Post-classical history

ABBREVIATIONS

AASS

Acta Sanctorum

BL

British Library

BN

Bibliothèque Nationale

CCCM

Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis

CCSL

Corpus Christianorum Series Latina

CSEL

Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum

EJ

Encyclopedia Judaica

MGH

Monumenta Germaniae Historica

ÖNB

Österreichische Nationalbibliothek

PL

Patrologia Latina

RTAM

Recherches de théologie ancienne et médiévale

NOTES

Please note that some of the links referenced in this work are no longer active.

INTRODUCTION: IN A MIRROR, DARKLY

1. See Bernhard Blumenkranz, Le Juif médiéval au miroir de l’art chrétien (Paris, 1966); Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art, 2 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993); Heinz Schreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas: Ein historischer Bildatlas (Göttingen and Freiburg, 1996), translated as The Jews in Christian Art: An Illustrated History (New York, 1996).

2. For the identifying clothing, see ch. 1. For Jewish physiognomy, see ch. 5. For the Eucharistic wafer, see Sara Lipton, Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralisée (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1999), pp. 103–05.

3. For a wide-ranging, insightful, and erudite exploration of this theme through Western intellectual history, see David Nirenberg, Anti-Judaism: The Western Tradition (New York, 2013), esp. pp. 53–68.

4. 1 Cor. 1:21-23. Paul is quoting Isa. 29:14.

5. 2 Cor. 5:6-7. See also 2 Cor. 4:18.

6. Augustine of Hippo, Sermo 263 (http://www.augustinus.it/latino/discorsi/index2.htm). PL 38:1209–12 omits some of this text.

7. Augustine of Hippo, De civitate dei 18.46, ed. B. Dombart and A. Kalb (Stuttgart, 1981), p. 325. See also Augustine’s sermon on Psalm 40: Enarrationes in Psalmos, ed. E. Dekkers and J. Fraipont, CCSL 38 (Turnhout, 1956), p. 459. See Paula Fredriksen, Augustine and the Jews: A Christian Defense of Jews and Judaism (New York, 2008 and Jeremy Cohen, Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity [Los Angeles and Berkeley, 1999], pp. 19–65).

8. Contra Faustum 12.24, ed. J. Zycha, CSEL 25 (Vienna, 1891–92), p. 353.

9. On Jews in the early medieval West, and the elite status and high social circles of the most prominent and visible among them, see Michael Toch, “The Jews in Europe, 500–1050,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 1, ca. 500–700, ed. Paul Fouracre (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 545–70.

10. I discuss Synagoga in greater depth in chs. 1 and 2.

11. 1 Cor. 15:3–8 (where Paul lists himself as the last person to whom Christ appeared). See also Nirenberg, Anti-Judaism, p. 61.

12. 2 Cor. 4:6.

13. The Carolingian period (ca. 770–900) is an exception to this general rule. See Celia Chazelle, The Crucified God in the Carolingian Era: Theology and Art of Christ’s Passion (Cambridge, 2001). This brief flowering did not last. For an overview of early medieval art, see Ian Wood, “Art and Architecture of Western Europe,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 1, ca. 500–700, ed. Paul Fouracre (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 760–75, and Lawrence Nees, “Art and Architecture,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 2, ca. 700–900, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 809–44.

14. For most of the signs listed here, see Mellinkoff, Outcasts; Schreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas; Blumenkranz, Le Juif médiéval. See also Debra Higgs Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art (Princeton, 2003), and Lipton, Images of Intolerance, pp. 54–81 (on signs of literalism), pp. 30–53 (on signs of avarice), and pp. 88–95 (on cats).

15. I document lay and clerical reactions to medieval art in a forthcoming study, The Vulgate of Experience.

16. See ch. 5.

17. See the comments of Michael Camille, The Gothic Idol: Ideology and Image-Making in Medieval Art (Cambridge, 1989), p. xxvi. See also Henry Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book Illumination, 2nd ed. (London, 1999), p. 1.

CHAPTER ONE: MIRROR OF THE FATHERS: THE BIRTH OF A JEWISH ICONOGRAPHY, CA. 1015–1100

1. On the religious atmosphere around (and perhaps related to) the year 1000, see The Apocalyptic Year 1000: Religious Expectation and Social Change, 950–1050, ed. Richard A. Landes, David C. Van Meter, and Andrew Gow (Oxford, 2003).

