References are given in full on the first occasion in which they appear in each chapter but in shortened form thereafter. English spelling has been modernised. Quotations from Latin and French have been translated into English. Translations are my own unless otherwise specified.
1. E.g. Gillingham, pp. 15–8, pp. 27–9, p. 123, pp. 254–7.
2. J.L. Watts, Henry VI and the Politics of Kingship (Cambridge, 1996), p. 366.
3. For the next two paragraphs see: Goodman, Military Activity, pp. 119–52; Idem, The Soldiers’ Experience, pp. 78–125; M.A. Hicks, ‘Bastard Feudalism, Overmighty Subjects and Idols of the Multitude during the Wars of the Roses’, History 85 (2000), esp. pp. 389–91; R.E. Horrox, ‘Service’, in eadem, Fifteenth-Century Attitudes: Perceptions of Society in late medieval England (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 61–78.
4. Gentlemen frequently offered various types of service, including military service, in return for a less clearly defined promise of ‘good lordship’. ‘Good lordship’ could include, for example, support in the interminable title disputes which plagued landed society at this time.
5. Captains, including magnates such as York, would sign indentures with the crown, offering service for specified periods (although payments from the exchequer were often unreliable, as York, for one, discovered to his cost).
6. Bands of men seem to have come together almost spontaneously to resist Edward IV’s invasion in 1471, for example; Jack Cade’s rebels also appear to have made use of existing administrative structures in 1450.
7. A famous case concerns Sir Henry Vernon, who, in 1470, repeatedly ignored requests for military support from both the Earl of Warwick and Edward’s brother, George Duke of Clarence (although Vernon did provide Clarence with useful information. See below p. 172, n. 31).
8. For discussion of motivations see R.E. Horrox, ‘Personalities and Politics’ in A.J. Pollard (ed), The Wars of the Roses (Basingstoke, 1995), pp. 89–109 and M.A. Hicks, ‘Idealism and politics’, in eadem, Richard III and his Rivals: Magnates and their Motives in the Wars of the Roses (London, 1991), pp. 41–60.
9. Chivalry has been succinctly described by Maurice Keen as ‘an ethos in which martial, aristocratic and Christian elements were fused together’. M.H. Keen, Chivalry (Yale, 1984), p.16. However, as Professor Keen makes clear, ‘chivalry’ defies easy analysis, because each of these elements could come to the fore in different contexts, without the others being completely excluded. For a wide-ranging study of the ‘ambivalent force of chivalry’, see R.W. Kaeuper, Chivalry and Violence in Medieval Europe (Oxford, 1999).
10. The Earl of Warwick, in particular, was described as an ‘idol’, who held a genuinely popular appeal. Crowland Chronicle, p. 147; Hicks, ‘Idols of the Multitude’, esp. pp. 399–402; I.M.W. Harvey, ‘Was there Popular Politics in Fifteenth-Century England’, R.H. Britnell and A.J. Pollard (eds.), The McFarlane Legacy: Studies in Late Medieval Politics and Society (Stroud, 1995), pp. 155–75.
11. For further information on arms and armour at this time see the articles by Thom Richardson (‘Armour’), Graeme Rimmer (‘Weapons’) and John Waller (‘Combat techniques’ and ‘Archery’) in Blood Red Roses.
12. Moreover, the armour used for tourneying was generally heavier than that used in the field. For knights leaping see S. Anglo, ‘How to Win at Tournaments: The Technique of Chivalric Combat’, Antiquaries’ Journal 68 (1988), p. 251.
13. Mancini, p. 98.
14. English yew tends to be twisted and knotty, whereas the hot summers and cold winters of central Europe are more likely to produce yew trees which are straight and fine-grained – ideal for use as bowstaves.
15. It has been argued that the ‘killing power’ of the longbow has been much exaggerated. However, Clifford Rogers notes, first, that all weapons are psychological weapons, and that an army does not need to be entirely obliterated to acknowledge defeat. He then goes on to marshal a large body of evidence to demonstrate, contra Kelly DeVries, that arrows did in fact inflict large numbers of casualties. C.J. Rogers, ‘The Efficacy of the English Longbow: A Reply to Kelly DeVries’, War in History 5 (1998), pp. 233–42.
16. Langdebeve is derived from the French Langue de Boeve or ox tongue. The langdebeve was so-called because its two-headed blade resembled an ox tongue.
17. For developments in gunpowder weapons at this time see B.S. Hall, Weapons and Warfare in Renaissance Europe: Gunpowder, Technology and Tactics (Baltimore, 1997), esp. chapters 3 and 4, pp. 67–133.
18. All of the named sources in the next three paragraphs are cited extensively below.
19. Most of the chronicles named in the next two paragraphs are discussed in more detail in A. Gransden Historical Writing in England II, c. 1307 to the Early Sixteenth Century (London, 1982); for a guide to the mentality of chroniclers see C. Given-Wilson,Chronicles: The Writing of History in Medieval England (London, 2004).
20. See below, p. 21.
21. See my unpublished paper “‘Fighting fulle manly’’: The Wars of the Roses in Gregory’s Chronicle’.
22. See A.H. Burne, The Battlefields of England (Barnsley, 2006, c. 1950), pp. xix–xx.
23. For example, in his account of the second Battle of St Albans, when he speculates that Margaret of Anjou was personally responsible for the Lancastrians’ daring tactics, perhaps inspired by her countrywoman Joan of Arc. Burne, Battlefields, p. 234.
24. For a forceful critique of Burne’s approach see M.K. Jones, ‘The Battle of Verneuil (17 August 1424): Towards a History of Courage’, War in History 9 (2002), esp. pp. 375–6.
25. The implications for the study of medieval military history are summarised in C. Knüsel and A. Boylston, ‘How has the Towton Project Contributed to Our Knowledge of Medieval and Later Warfare?’ in Blood Red Roses, pp. 169–88.
26. A.W. Boardman, The Battle of Towton (Stroud, 1994), p. vii.
27. K. Dockray, ‘Edward IV: Playboy or Politician?’ The Ricardian, 10 (1995), pp. 306–25. See also M.A. Hicks, Edward IV (London, 2004), pp. 81–102.
28. T. More, The History of King Richard III, ed. R.S. Sylvester (Yale, 1963), p. 4.
Chapter 1 – Rouen, April 1442
1. See below, p. 94. The allegations of illegitimacy, and their implications, have been discussed by Michael K. Jones, whose work has caused much controversy. Jones’s arguments are not followed here, although I believe his ideas have often been misunderstood. By taking it as a premise that Edward was illegitimate, this allows him imaginatively to explore themes that mattered deeply to medieval people – and to Richard III in particular –notably concepts of family honour and the possibility of redemption through military action. As Jones himself puts it: ‘it is a story I offer here, and a quite sensational one. Whether in an academic sense it is “true” or not is not ultimately important’. Jones, Bosworth,p.7.
2. The kings of England held lands in France since the Norman Conquest. Technically, therefore, the King of England owed allegiance to the King of France for his French lands, and this was understandably a cause of friction. However, the direct cause of the Hundred Years’ War was Edward III’s claim to the French throne, through his mother Isabella, which he first advanced in the 1330s. Edward III and his eldest son, the famous Black Prince, won a series of victories. Yet by the turn of the fifteenth century most of England’s French possessions, with the exceptions of Calais and Gascony, had been lost.
3. Charles VI had died in October 1422.
4. Although Burgundy remained neutral in the conflict thereafter. Duke Philip and his son, Charles, were to rule in a state of autonomy until 1477, when Charles was killed at the Battle of Nancy.
5. In his youth Charles appeared to be a weak character. He was dogged by allegations of illegitimacy and he had been badly affected when a floor had collapsed beneath him, sending him falling to the level below. See Jones, Bosworth, p. 49.
6. For the Pontoise campaign see Jones, Bosworth, pp. 49–51, quoting A Parisian Journal, 1405–1449 at p. 51. A planned epitaph on York’s planned tomb at Fotheringhay was to refer to his prowess at this time.
7. For this, and the subsequent military operations in Normandy, see R.A. Griffiths, The Reign of King Henry VI (Stroud, 1998, c. 1981), pp. 504–22.
8. See M.K. Jones, ‘Somerset, York and the Wars of the Roses’, English Historical Review, 104 (1989), pp. 285–307.
9. Edmund Mortimer was descended from Edward III’s second son Lionel Duke of Clarence; Clarence’s only child, Philippa, had married Edmund Mortimer’s father. Henry IV’s father, John Duke of Lancaster, was Edward III’s third son. Mortimer’s claim was therefore transmitted through the female line, although this, of course, was the basis on which the English kings claimed the French throne. For the competing claims of Lancaster and York see I. Mortimer, ‘York or Lancaster: who was the rightful heir to the throne in 1460?’, Ricardian Bulletin (Autumn, 2008), pp. 20–4.
10. The last Earl of March had died without issue in 1425. York was the son of March’s sister, Anne, and Richard Earl of Cambridge.
11. However, York may have wished Henry to nominate him officially as his heir, because Henry and Margaret had no children yet. This was possibly because Henry’s confessor, Bishop Aysgough of Salisbury, had counselled Henry not to go ‘nigh’ Margaret, although of course this is uncertain. Griffiths, Henry VI, p. 256.
12. For good introductions to the structures of politics, governance and society at this time see C. Carpenter, The Wars of the Roses: Politics and the Constitution in England, c. 1437–1509 (Cambridge, 1997), esp. pp. 27–66; M.A. Hicks, English Political Culture in the Fifteenth Century (London, 2002); R.E. Horrox (ed), Fifteenth-Century Attitudes: Perceptions of Society in Late Medieval England (Cambridge, 1994).
