 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 4, pp. 276–7

21 Bishop Otto of Bamberg, writing at the start of the twelfth century: testimony to the enduring presumption that the world was about to end. Cited by Morris, p. 37

22 Adémar, 3.138

23 Odo of Cluny, col. 570

24 Revelation 14.5. The virgins are the same as the 144,000 harpists whom a scholar at Auxerre had independently identified with the monks of Cluny.

25 Arnulf of Milan, 3.9

26 The question of whether an unworthy priest invalidated the miracle of the Mass was an ancient one, and orthodoxy – originally articulated, inevitably, by St. Augustine – argued that it did not. Peter Damian, in his public pronouncements, at any rate, went along with this. For a convincing argument that he may have had private doubts, however, see Elliott.

27 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 2, p. 319

28 Arnulf of Milan, 3.15

29 Landulf Senior, 3.29

30 Bonizo of Sutri, p. 216

31 Gregory VII, Register, 1.85

32 From the only surviving letter written by Henry III to Abbot Hugh: PL 159, 932

33 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 120

34 Bonizo of Sutri, p. 220

35 Peter Damian, Letters, vol. 3, p. 107

36 Jeremiah 1.10

37 Gregory VII, Register, 9.35

38 Ibid., 2.75

39 Ibid., 2.55a. From the so-called “Dictatus Papae,” “Dictation of the Pope.”

40 Abbot Walo of Metz. Quoted by Cowdrey (1998), p. 92

41 Gregory VII, Register, 1.49

42 Ibid., 2.37

43 Matthew of Edessa. Quoted by Vryonis, p. 81.

44 Michael Psellus, p. 98

45 Specifically, it was a boast of Danishmend Ghazi, a celebrated warlord who in the wake of Manzikert hacked out a princedom in the north-east of what is now Turkey. See Vryonis, p. 195

46 Matthew of Edessa. Quoted by Vryonis, p. 170

47 Gregory VII, Register, 1.22

48 Ibid., 1.23

49 Ibid., 2.31

50 Geoffrey of Malaterra, 1.9

51 Amatus of Monte Cassino, 2.8

52 Guiscard’s oath is reproduced in full in Loud, pp. 188–9

53 William of Apulia, p. 178

54 Ibid., p. 174

55 Geoffrey of Malaterra, 2.33. Even though Malaterra was writing after the First Crusade, and so may have been influenced by the ethos that surrounded it, historians generally accept that there was a strong religious dimension to how the Normans – and the papacy – viewed the conquest of Sicily. For a dissenting view, see Lopez.

56 Gregory VII, Register, 1.49

57 Ibid., 2.31

58 In fact, a supernova.

59 Vita Altmanni Episcopi Pataviensis, p. 230. The “vulgar opinion” was prompted by the fact that in 1065 the anniversaries of Christ’s conception, the Annunciation, and his death, Good Friday, coincided. The same thing happened in only one other year in the eleventh century: 1076, the same year that Gregory was hoping to arrive in Jerusalem.

60 Gregory VII, Register, 2.31

61 Ibid., 1.77. The “Apostle” is St. Paul: 1 Corinthians 4.3

62 Bruno of Merseburg, 16

63 Lampert of Hersfeld, p. 156

64 Ibid., p. 150

65 Ibid., p. 174

66 Gregory VII, Register, 1.25

67 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 5

68 Ibid.

69 From the fateful letter sent by the imperial bishops to Gregory from Worms: Quellen zur Geschichte Kaiser Heinrich IV, p. 474

70 Quoted by Cowdrey (1998), p. 117

71 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 11

72 Arnulf of Milan, 4.7

73 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 14

74 Henry IV, 12. From a longer version of the letter originally sent to Gregory, and disseminated for propaganda purposes.

75 Gregory VII, Register, 3.10a.

76 Lampert, p. 257

77 Ibid., p. 53

78 Henry IV, 14

79 Lampert, p. 285

80 Bruno of Merseburg, 74

81 Gregory VII, Register, 8.3

82 Ibid., 6.17

83 Ibid., 1.62

84 Gregory would later claim that he had not restored Henry to the kingship at Canossa, but at the time he seems to have left the matter ambiguous. Henry himself certainly believed his deposition to have been reversed.

85 Cited by Robinson (1999), p. 172

86 Paul of Bernried, 5

87 Gregory VII, Register, 8.10

88 Ibid., 2.13. From a letter to the King of Hungary.

89 Ibid., 4.28

90 Ibid., 7.23

91 Ibid., 7.6

92 Ibid., 8.21

93 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 54

94 Ibid., 57. The letter was sent to Toirdhealbhach Ó Briain, “the illustrious king of Ireland.”

95 Gregory VII, Register, 8.21

96 Ibid., 6.5b.

97 Paul of Bernried, 107

98 Bonizo of Sutri, p. 255

99 Sigebert of Gembloux, p. 364

100 Bonizo of Sutri, pp. 248–9

101 Anna Comnena, p. 124

102 Ibid., p. 125

103 Ibid., p. 126

104 That Henry carefully withdrew from Rome before Hugh’s arrival suggests that it was he, rather than Gregory, who lay behind the abbot’s diplomatic mission. For a counter-view, see Cowdrey (1970), pp. 161–2

105 Gregory VII, Epistolae Vagantes, 54

106 Gregory VII, Register, Appendix 3

107 Sigebert of Gembloux, An Apology against Those who Challenge the Masses of Married Priests. Quoted by Leyser (1965), p. 42

108 Gilo, 1.7

109 Beno, 2.2

110 With what truth it is impossible to say.

111 Guibert de Nogent, A Monk’s Confession, 1.11.

112 Miraculi Sancti Hugonis. Quoted by Iogna-Prat (2002), p. 217

113 From a Cluniac charter of the late eleventh century. Quoted by Cowdrey (1970), p. 130

114 Urban II, col. 486. The bull was issued in 1097

115 The evidence that Hugh sent such letters is circumstantial, but convincing. See Cutler (1963).

116 Vita Sancti Anastasii, 5

117 Urban II, cols. 370–1

118 The agent’s words were recorded by the King of Granada himself: unsurprisingly they appear to have made quite an impression. They are quoted by O’Callaghan, p. 30

119 Urban II, col. 288

120 Hugh of Cluny, p. 147

121 Urban II, cols. 302–3

122 Ekkehard of Aura. Quoted by Riley-Smith, p. 33. Riley-Smith’s astronomical investigations have confirmed that the celestial phenomena reported by contemporaries were authentic.

123 “Historia peregrinorum euntium Jerusolymam”: ibid.

124 Fulcher of Chartres, p. 56. The allusion is specifically to the papacy but in the context applies no less forcefully to Jerusalem.

125 See Delort, p. 64

126 Quoted by Cowdrey (History 55), p. 188

127 Gerbert of Aurillac, Letter 36

128 For this estimate, see Bull (1993), p. 4

129 Robert the Monk, p. 729

130 Ralph of Caen, p. 22

131 Gesta Francorum, p. 1

132 Matthew 24.30

133 The Latin word “crusata” did not come into use until the thirteenth century.

134 Anna Comnena, pp. 308–9

135 For Alexius’s self-presentation as the last emperor, see Charanis and Shepard (1997).

136 Albert of Aachen, 4.13

137 Estimates as to the precise numbers on the Crusade are inevitably hedged about by uncertainty. See Phillips, p. 6

138 Guibert de Nogent, The Deeds of God through the Franks, p. 225

139 Revelation 19.13–15.

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