2. Ralph Glaber’s remark (ca. 1035) that the whole world seemed to be “cladding itself everywhere in a white mantle of churches” is the most famous contemporary comment on these changes. Rodulfus Glaber, Historiarum libri quinque (The Five Books of the Histories), ed. and trans. John France (Oxford, 1989), 3.4.13, pp. 114–17. On the revival of stone building, see Guilym Peredur Jones, “Building in Stone in Medieval Europe,” in The Cambridge Economic History of Europe from the Decline of the Roman Empire, Vol. 2: Trade and Industry in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, 1987), p. 767. On changes in devotion, see especially Rachel Fulton, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800–1200 (New York, 2002). On the rise of visuality in Christian worship, see J.-C. Schmitt, “L’Occident, Nicée II et les images du VIIIe au XIIIe siècle,” in Nicée II, 987–1987, ed. F. Boespflug and N. Lossky (Paris, 1988), pp. 271–301; Jean Wirth, L’Image à l’époque romane (Paris, 1999).

3. See, e.g., Engelbert Kirschbaum, “Juden, Judentum,” in Lexikon der Christlichen Ikonographie, vol. 2 (Vienna, 1970), p. 450. See also Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art, 2 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993), vol. 1, pp. 59–94.

4. For a striking demonstration of the signifying centrality of the hat starting in the mid-twelfth century, compare its use in Carolingian and late-twelfth-century copies of the Utrecht Psalter: C. F. Kaufmann, Biblical Imagery in Medieval England 700–1550 (London, 2003), pp. 107–12.

5. As pointed out by Ruth Mellinkoff, “The Round, Cap-Shaped Hats on Jews in BM Cotton Claudius B.iv,” Anglo-Saxon England 2 (1973): 155–65.

6. This is essentially the approach of Blumenkranz, Le Juif médiéval, p. 14; R. Straus, “The ‘Jewish Hat’ as an Aspect of Social History,” Jewish Social Studies 4 (1942): 59–72; Alfred Rubens, A History of Jewish Costume (New York, 1967), p. 106.

7. See, e.g., the 1982 production of Ivanhoe, in which the Jewish figure played by James Mason flourishes the long sidelocks and Yiddish accent of a Hasidic rabbi. In actuality, twelfth-century English Jews spoke French and probably dressed like upper-class Normans.

8. Jacob Katz, Exclusiveness and Tolerance: Studies in Jewish-Gentile Relations in Medieval and Modern Times (Oxford, 1961), pp. 28–31, stresses that the main goal of halakhists from the tenth through the twelfth centuries was to reconcile contemporary customs and ancient texts. See also Israel M. Ta-Shma, The Literature of Talmudic Exegesis in Europe and North Africa. Part One (Jerusalem, 1999) (Hebrew), pp. 16, 32, 76; Talya Fishman, Becoming the People of the Talmud: Oral Torah as Written Tradition in Medieval Jewish Cultures (Philadelphia, 2011); Louis Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (New York, 1964). Friedrich Lotter, “Die Juden zwischen Rhein und Elbe im Zeitalter Bernwards von Hildesheim,” in Bernward von Hildesheim und das Zeitalter der Ottonen. Katalog der Ausstellung Hildesheim 1993, ed. Michael Brandt and Arne Eggebrecht (Hildesheim and Mainz, 1993), p. 226, stresses the independence of Rhenish rabbis.

9. On the origins and nature of northern European Jewish communities, see Ivan Marcus, “A Jewish-Christian Symbiosis: The Culture of Early Ashkenaz,” in Cultures of the Jews: A New History, ed. David Biale (New York, 2002), pp. 449–516, with further bibliography; the introduction to The Responsa of Rabbenu Gershom Meor HaGolah,ed. Shlomo Eidelberg (New York, 1955); and Avraham Grossman, Rashi, trans. Joel Linsider (Oxford, 2012), pp. 3–70. Grossman acknowledges differences and tensions between Jews and Christians but nonetheless stresses the “intensity of socio-cultural ties” (p. 10).