13. The two were not always intrinsically linked. The Beaufort family, for example, had little landed base, but derived their power from their kinship to the royal family.
14. For a concise discussion of Henry’s character, and excerpts from the relevant sources, see K. Dockray (ed.), Henry VI, Margaret of Anjou and the Wars of the Roses: A Sourcebook (Stroud, 2000), pp. 1–10. See also Griffiths, Henry VI, pp. 248–54.
15. In 1472 Ludlow became a royal borough, meaning the town was freed from the authority of the lord’s steward, and Edward also conferred the privilege to return two burgesses to Parliament. Thus Edward acknowledged ‘the laudable and gratuitous [sic] services which our beloved and faithful subjects the burgesses of Ludlow had rendered unto us in the obtaining of our right to our crown of England’. See M.A. Hicks, Edward V (Stroud, 2003), p. 100.
16. For York’s oath see The Politics of Fifteenth-Century England: John Vale’s Book, eds. M.L. Kekewich et al (Stroud, 1995), pp. 193–4.
17 Chronicles of London, ed. C.L. Kingsford (Oxford, 1905), p. 163.
18. Henry’s subsequent illness has been described, for instance, as catatonic schizophrenia, but we should be wary of retrospective diagnosis. Similarly, although it is clear that his grandfather (Charles VI of France) also suffered from mental illness, it is uncertain that genetic factors were to blame. See Griffiths, Henry VI, pp. 715–7.
19. Thomas Percy, the second son of the Earl of Northumberland.
20. See C. Rawcliffe, ‘Richard, Duke of York, the King’s “obessant liegeman”: a new source for the protectorate of 1454 and 1455’, Historical Research, 60 (1987), pp. 232–9. York’s letter to Edward is printed at pp. 238–9.
21. PL, I, p. 265.
22. It is striking that when Edward wrote to his father in June he made no mention of raising troops, nor did he refer to his father’s anger. Edward was almost entirely preoccupied with the minutiae of his life at Ludlow. See below, p. 18.
23. John Talbot, Earl of Shrewsbury, was similarly present, on the Lancastrian side, at the Battle of Towton. At this time Shrewsbury was also thirteen. See C.F. Richmond, ‘The Nobility and the Wars of the Roses’, Nottingham Medieval Studies 21 (1977), p. 73. For further examples see Goodman, Soldiers’ Experience, pp. 128–40.
24. For the Battle of St Albans see C.A.J. Armstrong, ‘Politics and the Battle of St Albans’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 33 (1960), pp. 1–72; P. Burley, M. Elliot and H. Watson, The Battles of St Albans (Barnsley, 2007), esp. pp. 17–42.
25. It is unclear at which point the royal banner was raised. See Burley et al, The Battles of St Albans, pp. 27–8.
26.PL, III, p. 30.
27. Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, MS Fr. 1996, cited in S. Anglo, ‘How to Win at Tournaments: The Technique of Chivalric Combat’, Antiquaries’ Journal 68 (1988), p. 250.
28. Le livre des faicts du Mareschal de Boucicaut in Nouvelle collections des Mémoires pour server a l’histoire de France, eds. Michaud and Poujoulat, 32 vols (Paris, 1836–9), II, pp. 219–20.
29. Quoted in C.T. Allmand (ed), Society at War (Woodbridge, 1998), p. 100.
30. For the context, see P. Caudrey, ‘William Worcester, The Boke of Noblesse, and Military Society in East Anglia’, Nottingham Medieval Studies, 52 (2008), pp. 191–211.
31. In one of two surviving letters from their boyhood Edward and his brother complained to their father about the ‘odious rule and demeaning of Richard Croft and his brother’. Quoted in Scofield, I, p. 21.
32. PL, I, p. 149.
33. Commynes, p. 258.
34. See Hughes, Alchemy, pp. 80–1.
35. A.R. Myers, The Royal Household of Edward IV, pp. 126–7.
36. Mancini, 71.
37. Henry VII’s son, Prince Arthur, had an expensive bow bought for him when he was only five years old. English noblemen continued to shoot throughout their lives, and sometimes laid bets on the outcomes of shooting competitions; Henry VII and Sir John Howard lost large sums. See N. Orme, Childhood to Chivalry, pp. 200–4. The last recorded sighting of Edward IV’s sons, then aged twelve and ten respectively, refers to them shooting at targets in the Tower of London. Great Chronicle, p. 234.
38. Edward’s great-grandfather, Edward Duke of York, translated into English a famous hunting treatise written by Gaston de Foix. See N. Orme, From childhood to chivalry: the education of the English kings and aristocracy 1066–1530 (London, 1984), p. 197.
39. J. Hardyng, The Chronicle of John Hardyng, ed. H. Ellis (London, 1811), i-ii.
40. PL, III, p. 75.
41. See J.L. Laynesmith, ‘Constructing Queenship at Coventry: Pageantry and Politics at Margaret of Anjou’s “Secret Harbour”,’ in L.S. Clark, ed., The Fifteenth Century, III, Authority and Subversion (Woodbridge, 2003), pp. 137–148.
42. Most of the nobility remained tenaciously loyal to Henry himself at this time, even though it must have appeared unlikely that he would ever be able to provide effective rule.
43. Cheapside, in London. Six Town Chronicles, ed. R. Flenley (Oxford, 1911), p. 159.
44. For example, on 19 May 1457 Judde received payment for providing twenty-six serpentines, together with apparatus for the field, a culverin, and a mortar, as well as sulphur and saltpetre to make gunpowder. See Goodman, Military Activity, p. 160. Judde remained industrious in royal service until he was murdered near London in 1460.
45. See C.F. Richmond, ‘The Earl of Warwick’s Domination of the Channel and the Naval Dimension to the Wars of the Roses, 1456–1460’, Southern History 20/21 (1987–9), pp. 1–19.
46. Quoted in Pollard, Warwick, p. 167.
47. Pollard, Warwick, p. 181; L. Visser-Fuchs, “‘Warwick, by himself”: Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, “the Kingmaker”, in the Receuil des Croniques D’Engleterre of Jean de Wavrin’, Publication du Centre Européen d’études Bourguignonnes (XIVe-XVIes), 41 (2001).
48. Great Chronicle, p. 207. Warwick’s popular reputation is discussed in Pollard, Warwick, pp. 147–66.
49. For a positive account of this process which emphasises Henry’s role, see Hicks, Warwick, pp. 132–7, and references there cited.
50. The mayor and sheriffs of London poured 5,000 men on to the streets, in order to keep order, and the carrying of weapons was forbidden. The Yorkists were allowed within the city walls, but the Lancastrian lords were encouraged to lodge outside the city, to the west of Temple Bar.
51. A chapel where masses would be said for the souls of those who were killed in the battle.
52. See below, p. 76.
53. ‘John Benet’s Chronicle for the Years 1400–62’, in G.L. and M.A. Harriss Camden Miscellany, 24 (1972), pp. 223–4.
54. My account of the ensuing campaign is largely based on Goodman, Military Activity, pp. 25–31.
55. For the remainder of this paragraph see Ross, Edward IV, pp. 9–11 and references there cited; Commynes, p. 258; Mancini, p. 80.
56. English Chronicle, p. 88.
57. Henry was later to be praised by Parliament for his fortitude, ‘not sparing for any impediment or difficulty of way, nor of intemperance of weather’, and because he ‘lodged in bare field sometime two nights together with all your Host in the cold season of the year’. R.E. Horrox (ed.), ‘Henry VI: Parliament of 1459, Text and Translation’, item 15, PROME. Salisbury was pointedly excluded from the pardons, which suggests Henry was particularly angered by the events at Blore Heath. This could have been because the force there had been raised in the name of his son, although perhaps also because they had been given the Lancastrian swan livery, of which Henry was particularly proud.
58. Wavrin, p. 276.
Chapter 2 – Calais, November 1459
1. Wavrin, p. 277, tr. in L. Visser-Fuchs, “‘Warwick, by himself’: Richard Neville, Earl of Warwick, “the Kingmaker”, in the Receuil des Croniques D’Engleterre of Jean de Wavrin’, Publication du Centre Européen d’études Bourguignonnes (XIVe-XVIes), 41 (2001), p. 151.
2. Crucially, he recognised and encouraged ability in others, most notably in Andrew Trollope, who acted as the duke s military advisor. Trollope is described by Wavrin as a ‘subtle man of war’, and appears to have been a wise choice. Somerset also appears to have won the loyalty of common soldiers. In 1469, five years after the duke’s death, one of the men hired by the Pastons to defend Caister was still describing himself as a ‘soldier of the Duke of Somerset’. Wavrin, p. 325; Goodman, Soldiers’ Experience, p. 93.
3. Ironically, much of this fleet was made up of Warwick’s own ships, which had been impounded and repaired by the Government. See C.F. Richmond, ‘The Earl of Warwick’s Domination of the Channel and the Naval Dimension to the Wars of the Roses, 1456–1460’, Southern History 20/21 (1987–9), p. 8.
4. PL, III, p. 204.
5. Annales, p. 772.
6. Anthony Goodman was puzzled by Commynes’ assertion that Edward was present, on the winning side, on nine occasions. Goodman counts seven battles – Northampton, Mortimer’s Cross, Ferrybridge, Towton, Empingham, Barnet and Tewkesbury – and eight including St Albans. The engagement at Newnham Bridge may therefore be Edward’s ‘missing’ battle. Commynes, p. 181, p. 261; Goodman, Military Activity, p. 272 n. 92.