10. Irving A. Agus, Urban Civilization in Pre-Crusade Europe: A Study of Organized Town-Life in Northwestern Europe during the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries, 2 vols. (New York, 1965), pp. 355, 530; Marcus, “A Jewish-Christian Symbiosis,” p. 455. Indeed, rabbis were forbidden to take payment for their scholarly and legal activities.

11. See Agus, Urban Civilization, pp. 119–20, 256–309, 349, 380–86. On Jewish economic activities in the eleventh century, see Jean-Pierre Devroey and Christian Brouwer, “La participation des Juifs au commerce dans le monde franc (VIe–Xe siècles),” in Voyages et voyageurs à Byzance et en Occident du VIe au XIe siècle: Actes du colloque international organisé par la Section d’histoire de l’Université libre de Bruxelles en collaboration avec le Département des sciences historiques de l’Université, ed. Alain Dierkens, Jean-Marie Sansterre, and Jean-Louis Küpper (Geneva, 2000), pp. 339–74.

12. Ephraim Kanarfogel, “Prayer, Literacy, and Literary Memory in the Jewish Communities of Medieval Europe,” in Jewish Studies at the Crossroads of Anthropology and History: Authority, Diaspora, Tradition, ed. Ra’anan S. Boustan, Oren Kosansky, and Marina Rustow (Philadelphia, 2011), p. 404n90. I thank Prof. Kanarforgel and Prof. Effie Shoham-Seiner for sending me the article.

13. On Jewish acculturation, see Ivan G. Marcus, Rituals of Childhood: Jewish Acculturation in Medieval Europe (New Haven and London, 1996), esp. pp. 8–13; Avraham Grossman, Pious and Rebellious: Jewish Women in Medieval Europe, trans. Jonathan Chipman (Hanover, 2004), pp. 1–3. For a thoughtful recent discussion of degrees of acculturation versus insularity, see David Malkiel,Reconstructing Ashkenaz: The Human Face of Franco-German Jewry, 1000–1250 (Stanford, 2009), and Malkiel, “Jews and Apostates in Medieval Europe,” Past and Present 194 (2007): 3–34. Israel Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, trans. Barbara Harshav and Jonathan Chipman (Berkeley, 2006), pp. 29–30, argues for cultural closeness (if not warm feelings) between Jews and Christians in medieval cities. For Jews using Christian courts, see the takkanot (ordinances) of Rabbi Tam in Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government, p. 156. Fritz Reuter,Warmaisa: 1000 Jahre Juden in Worms (Worms, 1984), p. 57, notes that until the fourteenth century Jews were full-fledged citizens of Worms and enjoyed bürgerlicheprivileges.

14. Elisheva Baumgarten, Mothers and Children: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe (Princeton, 2004), pp. 143–44, 92–100.

15. R. Samson ben Abraham of Sens in Tosafot Succah 45a, Mordechai Succah 2, 743, quoted in Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government, p. 240.

16. See Exod. 28:40 and 39:27–28 and Lev. 8:9.

17. Eric Zimmer, “Men’s Headcovering: The Metamorphosis of This Practice,” in Reverence, Righteousness, and “Rahamanut”: Essays in Memory of Rabbi Dr. Leo Jung, ed. Jacob J. Schacter (Northvale, N.J., 1992), pp. 326–27; I thank Dr. Effie Shoham-Steiner for bringing this article to my attention. The relevant Talmudic passages are Shabbat156b (which says that covering the head increases one’s awareness and awe of Heaven), Berakhot 51a and 60b, Pesahim 111b, Kiddushin 8a, 29b, and 31a, and Nedarim 30b; Jerusalem Talmud Moed Katan III 24a and 82c (which note that covering the head was a sign of mourning and therefore inappropriate for shabbat). See also “Head, Covering of the” in Encyclopedia Judaica, vol. 8 (Jerusalem, 1971), cols. 1–6, and the article on “Clothing” in Norman Roth, ed., Medieval Jewish Civilization: An Encyclopedia (New York, 2003), pp. 173–74.

18. EJ 8:1–6.

19. Abraham ben Nathan of Lunel, Sefer Ha-Manhig, ed. Yitzhak Raphael (Jerusalem, 1978), 15b. Although Abraham was born in southern France and eventually moved to Toledo, he studied in Dampierre, in northern France, and Ha-Manhig describes customs common in Ashkenazi communities.

20. EJ 8:5–6.

21. Rubens, History of Jewish Costume, pp. 6–12.

22. Steven Fine, “How Do You Know a Jew When You See One? Reflections on Jewish Costume in the Roman World,” in Fashioning Jews: Clothing, Culture, and Commerce, ed. Leonard Greenspoon (West Lafayette, Ind., 2013), pp. 19–27; Shaye J. D. Cohen, The Beginnings of Jewishness: Boundaries, Varieties, Uncertainties (Berkeley, 1999), pp. 25–68; Zimmer, “Men’s Headcovering,” p. 326; Rubens, History of Jewish Costume, pp. 13–20.

23. See Norman A. Stillman, The Jews of Arab Lands: A History and Source Book (Philadelphia, 1979), pp. 68–71; texts on pp. 157–58, 167, 251, 269–70, 273–74.

24. Agobard, De insolentia Judaeorum, PL 104:74. I here differ from Guido Kisch, “The Yellow Badge in Jewish History,” Historia Judaica 19 (1957): 93.

25. John the Deacon, Sancti Gregorii Magni Vita, in PL 75:207. Here again Kisch, “The Yellow Badge,” p. 92, offers a different interpretation. See also Straus, “The ‘Jewish Hat,’” p. 61.

26. See Agus, Urban Civilization, pp. 65–66, 75–77.

27. Annals of Saint Bertin, trans. Janet Nelson (Manchester, 1991), p. 42 (Anno 839). Neither Prudence of Troyes nor pseudo-Amulo of Lyons says anything about Bodo donning a hat: Constable, “Introduction,” in Apologiae Duae. Gozechini Epistola ad Walcherum. Burchardi, ut videtur, Abbatis Bellevallis, Apologia de Barbis, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, CCCM 62 (Turnhout, 1985), pp. 110–11. I discuss the question of the beard below. On Bodo, see A. Cabaniss, “Bodo-Eleazar: A Famous Jewish Convert,” Jewish Quarterly Review n.s. 43 (1952–53): 313–28, and Frank Riess, “From Aachen to Al-Andalus: The Journey of Deacon Bodo (823–76),” Early Medieval Europe 13 (2005): 131–58.

28. Responsum of R. Eliezar the Great (d. 1050), in Agus, Urban Civilization, pp. 801–02.

29. Eruvin 84b, cited in Moshé Catane, “Le vêtement en France au XIe siècle d’après les écrits de Rashi,” in Rashi et la Culture Juive en France du Nord au Moyen Âge, ed. Gilbert Dahan, Gérard Nahon, and Elie Nicolas (Paris-Louvain, 1997), p. 131.

30. Rubens, History of Jewish Costume, p. 94; Julius Aronius, ed., Regesten zur Geschichte der Juden im fränkischen und deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1273 (Berlin, 1902), no. 724.

31. In Guido Kisch’s otherwise admirably documented The Jews in Medieval Germany: A Study of Their Legal and Social Status (Chicago, 1949), there is not a single footnote in the entire paragraph discussing the “Jewish hat” (p. 296). His confident description of the changes in form of this hat can be based only on Christian art.

32. Danièle Sansy, “Marquer la différence: L’imposition de la rouelle aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles,” Médiévales 41 (2001): 17, notes that in the few late medieval French images depicting Jews wearing distinguishing badges, the badges do not conform to local laws concerning their size, color, or shape.

33. For a similar approach, see the fine survey by Danièle Sansy, “Chapeau juif ou chapeau pointu? Esquisse d’un signe d’infamie,” in Symbole des Alltags. Alltag der Symbole. Festschrift für Harry Kühnel zum 65. Geburtstag (Graz, 1992), pp. 349–75.

34. Rubens, History of Jewish Costume, p. 106. Both volumes of the Stavelot Bible are now in the British Library (London, BL Add. mss. 28106–28107). On this manuscript, see Wayne Dynes, The Illuminations of the Stavelot Bible (New York and London, 1978) and the entry in Rhein und Maas. Kunst und Kultur 800–1400, 2 vols. (Cologne, 1973), 1.232 (F27). Though it is not known if Goderanus was one of the artists as well as the main scribe, for purposes of convenience I refer to him as the maker of the manuscript. Mellinkoff, “The Round, Cap-Shaped Hats,” discusses depictions of a different kind of hat in an earlier Anglo-Saxon manuscript.