7. Annales, p. 772.
8. Fogge and Scott were to become two of Edward’s most trusted servants. Robert Horne was killed at the Battle of Towton. See below, p. 86.
9. Unless otherwise specified, the next seven paragraphs are based on English Chronicle, pp. 90–91; Wavrin, pp. 299–300; Whethamstede, pp. 372–5.
10. For example, see A.W. Boardman, The Medieval Soldier in the Wars of the Roses (Stroud, 1998), p. 166.
11. For a good discussion of late medieval continental battle tactics, including the battle plan of Duke John ‘the Fearless’ of Burgundy, see The Great Warbow, pp. 319–25; pp. 339–43.
12. The extent to which military treatises influenced (or reflected) actual practice is a matter for debate, although it should be noted that Christine de Pisan, describing her ideal battle plan, did reflect on the best way to deploy raw levies. They were to be deployed as part of the main, or central battle, on the flanks, protected by a screen of archers. See The Great Warbow, p. 319.
13. Whethamstede, p. 374. Translated in R.I. Jack, ‘A Quincentenary: The Battle of Northampton, July 10th, 1460’, Northamptonshire Past and Present, 3 (1960), p. 23.
14. H.T. Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses (Stroud, 1995, c. 1915), p. 69.
15. Jack, ‘Battle of Northampton’, p. 24.
16. Quoted in The Great Warbow, p. 357.
17. Annales, pp. 773–4.
18. Whethamstede, p. 376, tr. in Scofield, Edward IV, I, p. 104.
19. Wavrin, pp. 314–15, translated in Visser-Fuchs, ‘Warwick, by himself’, p. 151.
20. Visser-Fuchs, in her article ‘Warwick, by himself’, suggests that at this point Wavrin was using a propagandist text – the original no longer exists – that was designed to promote Warwick’s cause on the Continent and to excuse his more controversial actions.
21. A number of historians have considered the possibility that the deposition of Henry VI was the ultimate aim of the Yorkists’ invasion in 1460. See especially M.K. Jones, ‘Edward IV, the Earl of Warwick and the Yorkist Claim to the Throne’, Historical Research 70 (1997), and references there cited.
22. Gregory, pp. 209–10.
23. According to the Short English Chronicle, Edward spent Christmas at Gloucester, but Shrewsbury seems more likely. The author of Annales provides persuasive circumstantial detail; he tells us that Edward stayed at the Friary. Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, p. 76; Annales, p. 775. Shrewsbury was, moreover, a town Edward knew well and which had strong links with the House of York (for this, see, M.A. Hicks, Edward V (Stroud, 2003), pp. 102–3). Edward’s second son Richard was born at Shrewsbury in 1473.
24. Jasper’s father Owen Tudor had married Henry V’s widow, Queen Katherine, following a whirlwind romance.
25. Denbigh had been held for the Duke of York during his exile, but had fallen to Pembroke after an extensive siege.
26. Herbert’s career is discussed in detail in Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses.
27. See Goodman, Soldiers’ Experience, pp. 93–4. Worcester, as the secretary of the famous Sir John Fastolf, a hero of the French Wars, had a natural interest in the fortunes of veteran soldiers.
28. See ‘Case Studies’ in Blood Red Roses, pp. 246–7.
29. Margaret was negotiating support from Mary of Guelders, who had become regent following the death of her husband, James II, in August. For the political situation in Scotland see below, pp. 66–7.
30. Somerset had surrendered Guines to Warwick, who had briefly returned to Calais, in August. Somerset was granted a safe-conduct into France on the promise that he would never take up arms against Warwick again. However, he appears to have set little store by this agreement. Annales, p. 774; Wavrin, pp. 306–7.
31. The reasons for the Yorkist defeat are uncertain, although most sources agree that the Lancastrians employed treachery, or at least deception. Wavrin tells us that York was induced to leave the safety of Sandal by Andrew Trollope, whose men were disguised as Yorkists, and that he and his men were then slaughtered by Somerset, who had prepared an ambush. Whethamstede tells us that the Lancastrians broke the terms of a local truce and set upon the Yorkists while they were foraging for supplies. Wavrin, V, pp. 325–6; Whethamstede, p. 382.
32. According to tradition Edmund was killed in cold blood by Lord Clifford, whose father had been killed by the Yorkists at St Albans. Edmund’s death has become famous, through the work of Shakespeare and others, although the Tudor writers transformed it into a melodrama.
33. Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, p. 77.
34. Although ‘kern’ – derived from the Gaelic Ceithernn, meaning ‘warband’ – is often used as a generic term to describe Irish troops at this time.
35. A letter to Roger Puleston, quoted in R.A. Griffiths, The Reign of King Henry VI (Stroud, 1998, c. 1981), p. 871.
36. R.A. Griffiths, Making of the Tudor Dynasty, p. 52.
37. Dafydd ap Llewelyn is better known as ‘Davy Gam’ (‘the lame’). Although he was a proud Welshman, he had opposed Owain Glyndwr’s rebellion and died in the service of the English kings at Agincourt. Herbert’s was the first generation of his family to take an English name.
38. Although the bards also promoted unity; they were fervently nationalistic and preserved a distinctively Welsh culture. For a valuable introduction to the Welsh bards, including Lewis Glyn Cothi, the greatest bard of this period, see Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses, especially pp. 1–10.
39. Gregory, p. 207. The Duke of York’s town of Newbury was to suffer a similar fate later in the year, which suggests the pillaging at Ludlow may have been systematic. At Newbury, a commission led by Lords Scales, Lord Hungerford and the Earl of Wiltshire descended on the town. A number of York’s servants were executed, and the occupants were ‘spoiled of all their goods’.
40. D. Seward, The Hundred Years War: The English in France 1337–1453 (London, 1988), p. 171.
41. English Chronicle, p. 99. The three suns are also mentioned in the Short English Chronicle (p. 77) and Gregory (p. 213). John Whethamstede also recorded parhelia occurring around this time, along with other extraordinary phenomena such as bloody rain, but did not associate them specifically with Edward (pp. 385–6).
42. See Hughes, Alchemy, p. 81.
43. British Library MS Harley 7353. See Plate Section, p. 2.
44. CSPM, p. 69.
45. Although H. Stanford notes that ‘the sonne shyning’ was a royal badge used by Richard II, and that Edward’s use of a sun badge was therefore not unique. However, it still appears suggestive that Edward chose to merge the White Rose of York with the sun badge. See H. Stanford, Royal Beasts (London, 1956), pp. 30–1. I am grateful to Geoffrey Wheeler for bringing this work to my attention.
46. Michael K. Jones has written extensively about inspirational military leadership in the late Middle Ages, stressing the importance of ritualistic behaviour before battle was joined. Jones’s ideas are set out concisely in M.K. Jones, ‘The Battle of Verneuil (17 August 1424): Towards a History of Courage’, War in History 9 (2002). See also his Bosworth and Agincourt 1415 (Barnsley, 2005).
47.‘Here tradition has left two signposts: the cottage called Blue Mantle, still the title of a royal pursuivant or herald, and the rotten stump of the once mighty Battle Oak.’ G. Hodges, Ludford Bridge and Mortimer’s Cross (Almeley, 1989), p. 43. However, other sites are possible. An alternative scenario, for example, might see the Yorkists taking up a position somewhere on the gently rising ground towards Lucton.
48. There has been much debate about the tactical deployment of archers. See, for example, The Great Warbow, pp. 287–317. Given the high ratio of archers to men-at-arms and other troops during the Hundred Years’ War it makes sense that archers would often, in that theatre, have been deployed along the whole of the battle line, and not only to the flanks. However, whether this scheme can be applied to armies during the Wars of the Roses is not certain.
49. Literally meaning ‘knife’, the term skein encompasses a range of bladed weapons.
50. Drayton’s poem is quoted in Hodges, Ludford Bridge and Mortimer’s Cross, p. 50. For the Irish at Stoke, see D. Baldwin, Stoke Field: The Last Battle of the Wars of the Roses (Barnsley, 2006), pp. 63–4. According to Jean Molinet, the lightly armed Irish were ‘shot through and full of arrows like hedgehogs’.
51. Gregory, p. 198. ‘Gregory’ also alleges Wiltshire deserted King Henry’s standard – a great dishonour – and according to the ‘Dijon Relation’ he escaped in disguise (as a monk). The ‘Dijon Relation’ is printed in C.A.J. Armstrong, ‘Politics and the Battle of St Albans’, Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research 33 (1960), pp. 63–5.
52. Annales, p. 776.
53. For example, a barbute – a helmet of Italian design – was discovered in the River Lugg downstream at Lugwardine and may have been lost as a survivor attempted to cross the water. See Hodges, Ludford Bridge and Mortimer’s Cross, p. 51.
54. English Chronicle, p. 99. Although this is surely an exaggeration.
55. Gregory, p. 211.
56. Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses, pp. 78–9.
57. Edward, as Duke of York, was commissioned to raise troops throughout the Marches and the south-west. CPR, 1452–61, p. 659.
58. English Chronicle, pp. 97–8; Wavrin, pp. 328–30; Gregory, pp. 212–4.
59. He was probably spared execution because Somerset feared reprisals against his own brother, Edmund, who was then in Yorkist custody.