35. “Tibi domine deus ego peccator Goderanus et frater Ernesto in labore isto adiutor et socius abbatis nostri permissu hunc codicem cum parili in domo tua quae in coenobio Stabulaus tuo nomine consecrata est delegavimus.… Codices hi ambo quia continuatum et tamen morosius scripti sunt per annos ferme quatuor.… Et ipse est annus ab incarnatione domini m.xcvii, indictione v., Henrico iiii. imperante, christianorum exercitu super paganos violenter agente.” London, BL Add. ms. 28107, fol. 228.

36. On the attacks that took place in the Rhineland region, see Shlomo Eidelberg, ed., The Jews and the Crusaders: The Hebrew Chronicles of the First and Second Crusades (Madison, 1977); Robert Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley, 1987); Jeremy Cohen, Sanctifying the Name of God: Jewish Martyrs and Jewish Memories of the First Crusade (Philadelphia, 2004). Interestingly, Stavelot and Lobbes, the other monastery at which Goderanus worked, indirectly helped finance Godfrey’s journey to the Holy Land: Godfrey raised the cash by selling his castle to the Bishop of Liège, who covered the cost by demanding levies from the monasteries in his diocese, including Lobbes and Stavelot. Joseph Warichez, L’Abbaye de Lobbes depuis ses origines jusqu’en 1200 (Louvain and Paris, 1909), pp. 81 and 301.

37. Blumenkranz, Le Juif médiéval, pp. 13 and 19–20. For an overview of the historiographical tradition identifying the First Crusade as the moment and cause of the assumed “downturn” in Jewish-Christian relations, see Lester K. Little, “The Role of the Jews in the Commercial Revolution,” Povertà e ricchezza nella spiritualità dei secoli XI e XII (Todi, 1969), pp. 271–87.

38. Albert of Aachen, Albert of Aachen’s History of the Journey to Jerusalem: Books 1–6, trans. and ed. Susan B. Edgington (Burlington, Vt., 2013), pp. 37–39.

39. Ms. 1 of the Library of the Seminary of the Diocese of Tournai. On this manuscript, see Don Denny, “The Historiated Initials of the Lobbes Bible,” Revue Belge 45 (1976): 3–26; Walter Cahn, Romanesque Bible Illumination (Ithaca, 1982), pp. 126–30, cat. no. 48; C. R. Dodwell, The Pictorial Arts of the West, 800–1200 (New Haven, 1993), p. 269.

40. Hildesheim Cathedral Treasury ms. 18 (Dom- and Diozesanmuseum DS 18).

41. Hildesheim Cathedral Treasury ms. 18, fol. 75r. The image accompanies the Gospel of Mark, which begins with an account of John’s mission.

42. This image is innovative in another way: it is the earliest surviving, perhaps the first ever, artistic rendering of this episode. Michael Brandt, Das Kostbare Evangeliar des Heiligen Bernward (Munich, 1993), p. 42.

43. Mark 1:4–5. For Pharisees and Sadducees, see Matt. 3:7. For priests and Levites, see John 1:19.

44. Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book Illumination, p. 104.

45. Francis Joseph Tschan, Saint Bernward of Hildesheim, 3 vols. (Notre Dame, 1942–52), 2.48 calls the Magi’s hats “Jewish headgear.” There is no evidence to support his contention on p. 61n26 that the hat was derived from ninth-century Andalusian legislation; no statutes dictating pointed hats were passed in this period and in any case it is unlikely that Bernward and his artists knew about Muslim law in Iberia.

46. On the Magi in art, see Robert Deshman, “Christus Rex et Magi Reges: Kingship and Christology in Ottonian and Anglo-Saxon Art,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 10 (1976): 378. See also Brandt, Das Kostbare Evangeliar, pp. 30–31.

47. See, e.g., the Prüm Troper, ca. 986–1001 (Paris, BN ms. lat. 9448, fol. 28v), and the Sacramentary of Robert of Jumièges, England, ca. 1020 (Rouen, Bibliothèque municipale ms. Y 6, fol. 36v), which is discussed in Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 1, p. 90, and illustrated in vol. 2, fig. 3.117.

48. Matt. 2:1–12. On medieval interpretations of these figures, see Richard C. Trexler, The Journey of the Magi: Meanings in History of a Christian Story (Princeton, 1997).