60. Ross, Edward IV, p. 32.
61. For the next two paragraphs see Ross, Edward IV, pp. 33–4 and references cited there.
62. Commynes believed that Warwick ‘governed King Edward in his youth and directed his affairs’. One Frenchman joked, in a letter to Louis XI, that the English had ‘but two rulers, M. de Warwick and another whose name I have forgotten’. CSP, Milan, I, p. 63; Pollard, Warwick, p. 55.
63. See, for example, Ross, Edward IV, p. 33. But see also Pollard, Warwick, pp. 48–50, for a more equivocal view.
64. Gregory, p. 215.
Chapter 3 – London, March 1461
1. CCR, 1461–8, pp. 54–6.
2. See Ross, Edward IV, p. 35.
3. Scofield, Edward IV, I, p. 158.
4. Quoted in Goodman, Military Activity, p. 156.
5. Gillingham, p. 45.
6. Wavrin, p. 335.
7. Gregory, p. 214.
8. Warwick’s regime in London took active steps to disrupt their supply lines in January and February 1461. Commissions were set up in East Anglia and Cambridgeshire to arrest men and impound ships that were supplying provisions to the Lancastrians. See Goodman, Military Activity, p. 156.
9. Whethamstede, p. 389; Ingulph, p. 422.
10. Gillingham, p. 123.
11. English Chronicle, p. 97.
12. Gregory, p. 213.
13. Ross, Edward IV, p. 35.
14. The Dukes of Exeter and Somerset; the Earls of Devon, Northumberland and Shrewsbury; Viscount Beaumont; Lords Clifford, Randolph Dacre, FitzHugh, Grey of Codnor, Lovell, Neville, Rivers, Roos, Rugemont-Grey, Scales, de la Warre, Welles and Willoughby. See C.F. Richmond, ‘The Nobility and the Wars of the Roses, 1459–61’, Nottingham Medieval Studies 21 (1977), p. 75.
15. See the attainder passed later in the year: R.E. Horrox (ed.), ‘Edward IV: Parliament of 1461, Text and Translation’, item 20, PROME.
16. Goodman, Military Activity, p. 51.
17. CSPM, p. 64; ‘John Benet’s Chronicle for the Years 1400–62’ in G.L. and M.A. Harriss Camden Miscellany, 24 (1972), p. 230.
18. For example, Ross, Edward IV, p. 36.
19. The Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Warwick, Viscount Bourchier, Lords Clinton, Dacre (Richard Fiennes), Fauconberg, Grey of Ruthin and Scrope of Bolton. See Richmond, ‘The Nobility and the Wars of the Roses’, p. 175.
20. An excerpt is printed in Blood Red Roses, Appendix A, p. 198.
21. Wavrin, pp. 336–42.
22. CSPM, pp. 60–5.
23. Annales, pp. 777–8; ‘Brief Latin Chronicle’ in Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, p. 178; Ingulph, pp. 424–6; Gregory, pp. 216–7; ‘Hearne’s Fragment , in J.A. Giles (ed), Chronicles of the White Rose of York (1843), p. 9; Whethamstede, pp. 408–10.
24. Hall, pp. 254–6.
25. Although Gravett notes that a gorget was not usually worn in the 1460s. C. Gravett, Towton 1461: England’s Bloodiest Battle (Oxford, 2003), p. 38.
26. F. de Reiffenberg (ed.), Memoirs de Jacques du Clercq (Brussels, 1835), III, p. 118; British Library MS Harley 4424, f. 158. Hall provides an almost literal translation, although in the Continental sources Warwick’s speech occurs later in the conflict, and Warwick responds to an attack by Somerset rather than Clifford.
27. The Great Warbow, p. 345. Although Clifford’s actions also evoke the daring exploits of men such as Henry Percy, ‘Hotspur’, accompanied by his northern horsemen: ‘Henry was called Hotspur by the Scots and the French, because in the silent watches of the night, while others slept, he rode tirelessly upon his enemies as though he would make his spurs hot.’ Knighton’s Chronicle 1337–1396 ed. G.H. Martin (Oxford, 1995), p. 401.
28. For the construction of a pontoon bridge in France during the period see Commynes, p. 95.
29. Perhaps the Lancastrian army camped in and around the village of Towton, although more comfortable billets would have been available a few miles further north at Tadcaster.
30. As above, note 15.
31. For the rest of this paragraph see ‘English Heritage Battlefield Report: Towton 1461’ (1995), available at http://www.engilsh-heritage.org.uk. See also V. Fiorato, ‘The Context of the Discovery’ in Blood Red Roses, especially pp. 4–11.
32. Castle Wood and Renshaw Woods to the west, and Carr Woods and Towton Spring to the east, are listed as ancient semi-natural woodlands. The name ‘Carr’ implies the area is likely to have been marshy.
33. For example, Somerset was singled out for particular attention in a letter that was written to the Lancastrians by Coppini. Furthermore, in February 1461, when the Lancastrians had threatened London, frightened citizens daubed a portcullis on their doors (the portcullis was an emblem used by the Beauforts). CSPM, p. 39; Scofield, I, p. 148.
34. We have already seen that the Lancastrian leaders may have struggled to enforce discipline on the large forces under their command. Moreover, although the effective partnership between Somerset and Trollope is well attested, we know little for certain about Somerset’s relationships with the other young Lancastrian leaders such as Northumberland and Clifford. At the Battle of Agincourt, when there was a high concentration of noble leaders on the French side, similarly in the absence of their king, there were tensions between the various nobles and ultimately a failure of command. See The Great Warbow, pp. 331–2.
35. Gunpowder would be transported in its constituent parts – charcoal, saltpetre and sulphur – and then finely crushed and blended together close to the time of the battle. However, mealed powder was extremely susceptible to moisture from the air. This prompted experiments in the production of corned (granulated) gunpowder, which was used increasingly as the fifteenth century progressed. B.S. Hall, Weapons and Warfare in Renaissance Europe: Gunpowder, Technology and Tactics (Baltimore, 1997), pp. 69–73.
36. There is, however, some circumstantial evidence. Over ten years later, at the Battle of Tewkesbury, Edward was deeply concerned about an area of woodland to the west of his position, because he feared it might conceal an ambush. Was Edward thinking of his experience at Towton? See below p. 130. For this, and further discussion of the ‘ambush’, see also A.W. Boardman, The Battle of Towton (Stroud, 2000, c. 1994), pp. 113–7.
37. Otherwise it is impossible to understand how many defeated armies were pursued for miles, as many sources attest. See below; p. 60, p. 136.
38. The notable exception, of course, is Michael K. Jones. He argues that, at Bosworth, Richard III’s famous last charge was pre-meditated. Jones believes Richard was inspired by King Ferdinand of Aragon’s victory at Toro, in 1476, in which a charge by heavy cavalry won the battle. Jones, Bosworth, esp. pp. 138–40. For the renewed importance of heavy cavalry in other parts of Europe during the later fifteenth century, see M.G.A. Vale, War and Chivalry: Warfare and Aristocratic Culture in England, France and Burgundy at the End of the Middle Ages (London, 1981), pp. 100–28. Anthony Goodman considers that ‘the Wars of the Roses probably produced a revival of English cavalry fighting’, although his discussion of this point is necessarily limited to circumstantial evidence. Goodman, Military Activity, pp. 178–81, quote at p. 179.
39. Commynes, p. 71. Commynes also notes that, at the Battle of Barnet, the Earl of Warwick was counselled by his brother John, ‘a very courageous knight’, to dismount and fight on foot. Apparently this was contrary to Warwick’s usual practice, although this is uncertain. Commynes, p. 195.
40. Perhaps Warwick was overtly targeted by the powerful Percy retinue; many smaller battles were being fought within the larger conflict. I owe this suggestion to Scowen Sykes.
41. A. Curry, Agincourt: A New History (Stroud, 2006), pp. 235–6.
42 Historia Roffensis, quoted in The Great Warbow, p. 453 n. 123.
43. See J. Waller, ‘Combat Techniques’ in Blood Red Roses, esp. pp. 149–50.
44. The Great Warbow, pp. 335–7.
45. Curry, Agincourt, p. 256; S.A. Novak, ‘Battle Related Trauma’ in Blood Red Roses, pp. 90–102. Of the twenty-eight men whose skulls were able to be analysed, only one had not suffered a head wound. Many of the wounds were sustained to the left-hand side of the face, which suggests they were inflicted by right-handed opponents who were facing them.
46. A.W. Boardman, The Medieval Soldier in the Wars of the Roses (Stroud, 1998), pp. 53–60.
47. Moreover, during the ensuing conflict in the north there were occasions when warfare was strictly limited in accordance with the law of arms. See below, esp. pp. 70–2.
48. C. Given-Wilson and F. Bériac, ‘Edward III’s Prisoners of War: The Battle of Poitiers and its Context’, English Historical Review 116 (2001), p. 808.
49. As suggested in Gravett, Towton, p. 88.
50. By this time the bodies had apparently been moved to hallowed ground, in Saxton churchyard, on the orders of the local Hungate family.
51. John Davey has demonstrated that the main road to Towton is likely to have followed the line of the modern A162, not the ‘Old London Road’, as is generally assumed, which was never more than a local track. J. Davey, ‘The Battle of Towton, 1461: A Reassessment’, in Idem, Penbardd (Las Vegas, 2007), pp. 45–56.
52. Gravett, Towton, p. 73.
53. ‘Gregory’, for example, asserts that 35,000 were killed.