49. Tertullian Adversus Marcionem, book 1, ch. 13, CCSL 1 (Turnhout, 1954), p. 454.

50. Pseudo-Augustine, De mirabilibus sacrae scripturae 3.4, PL 35:2194.

51. Quaestiones ex novo testamento, PL 35:2258.

52. Isidore of Seville, The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville, trans. Stephen A. Barney, W. J. Lewis, J. A. Beach, and Oliver Berghof (Cambridge, 2006), p. 183 (VIII.ix.25).

53. E.g., Justin Martyr, The Dialogue with Trypho, trans. A. Lukyn Williams (London, 1930), pp. 162–63 (chs. 77, 78). Christian authors were also influenced by Isa. 60:6.

54. These types of headgear were all known to early medieval people through the enormously popular encyclopedia of Isidore of Seville: Etymologies, trans. Stephen A. Barney et al., pp. 386, 390–91 (XIX.23; XIX.30; XIX.31).

55. Dimiter Angelov, Ruth Macrides, and J. A. Munitiz, Pseudo-Kodinos and the Constantinopolitan Court: Offices and Ceremonies (Farnham, Surrey, 2013). I thank Professor Angelov for this reference.

56. See also Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 1, p. 90; Heinz Schreckenberg, Die christlichen Adversus-Judaeos-Texte und ihr literarisches und historisches Umfeld (11.–13.Jh) (Frankfurt, 1988), p. 701.

57. Trexler, Journey of the Magi, pp. 54–60, explores the political and diplomatic nature of Ottonian treatments of the Magi.

58. See Percy Ernst Schramm, Kaiser, Rom, und Renovatio: Studien zur Geschichte des römischen Erneuerungsgedankens vom Ende des karolingischen Reiches bis zum Investiturstreit, 3rd ed., 2 vols. (Darmstadt, 1962); Josef Fleckenstein, “Das Kaiserhaus der Ottonen,” in Bernward von Hildesheim und das Zeitalter, ed. Brandt and Eggebrecht, pp. 47–62; Karl Leyser, Rule and Conflict in an Early Medieval Society: Ottonian Saxony (London, 1979); Deshman, “Christus Rex et Magi Reges,” pp. 372–73; Peter K. Klein, “L’Art et idéologie impériale des Ottoniens vers l’an mil: L’Évangeliaire d’Henri II et l’Apocalypse de Bamberg,” Cahiers de Saint-Michel de Cuxa 16 (1985): 177–220.

59. Bamberg Apocalypse, Bamberg Staatsbibliothek ms. AII 42, which was made for Henry II, who was crowned emperor in 1014. The connection between the Magi and tributary personifications is noted by Susan E. von Daum Tholl, “Visualizing the Millennium: Eschatological Rhetoric for the Ottonian Court,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000,p. 235. See also Gérard Cames, “Otton III et ses hauts dignitaires sur les miniatures de Bamberg et de Munich,” Scriptorium 16 (1962): 231–38. As used by art historians, the term “Ottonian” includes art made not only under the three Ottos but also under their immediate successors, Henry II (1002–24), Conrad II (1024–39), and Henry III (1039–56).

60. “Fantastical” is the word used in Brandt, Kostbare Evangeliar, p. 31. On the Last Supper image in this manuscript see Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book Illumination, p. 103.

61. Thietmar of Merseberg, Chronicon, ed. Robert Holtzmann, MGH Scriptores Rerum Germanicum in usum scholarum, n.s. 9 (Berlin, 1935), pp. 396–97 (book 7, ch. 1).

62. Leyser, Rule and Conflict, pp. 87, 92.

63. On Ottonian relations with Byzantium, see Frederick P. Pickering, “The Western Image of Byzantium in the Middle Ages,” in Essays on Medieval German Literature and Iconography (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 146–63.

64. The main medieval source for Bernward’s life is Thangmar, Vita Bernwardi episcopi Hildesheimensis in MGH Scriptores IV, ed. G. Pertz (Hannover, 1841), pp. 754–82. See also Tschan, Saint Bernward of Hildesheim; Hans Jakob Schoffels, “Bernward Bischof von Hildesheim. Eine biographische Skizze,” in Bernward von Hildesheim und das Zeitalter, ed. Brandt and Eggebrecht, vol. 2, pp. 29–43; and Medieval Treasures from Hildesheim, ed. Peter Barnet, Michael Brandt, and Gerhard Lutz (New Haven and London, 2013). The Bernward Bible is Hildesheim, Dommuseum DS 61. On Bernward’s tendency to incorporate contemporary concerns into biblical imagery, see Adam S. Cohen and Anne Derbes, “Bernward and Eve at Hildesheim,” Gesta 40 (2001): 19–38.

65. Reiner Haussherr, “Der tote Christus am Kreuz zur Ikonographie des Gerokreuzes,” PhD diss., Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, Bonn, 1963.

66. See Johannes Fried, “Awaiting the End of Time around the Turn of the Year 1000,” in The Apocalyptic Year 1000, pp. 18–63.

67. See A. Frolow, La relique de la vraie croix: Recherches sur le développement d’un culte (Paris, 1961); Kelly M. Holbert, “Relics and Reliquaries of the True Cross,” in Sarah Blick and Rita Tekippe, eds., Art and Architecture of Late Medieval Pilgrimage in Northern Europe and the British Isles (Leiden and Boston, 2004), pp. 337–64. The other relics associated with Christ include his foreskin and his blood. On the latter, see Caroline Bynum, Wonderful Blood: Theology and Practice in Late Medieval Germany and Beyond (Philadelphia, 2007).

68. The oldest known sculpture of the Virgin and Child, which is also the oldest surviving freestanding sculpture north of the Alps, is the Golden Madonna of Essen, near Cologne, which dates to ca. 980. See Beate Fricke, Ecce fides. Die Statue von Conques, Götzendienst und Bildkultur im Westen (Munich, 2007); Arnold Angenendt, “‘In meinem Fleisch werde ich Gott sehen.’ Bernward und die Reliquien,” in Bernward von Hildesheim und das Zeitalter, ed. Brandt and Eggebrecht, vol. 1, pp. 361–68.

69. Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book Illumination, p. 105.

70. See George Henderson, “De laudibus Sanctae Crucis,” in Early Medieval (London, 1972), pp. 201–38.

71. Thangmar, Vita Bernwardi, p. 781. Emphasis mine. This epitaph is drawn from Job 19:25–27, with slight modifications, and appears as a responsorium in the Mass for the Dead.

72. Mayr-Harting, Ottonian Book Illustration, p. 96.

73. Bernward von Hildesheim und das Zeitalter, ed. Brandt and Eggebrecht, vol. 1, pp. 33–39 and vol. 2, no. VIII–31; Medieval Treasures from Hildesheim, no. 8, pp. 44–45, and no. 10, pp. 48–49. On the fragment of the Holy Cross given to Bernward by Otto III, see Thangmar, Vita Bernwardi, ch. 8. On Bernward’s cross, see also Christof L. Diedrichs, Vom Glauben zum Sehen. Die Sichtbarkeit der Reliquie im Reliquiar. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Sehens (Berlin, 2001), ch. 1.

74. Brandt, Das Kostbare Evangeliar, p. 31.

75. For a contemporary parallel, see Adam S. Cohen, The Uta Codex: Art, Philosophy, and Reform in Eleventh-Century Germany (University Park, Pa., 2000), pp. 123ff.

76. The staff held here so awkwardly by one of the elders may relate to Gen. 49:10, a central text in Jewish-Christian exegetical polemics. Contrast this with the suggestion of Tschan, Saint Bernward of Hildesheim, vol. 2, p. 66.

77. This echoes a tactic first employed by Saint Augustine, who in a sermon on the Epiphany (the Feast of the Magi) asserted that “this enlightening [vision] of the Magi constitutes great testimony of the blindness of the Jews.” Sermo 200, In Epiphania Domini, II, cap. II.3 (PL 38:1029).

78. Ernst Schubert, “Der Reichsepiskopat,” in Bernward von Hildesheim und das Zeitalter, ed. Brandt and Eggebrecht, pp. 98–100. See also Robert M. Stein, Reality Fictions: Romance, History, and Governmental Authority, 1025–1180 (Notre Dame, 2006), pp. 13–21; Michel Parisse, “L’évêque d’empire au Xe siècle: L’exemple Lorrain,”Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale 27 (1984): 95–105.