54. PL, III, pp. 267–8.
55. When the grave at Towton Hall was first discovered it was initially suggested the dead men must have been executed, or, more optimistically, that the bones were those of wounded soldiers who were killed as an act of mercy.
56. Quoted in Holmes, Acts of War, p. 187. Anecdotal evidence suggests that mercy killings have remained a feature of modern conflicts, although this is not officially condoned. Holmes considers that, when wounded men wish for death, it takes ‘great moral courage to accede to such a request’. Holmes, Acts of War, pp. 187–8, quote at p. 188.
Chapter 4 – York, March 1461
1. Beverley, for example, was assessed by John Fogge, now a knight and the Treasurer of Edward’s household. The citizens were required to send twenty-four men-at-arms and a company of archers. Scofield, I, p. 167.
2. He had been captured at Cockermouth, attempting to reach exile in Scotland.
3. The Politics of Fifteenth-Century England: John Vale’s Book, eds. M.L. Kekewich et al (Stroud, 1995), pp. 171–2. Warwick also noted that a powerful artillery train would be required.
4. Hastings was appointed to this office in the summer of 1461 and held it until the end of the reign. Ross, Edward IV, p. 73.
5. Herbert became chief justice and chamberlain in South Wales. Ross, Edward IV, p. 76.
6. See Hughes, Alchemy, especially chapters 4 and 5, pp. 77–161. A key text is the Illustrated Life of Edward IV, cited above at p. 56.
7. See Scofield, I, p. 192.
8. Although the defenders were severely outgunned, using approximately a quarter of the ‘gunstones’ and ammunition that was used by the Yorkists. Grummitt, ‘Defence of Calais’, p. 259.
9. See Scofield, I, pp. 205–6 and references there cited. Blount’s experience at Calais illustrates the financial problems faced by Edward’s fledgling regime. Blount came over to England several times in 1461–2 to complain to Edward and his council about the garrison’s poverty. In March 1462 he received £2,000 from the chancery, although this money had to be borrowed from Italian bankers. Even so, as late as 1464 Blount was still owed £1,849 for the wages of the soldiers who had served at the siege of Hammes.
10. Scofield, I, p. 187. As well as artillery – bombards and serpentines with saltpetre – Harveys was also responsible for the purveyance of bows, arrows and bowstrings.
11. Somerset’s planned role was to solicit support from his friend the Count of Charolais. For the relationship between Somerset and Charolais see below, p. 75.
12. Quoted in Scofield, I, p. 193.
13. Scofield, I, p. 199, quoting Ricart’s Kalendar.
14. R.E. Horrox (ed.), ‘Edward IV: Parliament of 1472, Text and Translation’, item 31, PROME.
15. PL, III, p. 312.
16. Duke Philip’s support was vital to Edward in the early years of his reign. In early 1462, when Philip fell ill, Edward ordered his subjects to pray for the duke’s recovery and took part in religious ceremonies himself. Scofield, I, pp. 234–5.
17. J. Hardyng, The Chronicle of John Hardyng, ed. H. Ellis (London, 1811), p. 378.
18. For much of the later Middle Ages the ‘Black’ Douglases had been one of the greatest families in Scotland. However, in 1452 James II murdered Earl James’s elder brother, William Earl of Douglas. Earl James was allowed to succeed his brother, but he soon rose in rebellion and was forced into exile: the power of the Black Douglases was broken.
19. Annales, p. 779. Somerset, by now released from French custody, had returned to Scotland in March. However, according to Annales, his presence was unwelcome. Mary is said to have sent another of her (alleged) lovers, Lord Hailes, to intercept Somerset and kill him.
20. Warkworth’s Chronicle,p.2.
21. It is unclear whether Somerset joined Margaret’s army in France or Scotland. See Scofield, I, p. 253 n. 2.
22. ‘Brief Notes’ in Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, p. 157.
23. Warkworth’s Chronicle,p.2.
24. Possibly measles. Great Chronicle, p. 200.
25. See below, p. 79.
26. All of those inside a besieged castle or town, including non-combatants, would be subject to the same savage rules. Hence, for example, when the Black Prince massacred the townspeople of Limoges in 1370, he surely considered himself to be within his rights to do so, even though Froissart was critical. For the massacre at Limoges see J. Froissart, Chronicles, ed. G. Brereton (London, 1978), pp. 175–9. For the laws governing sieges see M.H. Keen, The Laws of War in the Late Middle Ages (Oxford, 1993, c. 1965), pp. 119–33.
27. PL, IV, pp. 59–61. Spelling and grammar modernised following Gillingham, p. 144.
28. Annales, p. 780. Although according to Annales they were not able to obtain such favourable terms, notably concerning the restoration of their lands.
29. Warkworth’s Chronicle,p.2.
30. Annales, p. 781.
31. ‘Brief Latin Chronicle’ in Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, p. 176.
32. Vegetius was a Roman writer whose work on military organisation was regarded to be a classic work during the Middle Ages. Manuscripts proliferated throughout Europe: see C. Allmand, ‘The De Re Militari of Vegetius in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance’, in C. Saunders, F. Le Saux and N. Thomas (eds.), Writing War: Medieval Literary Responses to Warfare (Cambridge, 2004). A translation in English was provided for Henry VI by Viscount Beaumont. R. Dyboski and Z.M. Arend (eds.),Knyghthode and Bataile (Early English Text Society, 1935). However, Clifford Rogers has offered a forceful critique of the notion, pace Philippe Contamine (and others), that ‘medieval strategy does indeed appear to have been dominated by … fear of the pitched battle.’ C.J. Rogers, ‘The Vegetian “Science of Warfare’’ in the Middle Ages’, Journal of Medieval Military History (2002), pp. 1–19, quoting Contamine at p. 19.
33. See below, pp. 125–6.
34. The command was given instead to Sir John Astley, a knight of the garter and a noted jouster. However, Astley was a southerner with no obvious ties to Northumberland. Grey, on the other hand, was a local man, whose ancestral seat was at Chillingham in Northumberland. He may have fought for Henry VI at Towton, but had thereafter fought for the Yorkists in the north. He had previously been in command at Alnwick, albeit briefly.
35. E.g. Chastelain, IV, pp. 278–9.
36. Gregory, pp. 220–1.
37. Scofield, II, Appendix I, pp. 461–2.
38. ‘Brief Latin Chronicle’, p. 177; Warkworth’s Chronicle,p.3.
39. Chastelain, IV, p. 66.
40. Gregory, p. 206; Annales, p. 781.
41. See above, p. 157, n. 30.
42. For Ross, it was ‘one of those political blunders which mars Edward’s record as a statesman’. Ross, Edward IV, pp. 51–2, quote at p. 51.
43. R.E. Horrox, ‘Edward IV: Parliament of 1463, Text and Translation’, item 28, PROME.
44. M.K. Jones, ‘Edward IV and Beaufort Family: Conciliation in Early Yorkist Politics’, The Ricardian (1983), p. 260.
45. PL, IV, p. 52. It would have also been Warwick, of course, who negotiated with Somerset at Bamburgh and received his surrender on Edward’s behalf.
46. Gregory, p. 219.
47. As Jaeger explains, ‘ennobling love is primarily a public experience, only secondarily private … it is primarily a way of behaving, only secondarily a way of feeling … it is a form of aristocratic self-representation. Its social function is to show forth virtue in lovers [sic], to raise their inner worth, to increase their honor and enhance their reputation’. C.S. Jaeger, Ennobling Love: In Search of a Lost Sensibility (Philadelphia, 1999), p. 6.
48. See N. Offenstadt, ‘The Rituals of Peace during the Civil War in France, 1409–19: Politics and the Public Sphere’, in T. Thornton (ed.), Social Attitudes and Political Structures (Stroud, 2000), esp. pp. 92–4.
49. Ross, Edward IV, p. 274.
50. See R. Barber, ‘Malory’s Le Morte d’Arthur and Court Culture under Edward IV’ in J.P. Carley and F. Riddy (eds.), Arthurian Literature XII (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 133–55.
51. See S. Anglo, ‘Anglo-Burgundian Feats of Arms: Smithfield, June 1467’, Antiquaries’ Journal (1967), pp. 271–2. At one tournament in the late 1460s, for example, Anthony Woodville appeared dressed as a monk.
52. Susan Crane has studied the use of disguise during this period, at tournaments and on the battlefield, both in romances and historical texts, and her conclusions have clear implications for this episode: ‘the pivotal function of chivalric incognito … is to establish or revise the perception of others concerning the disguised knight’s merits. That is, incognito is not significantly self-concealing and self-protecting but the reverse: the disguised knight draws the curious and judgemental eye and stands clear of his past to be measured anew.’ S. Crane, The Performance of Self: Ritual, Clothing and Identity During the Hundred Years War (Philadelphia, 2002), pp. 107–39, quote at p. 132.
53. If there is any truth in the stories of ill-feeling between Somerset and Mary of Guelders (see above, p. 164, n. 19), then her death may also have offered Somerset hope that he might now be more likely to receive help from the Scots.
54. A number of other northern nobles who Edward had pardoned, including Sir Henry Bellingham and Sir Humphrey Neville, had also returned to their former allegiance.
55. Wavrin, pp. 440–1.
56. As argued in M.A. Hicks, ‘Edward IV, the Duke of Somerset and Lancastrian Loyalism in the North’, Northern History 20 (1984), pp. 23–37.
57. Gregory, p. 223.
58. Gregory, p. 224.
59. Gillingham, p. 152.
60. Gregory, p. 224.
61. See Warkworth’s Chronicle, pp. 37–8, quoting from a MS in the College of Arms transcribed by the editor. Spelling and grammar has been modernised following Gillingham, p. 153.
62. The Dijon and the London were brought by sea from Calais for use during this campaign. The London was melted down in 1472–3, at a time when Edward was attempting to update his stock of gunpowder weapons. See Grummitt, ‘Defence of Calais’, p. 260. Also see below, p. 143.
63. R.E. Horrox (ed.), ‘Edward IV: Parliament of 1463, Text and Translation’, item 28, PROME.
64. Warkworth’s Chronicle, pp. 38–9. There were precedents for Grey’s treatment. The ritual disgrace that was planned for Grey was almost identical to that inflicted on Sir Andrew Harclay in 1323. See M.H. Keen, ‘Treason Trials under the Law of Arms’,Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 12 (1962), pp. 88–90.
65. Gillingham, p. 154.
66. Cited in Goodman, Soldiers’ Experience, p. 192.
Chapter 5 – Reading, September 1464
1. Possibly Duchess Jacquetta had become pregnant before the marriage, which explains why the couple married in haste. See A. Okerlund, Elizabeth Wydeville: The Slandered Queen (Stroud, 2005), p. 43.
2. See D. Santiuste, “‘Puttyng downe and rebuking of vices” : Richard III and the Proclamation for the Reform of Morals‘, in A.S. Harper and C. Proctor (eds.), Medieval Sexuality: A Casebook (New York, 2008), esp. pp. 137–9.
3. Gregory, pp. 226–7.
4. Hicks, Warwick, pp. 256–7.
5. Pollard, Warwick, pp. 76–80.
6. PL, IV, p. 275.
7. Pollard, Warwick, p. 57.
8. Crowland Chronicle, p. 115.
9. It is perhaps a measure of the strength of Edward’s position, as well as of his character, that Henry VI was not put to death (although Henry was publicly humiliated: he was led through the streets of London with his feet tied to the stirrups of his horse.Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 5).
10. See, for example, Chastelain, V, pp. 455–6.
11. Chastelain, V, p. 453.
12. Charles is said to have discovered Exeter, virtually destitute, on the streets of Bruges. According to Commynes, Exeter was barefoot and clad in rags. Commynes, p. 180.
13. Commynes, p. 145; Crowland Chronicle, p. 115.
14. Scofield, I, p. 429.
15. Warkworth’s Chronicle,p. 4.
16. Wavrin, p. 545.
17. CSPM, p. 121.
18. For example, Crowland Chronicle, pp. 132–3. For a sympathetic account of Clarence’s career, see M.A. Hicks, False, Fleeting, Perjur’d Clarence 1449–78 (Gloucester, 1980).
19. Although by now they had two daughters: Elizabeth, born in February 1466, and Mary, born in August 1467.
20. The dispensation was necessary because Clarence and Isabel were related within the degrees prohibited by the Church.
21. Annales, p. 788.
22. Scofield, I, p. 434.
23. See Ross, Edward IV, p. 112.
24. PL, IV, p. 298.
25. Quoted in H.T. Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses (Stroud, 1995, c. 1915), p. 89.
26. Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses, p. 100.
27. Ross, Edward IV, p. 113.
28. Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 12.
29. According to the ‘Brief Latin Chronicle’, in Three Fifteenth-Century Chronicles, ed. J. Gairdner (Camden Society, 1880), p. 183. However, the sources for the northern risings are contradictory and confusing. See K. Dockray, ‘The Yorkshire Rebellions of 1469’, The Ricardian, 6 (1983), pp. 246–57.
30. Unless otherwise specified, for the rest of this paragraph and the next see Ross, Edward IV, p. 129 and references there cited.
31. The true identity of Robin of Redesdale is discussed in Dockray, ‘The Yorkshire Rebellions of 1469’, pp. 253–4. According to Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 6, Robin was Sir William Conyers of Marske. However, Dockray shows that the chronicle is not always reliable with regard to names, and concludes that Sir John Conyers is a much more likely candidate. A.J. Pollard has recently suggested a third candidate though, who was also involved in the rising: Robert, Lord Ogle, who was the Lord of Redesdale. Pollard, Warwick, p. 119.
32. The marriage took place at Calais because it was outside the jurisdiction of Cardinal Bourchier, Archbishop of Canterbury.
33. Printed in Warkworth’s Chronicle, pp. 46–9.
34. Although Warwick’s strategy, if this was so, was extremely ambitious within the context of medieval warfare. See Y.N. Harari, ‘Inter-frontal Cooperation in the Fourteenth Century and Edward III’s 1346 Campaign’, War in History,6 (1999), pp. 379–95. Harari notes that ‘inter-frontal’ co-operation was extremely difficult in the Middle Ages. This was because of the lack of accurate maps, and also because communication times between forces were usually measured in days or even weeks. This meant the overall commander would need to delegate considerable autonomy to his subordinates on other fronts. The best he could usually hope for was that his subordinates could be trusted to make good decisions, and that some of his enemies would be ‘tied down’ thereby making it impossible for them to concentrate their forces effectively. However, in both of these respects Warwick’s strategy succeeded admirably.
35. For accounts of the battle see ‘Hearne’s Fragment’ in Chronicles of the White Rose of York, ed. J.A. Giles (London, 1845), p. 24; Warkworth’s Chronicle, pp. 6–7; Wavrin, V, pp. 581–3. See also Evan, Wales and the Wars of the Roses, pp. 102–7. Hall, who may again have amplified his sources, adds the ‘romantic’ detail (p. 274) that the earls quarrelled over a woman who worked in one of the inns.
36. Pollard, Warwick, p. 119.
37. Warkworth’s Chronicle,p.7.
38. Richard Duke of Gloucester gained custody of the young King Edward V at Stony Stratford in similar circumstances in 1483, even though Edward had at his disposal an escort of 2,000 men.
39. P.M. Kendall, Richard III (New York, 2002, c. 1955), p. 86.
40. The title of his chapter which discusses Warwick’s first rebellion is ‘Lion into Fox.’ Kendall, Richard III, pp. 81–8.
41. Hicks, Warwick, p. 278.
42. Crowland Chronicle, p. 117.
43. PL, V, p. 63.
44. Crowland Chronicle, p. 117.
45. Henry Percy had been a prisoner in London since 1464.
46. ‘Chronicle of the Rebellion in Lincolnshire’, ed. J.G. Nichols, Camden Miscellany, 1 (1847), p. 6.
47. Goodman, Military Activity, p. 71.
49. Warkworth’s Chronicle,p.8.
50. The battle has become traditionally known as ‘Losecoat Field’. It is usually assumed this is a reference to the rebels discarding liveries and equipment as they ran. However, in fact ‘Losecoat’ is the name of a local field, which is probably derived from the Old English hlose-cot, meaning ‘pigsty cottage’. See P. Morgan, ‘The Naming of Battlefields’ in D. Dunn (ed.), War and Society in Medieval and Early Modern Britain (Liverpool, 2000), p. 41.
51. ‘Chronicle of the Rebellion’, p. 10.
52. For discussion see Ross, Edward IV, Appendix V, pp. 441–2; Hicks, Warwick, pp. 282–4.
53. For the rest of this paragraph see ‘Chronicle of the Rebellion’, pp. 14–6.
54. PL, V, p. 71.
55. Sir William Parr, for example, who carried the messages between Edward and the rebels, had already made his peace with Edward by this time.
56. ‘Chronicle of the Rebellion’, pp. 16–7.
57. CPR, 1467–77, pp. 218–9.
58. According to Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 9, for this Worcester ‘was greatly hated among the people’.
59. Commynes, p. 183.
60. Hicks, Warwick, p. 287.
61. The so-called Manner and Guiding, printed in The Politics of Fifteenth-Century England: John Vale’s Book, eds. M.L. Kekewich et al (Stroud, 1995), pp. 215–7.
62. When Edward was barely thirteen, a Milanese ambassador was concerned that the young prince ‘talks of nothing but cutting off heads or making war, as if he had everything in his hands or was the god of battles’. CSPM, p. 117.
63. Commynes, p. 186.
64. Chastelain, V, pp. 492–3, quoted and translated in Ross, Edward IV, p. 148.
65. Ross, Edward IV, pp. 147–9.
66. The master of the Trinity, John Porter, was rewarded with a substantial annuity.
67. Hicks, Warwick, p. 291.
68. PL, V, p. 80.
70. For example: Gillingham, pp. 182–3; Goodman, Military Activity, p. 75.
71. Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 10.
73. See below, p. 112.
Chapter 6 – Texel, The Netherlands, October 1470
1. In 1467, following a number of diplomatic disputes, Edward had temporarily revoked the League’s commercial privileges. A number of German merchants who were resident in London had been imprisoned. See Scofield, Edward IV, I, pp. 465–9.
2. Commynes, p. 189.
3. This paragraph is based on L. Visser-Fuchs, ‘Il n’a plus lion ne lieppart, qui vouelle tenir de sa part: Edward IV in exile, October 1470 to March 1471’, Publication du Centre Européen d’études Bourguignonnes (XIVe-XVIes.),35 (1995), pp. 95–6.
4. Certainly, Norton’s biographer found it difficult to explain why he had not warned Edward of the danger he was in, concluding the only possible explanation was that ‘some great fault in the King letted it’!
5. Much of the next two chapters is based on this account (although many useful details of the ensuing campaign are also supplied by Commynes, Warkworth’s Chronicle and by a newsletter written by a German merchant resident in London, Gerhard von Wesel). Harpisfield’s career is discussed in L. Visser-Fuchs, ‘Nicholas Harpisfield, clerk of the signet, author and murderer’, The Ricardian, 7 (1985–87), pp. 213–19.
6. Edward later ordered a number of Flemish manuscripts. See Scofield, I, Edward IV, p. 566.
7. Commynes, p. 193.
8. Beaufort had absented himself from the celebrations of Charles’s wedding with Margaret, but he had soon returned to court and remained high in Charles’s favour.
9. Commynes, pp. 190–3.
10. Although Commynes does tell us he received a cool reception. Although Wenlock’s behaviour was courtly as ever, it was quite clear how the land lay.
11. See Visser-Fuchs, ‘Il n’a plus lion ne lieppart’, p. 91. Certainly, at the least, his chronology appears to be suspect. At this time Commynes was a counsellor of the Duke of Burgundy, but he was later to defect to Louis of France, who was to become the ‘hero’ of his historical work.
12. See R. Vaughan, Charles the Bold (Woodbridge, 2002, c. 1973), p. 71.
13. Ironically these troops may have included Englishmen, professional soldiers who had taken service with the Duke of Burgundy. Goodman, Soldiers’ Experience, p. 106.
14. Hughes, Alchemy, p. 216.
15. CSPM, p. 151. This was in a letter from the Milanese ambassador to France, written from Beauvais on 9 April. It therefore postdates Edward’s landing in England, but it is likely to reflect general expectations of the expedition on the Continent, rather than being a specific response to later news from England.
16. Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 11.
18. See Pollard, Warwick, p. 71. The extent of popular support for Warwick is confirmed by Yorkist proclamations and propagandist verse which condemn the ‘blindness’ of the commons.
19. Ross, Edward IV, p. 156. In addition to the restoration of his former offices he became Chamberlain and Admiral. He also took the wardship of the young Duke of Buckingham’s lands in South Wales, which had previously been held by William Herbert.
20. Arrivall, p. 10.
21. Quoted in Hicks, Warwick, p. 306.
22. Ross, Edward IV, p. 157. Commissions of the Peace – crucial to the maintenance of law and order – also show that the Readeption Government quickly abandoned attempts to be inclusive. Prominent Yorkists, such as Sir John Howard and Lord Ferrers, were removed from the bench.
23. Warwick told Henry Vernon that Edward had 2,000 men (see Ross, Edward IV, p. 160, n.4). Warkworth’s Chronicle, however, puts Edward’s force at 1,200, consisting of 900 English and 300 Flemish handgunners. The Great Chronicle puts Edward’s strength at only 1,000, including 500 English and 500 Flemings.
24. Arrivall, pp. 3–4.
26. For the events at York see Arrivall, p. 5. See also Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 14, where it is said that Edward entered York wearing the ostrich feather badge of Prince Edward and shouting ‘A King Harry!’
27. For this paragraph see Arrivall, pp. 6–7.
28. Although, again, we should note the difficulties of maintaining effective communication between separated forces during this period (see above, pp. 168–9, n. 34).
30. Arrivall, p. 11.
31. Clarence was kept well informed of developments by Henry Vernon, a Derbyshire gentleman who had famously rejected Warwick’s own desperate plea for support: ‘Henry, I pray you fail not now as ever I may do for you.’ Quoted in Hicks, Warwick, p. 308.
32. Arrivall, p. 11.
33. Arrivall, p. 12.
34. Arrivall, pp. 13–14.
35. During the dissolution of the monasteries Henry VIII’s agents sought, with some success, to prove that many such ‘miracles’ were in fact produced by man-made ‘engines, vices and crafty conveyances’. See P. Marshall, ‘The rood of Boxley, the blood of Hailes and the defence of the Henrician church’, The Journal of Ecclesiastical History (1995), p. 694, quoting a contemporary treatise known as the ‘The Declaration of Faith’.
36. See P.W. Hammond, The Battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury (Gloucester, 1990), p. 68.
37. Great Chronicle, p. 215.
38. Sir Thomas Cook – who had been deputising for Mayor John Stockton –may have fled to France as early as 7 April (Stockton had diplomatically taken to his bed with illness).
39. See Scofield, Edward IV, I, p. 575.
40. Great Chronicle, p. 216.
41. Scofield, Edward IV, I, p. 576, quoting a letter written by Duchess Margaret of Burgundy.
42. Commynes, p. 194.
43. Unless otherwise specified, this and the next seven paragraphs are based on Arrivall, pp. 19–21; H. Kleineke, ‘Gerald Von Wesel’s Newsletter from England, 17 April 1471’, The Ricardian 16 (2006), pp. 77–83; Warkworth’s Chronicle, pp. 15–17.
44. The Elizabethan chronicler Holinshed situated Warwick’s position on Gladmore Heath, and most historians have followed suit. Gladmore Heath (now called Hadley Green) lies just to the north of Barnet. The cross-ridge here would certainly have appealed to a commander who had the opportunity to choose his ground. See A.H. Burne, The Battlefields of England (Barnsley, 2005, c. 1950), pp. 263–5; Hammond, Barnet and Tewkesbury, pp. 72–3.
45. Goodman, Military Activity, p. 159.
46. Goodman suggests Edward may have been consciously imitating Henry V’s policy on the night before the Battle of Agincourt. Goodman, Soldiers’ Experience, pp. 159–60.
47. Although the Great Chronicle’s account has been followed by later chroniclers and historians. See, for example, Burne, Battlefields of England, p. 260.
48. Von Wesel, who saw the Yorkist muster, gives them 15,000. Wavrin, relying on a short French version of the Arrivall, gives the Lancastrians 20,000.
49. Grummitt, ‘Defence of Calais’, pp. 262–3. Between April 1471 and April 1472 the Calais victualler bought 223 brass handguns at Antwerp, which were intended for the use of the Calais garrison.
50. B.S. Hall, Weapons and Warfare in Renaissance Europe: Gunpowder, Technology and Tactics (Baltimore, 1997), p. 132.
51. Although, perhaps surprisingly, Edward is praised by the second Crowland Continuator for ‘behaving rather in response to immediate necessity than foolish propriety’. Crowland Chronicle, p. 125.
52. See Holmes, Acts of War, p. 124: although the attacker’s soldiers are also at a ‘metabolic low’, they have been awake long enough to make physiological adjustments.
53. A British military study of 1980 reports that after forty-eight hours without sleep ‘responses to simulated attacks […] were bad, with most soldiers overreacting and misunderstanding orders, which were not always clearly given by the section commander’. Quoted in Holmes, Acts of War, p. 125.
54. Some of those who fled did not stop until they reached London, where they began to spread alarming (although erroneous) news of a Yorkist defeat.
55. According to Von Wesel ‘3,000 of King Edward’s people fled from the rear, yet neither party noticed because of the fog’. Von Wesel also reports that at one stage Warwick’s men succeeded in gaining custody of Henry VI, although he was afterwards recaptured.
56. Von Wesel, p. 81. Anthony Earl Rivers was also wounded.
57. Geoffrey Wheeler has raised some interesting points about this episode. Warkworth clearly states that ‘the Earl of Oxford’s men had upon them their lord’s livery, both before and behind’. This means that the two badges appeared on the soldiers, not on thebanners as is usually supposed. We do not know how elaborate livery badges would have been, although in the Middle Ages the sun was often drawn like a molet (star) with seven or eight points, which could easily be mistaken for Oxford’s five-pointed molet. However, if the colours of the two badges – presumably gold and silver respectively – were featured then this makes the confusion harder to understand. G. Wheeler, ‘The Battle of Barnet: Heraldic Complications and Complexities’, Ricardian Bulletin(December, 2000), pp. 43–8.
58. Oxford fled into exile. He launched an abortive invasion in 1472 which achieved nothing except the temporary capture of St Michael’s Mount. He spent the rest of Edward’s reign in prison, but he was then released by his gaolers and led Henry Tudor’s victorious army at Bosworth.
59. Exeter was imprisoned in the Tower until 1475, when he was released to accompany Edward on his expedition to France. However, he drowned at sea.
60. Warwick’s depiction in continental sources has been comprehensively studied by Livia Visser-Fuchs. See, for example, ‘Sanguinis Haustor – Drinker of Blood: A Burgundian View of England, 1471’, The Ricardian, 7 (1985–87), pp. 213–19.
61. Pollard, Warwick,p.1.
Chapter 7 – London, April 1471
1. Arrivall, p. 21.
2. For the meeting at Cerne, see Arrivall,p.23.
3. CSPM, p. 154.
4. Arrivall, p. 23.
5. Arrivall, p. 23.
6. The Bishop of Bath and Wells later received a pardon for the loss of the prisoners (25 February, 1472). See P.W. Hammond, The Battles of Barnet and Tewkesbury (Gloucester, 1990), p. 82.
7. PL, V, p. 100.
8. M. Mercer, ‘The Strength of Lancastrian Loyalism during the Readeption: Gentry Participation at the Battle of Tewkesbury’, Journal of Medieval Military History, 5 (2007), pp. 84–98.
9. See Scofield, vol. I, p. 583. On the same day the City of London granted Edward 1,000 marks for the defence of the realm. Scofield, vol. I, p. 584.
10. Arrivall, pp. 23–4.
11. H. Kleineke, ‘Gerald Von Wesel’s Newsletter from England, 17 April 1471’, The Ricardian 16 (2006), p. 69.
12. CPR 1467–77, pp. 283–5. The majority of Edward’s army seems to have come from the Home Counties and the Midlands; Clarence was particularly prominent in the commissions of array.
13. Arrivall, p. 24.
14. CPR 1467–77, p. 259. William Bygge and John Brymston received similar responsibilities the following day.
15. See Ross, Edward IV, p. 274.
16. Edward paid 3,436 archers after the battle. See C. Gravett, Tewkesbury 1471: The Last Yorkist Victory (Oxford, 2003), p. 28.
17. Arrivall, p. 24.
18. Arrivall, p. 25.
19. Arrivall, p. 27.
20. Estimates vary as to the marching speed of medieval armies, which was, of course, dependent on a bewildering range of factors. Bachrach has calculated the eighth-century armies of Pepin the Short were capable of marching 30 kilometres per day (about 18.5 miles). See H. Nicholson, Medieval Warfare: The Theory and Practice of War in Europe 300–1500 (Basingstoke, 2004), p. 125. Von Clausewitz expected a nineteenth army largely consisting of infantry to march 15 miles per day during ‘normal’ conditions, 30 miles during a forced march. See Holmes, Acts of War, pp. 117–18.
21. For some evocative modern descriptions of infantry on the march see Holmes, Acts of War, p. 117.
22. Arrivall, p. 28.
23. Quoted in J. Keegan, The Mask of Command: A Study of Generalship (London, 1999, c. 1987), p. 65.
24. Mancini, p. 64.
25. Arrivall, pp. 27–8.
26. Evans, Wales and the Wars of the Roses, p. 114.
27. Named as the Lancastrians’ ‘field’ in the near contemporary ‘Tewkesbury Abbey Chronicle’, excerpt printed in Kingsford, English Historical Literature, pp. 376–8.
28. Arrivall, p. 29.
29. S. Goodchild, Tewkesbury: Eclipse of the House of Lancaster (Barnsley, 2005), p. 46.
30. Arrivall, p. 29.
31. Arrivall, p. 29.
32. For example, Hammond, Barnet and Tewkesbury, p. 93.
33. See Goodchild, Tewkesbury, pp. 148–50.
34. See above, p. 156, n. 11.
35. This was the role for small arms that was later advocated by Machiavelli in his Art of War. See B. Cassidy, ‘Machiavelli and the Ideology of the Offensive: Gunpowder Weapons in the “Art of War’’,’ Journal of Military History 67 (2003), pp. 387–8.
36. Arrivall, p. 29.
37. Arrivall, p. 29.
38. A.H. Burne, The Battlefields of England (Barnsley, 2005, c. 1950), p. 281.
39. Gravett, Tewkesbury, p. 77.
40. Goodchild, Tewkesbury, p. 53.
41. Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 40.
42. Goodman suggests auxiliaries, probably youths, may have replenished the archers’ stocks of arrows, ‘dodging like ballboys at a tennis match’. Goodman, Soldiers’ Experience, p. 139.
43. Arrivall, p. 29.
44. J. de Bueil, Le Jouvencel, quoted and translated in C.J. Rogers, ‘The Bergerac Campaign (1345) and the Generalship of Henry of Lancaster’, Journal of Medieval Military History, 2 (2004), p. 106, n. 59.
45. P. Vergil, Three Books of Polydore Vergil’s English History, ed. H. Ellis (Camden Society, 1844), p. 152.
46. Hall, p. 300.
47. For Formigny, see The Great Warbow, pp. 358–60.
48. According to an enquiry in June 1472, on the authority of the Bishop of Worcester, the church had been ‘notoriously polluted by violence and shedding of blood’. A completely new church was built six years later by the Abbot of Hailes, although whether this was in response to the events after Tewkesbury is unclear. See Hammond, Barnet and Tewkesbury, p. 99.
49. Vergil, p. 152.
50. Arrivall, p. 30.
51. Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 18.
52. Warkworth’s Chronicle, pp. 18–19; ‘Tewkesbury Abbey Chronicle’, pp. 376–7.
53. Arrivall, p. 31.
54. Arrivall, p. 31.
55. Grummitt, ‘Defence of Calais’, p. 262.
56. Margaret was ‘ransomed’ by Louis XI in 1476, although she was forced to resign any rights to her family’s lands in France. Thereafter she lived a quiet life, living on a meagre pension provided by Louis. Margaret died on 25 August, 1482. Ross, Edward IV, pp. 237–8.
57. Arrivall, p. 38.
58. CSPM, p. 157.
59. Warkworth’s Chronicle, p. 22.
60. The Mayor of Canterbury, Nicholas Faunt, was one of the most prominent victims. He had been captured and held in the Tower, but was taken to Canterbury to undergo punishment.
Chapter 8 – Epilogue
1. C. Carpenter, The Wars of the Roses: Politics and the Constitution in England, c. 1437–1509 (Cambridge, 1997), p. 205.
2. Mancini, p. 64.
3. Carpenter, Wars of the Roses, pp. 190–6, which focuses on Edward’s rule in the localities, especially Warwickshire.
4. Although Carpenter offers a damning assessment of Richard’s actions in 1483. Carpenter, Wars of the Roses, p. 204, pp. 209–10.
5. If King James III of Scotland had not been thwarted in his desire to meet the English in battle, by his own nobles, it is possible (although of course not certain) that Richard might have been able to strike an even greater blow.
6. Although, according to Mancini (p. 62), Richard of Gloucester held the Woodvilles responsible and swore that he would one day avenge his brother’s death.
7. Crowland Chronicle, p. 146.
8. Mancini, p. 66.
9. For discussion see Ross, Edward IV, pp. 414–6.
10. D. Santiuste, ‘Edward V: King or Pawn?’ The Medelai Gazette, 10 (2003), pp. 6–12.
11. Ross, for example, criticises Edward for his ‘failure to make early and deliberate provision for the succession in the event of his own premature death’. Ross, Edward IV, p. 426.
12. For some recent views of Richard see: A. Carson, Richard III: The Maligned King (Stroud, 2008); M.A. Hicks, Richard III (Stroud, 2003); Jones, Bosworth; D. Santiuste, ‘ “Puttyng downe and rebuking of vices’’: Richard III and the Proclamation for the Reform of Morals’, in A.S. Harper and C. Proctor (eds.), Medieval Sexuality: A Casebook (New York, 2008); Paul Kendall’s powerful biography remains a classic text – P.M. Kendall, Richard III (New York, 2002, c. 1955). But the historiography is now vast. Useful reading lists are available at the websites of the Richard III Foundation, Inc. (http://www.richard111.com) and the Richard III Society (http://www.richardiii.net).
13. Unless otherwise specified the next six paragraphs are based on: D. Grummitt, ‘The French Expedition of 1475 and What the Campaign Meant to Those Involved’, available at http://www.richardiii.net; M.A. Hicks, Edward IV, pp. 132–42; M.K. Jones, ‘1477 – the Expedition That Never Was: Chivalric Expectation in Late Yorkist England’, The Ricardian, 12 (2001), pp. 275–92; J.R. Lander, ‘The Hundred Years War and Edward IV’s 1475 Campaign in France’, A.J. Slavin ed., Tudor Men and Institutions(Baton Rouge, 1972), pp. 70–100; Ross, Edward IV, 205–38; A.F. Sutton and L. Visser-Fuchs, ‘Chevalrie […] in som partie is worthi for to be commendid, and in some part to be amendid: Chivalry and the Yorkist Kings’, C.F. Richmond and E. Scarff, eds., St George’s Chapel, Windsor, in the Late Middle Ages (Windsor, 2001), esp. pp. 116–18.
14. Grummitt, ‘Defence of Calais’, pp. 263–5.
15. Many of the new guns were expected to be used in the field. For example, the serpentine provided by van Meighlyn was mounted on a cart with four wheels shod with iron. This gun, along with the Great Edward, was part of the English army in 1475.
16. CSPM, p. 194.
17. Crowland Chronicle, pp. 136–7.
18. Commynes, p. 258, p. 359, p. 361.
19. Most of the English noblemen in the army accepted gifts from Louis, in addition to the terms agreed at Picquigny.
20. Commynes, p. 261.
21. Some of Edward’s soldiers joined the army of Charles of Burgundy.
22. Catherine Nall’s doctoral thesis, which will be published in due course, is concerned with the reception and dissemination of military texts in the aftermath of the Hundred Years’ War. Several owners of manuscripts of Vegetius, Chartier and Pisan annotated passages which linked internal peace and outward war.
23. The first Crowl and Continuator reports how Edward visited the Abbey and ‘passed the night a well-pleased guest. On the morrow, being greatly delighted with the quietness of the place and the courtesy shown to him, he walked on foot through the streets to the western outlet of the village […] praising in high terms of commendation the plan of the stone bridge and the houses’. Ingulph, p. 445.
24. Quoted in A. Lynch, ‘ “Peace is good after war’’: The Narrative Seasons of English Arthurian Tradition’, in C. Saunders et al, eds., Writing War: Medieval Literary Responses to Warfare (Cambridge, 2004), p. 144. In this article Lynch surveys a number of medieval English Arthurian romances, and his conclusions are suggestive. ‘Too much’ war is seen as an evil, although peace is almost never seen as a good in itself.
25. As noted in Sutton and Visser-Fuchs, ‘Chivalry and the Yorkist Kings’, p. 117.
26. Commynes, p. 353.