79. The earliest surviving illustration of the pointed bishop’s miter dates to 976 (the Codex Albendense in the Escorial Library, Madrid); the earliest to survive from the Holy Roman Empire is in an early-eleventh-century Exultet Roll from Bari (Bari, Cathedral Archives 1), which has been dated anywhere from ca. 1000 to ca. 1030. See A. Kingsley Porter, “The Tomb of Hincmar and Carolingian Sculpture in France,” Burlington Magazine 50 (1927): 75–91; Myrtilla Avery, The Exultet Rolls of South Italy (Princeton, 1936); Percy Ernst Schramm, Herrschaftszeichen und Staatssymbolik (Stuttgart, 1954): 1.51–62; Ruth Mellinkoff, The Horned Moses in Medieval Art and Thought (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1970), pp. 94ff; Joseph Braun, Die liturgische Gewandung im Occident und Orient(Freiburg, 1907), pp. 431–38. Michele Beaulieu, “Communication sur le prétendu bonnet juif,” Bulletin de la Société nationale des antiquaires de France (Jan. 1972): 29–44, is one of the few scholars who have made the connection (and noticed the resulting confusion) between Jewish and episcopal headgear.

80. Thietmar of Merseberg, Chronicon 7.73. See Lotter, “Die Juden zwischen Rhein und Elbe,” p. 228.

81. The conversion and subsequent epistolary debate are recorded in Alpert of Metz, De Diversitate Temporum, Lib. II, caps. 22–24, in MGH Scriptores IV, ed. G. Pertz (Hannover, 1841), pp. 720–23. The debate is translated and analyzed in Anna Abulafia, “An Eleventh-Century Exchange of Letters between a Christian and a Jew,” Journal of Medieval History 7 (1981): 153–74.

82. Alpert of Metz, De Diversitate Temporum, Lib. II, cap. 24, in Pertz, p. 721.

83. See Mechtild Schulze-Dörrlamm, Die Kaiserkrone Konrads II (1024–1039): Eine archäologische Untersuchung zu Alter und Herkunft der Reichskrone (Sigmaringen, 1991).

84. Adémar of Chabanne, Chronicon III.52, ed. P. Bourgain, CCCM 129 (Turnhout, 1999), p. 171. See also Daniel F. Callahan, “The Cross, the Jews, and the Destruction of the Church of the Holy Sepulcher in the Writings of Ademar of Chabannes,” in Michael Frassetto, ed., Christian Attitudes toward the Jews in the Middle Ages: A Casebook(New York, 2007), pp. 15–23.

85. Agus, Urban Civilization, p. 174; Techuvot Ba’alei ha-Tosafot, ed. I. Agus (New York, 1954), no. 1, p. 40; discussed in David Malkiel, “Historiographical Essay: Jewish-Christian Relations in Europe, 840–1096,” Journal of Medieval History 29 (2003): 63–64.

86. See Elliott Horowitz, Reckless Rites: Purim and the Legacy of Jewish Violence (Princeton, 2006), pp. 160–62.

87. Sixten Ringbom, “Devotional Images and Imaginative Devotions: Notes on the Place of Art in Late Medieval Private Piety,” Gazette des Beaux Arts, ser. 6, vol. 73, alt. no. 1202 (1969), p. 160. On the liturgical development, see Michele Bacci, “The Berardenga Antependium and the Passio Ymaginis Office,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 61 (1998): 1–16.

88. Wolfgang S. Seiferth, Synagogue and Church in the Middle Ages: Two Symbols in Art and Literature, trans. Lee Chadeayne and Paul Gottwald (New York, 1970), pp. 7–11.

89. Cohen, The Uta Codex.

90. Cohen, The Uta Codex, p. 190.

91. Synagoga’s vision is also at least partially blocked in an image in the sacramentary of Abbot Ellinger of Tegernsee (Rome, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, cod. Ross 204, fol. 10r), dating to ca. 1030–60. See also the early-eleventh-century ivory plaque of the crucifixion in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London (Inv. 252-1867).

92. Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett ms. 78 A 2, fol. 26v. See Dorothy Miner, “A Late Reichenau Evangeliary in the Walters Gallery Library,” Art Bulletin 18 (1936): 168–85.

93. Illustrated in Schreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas, p. 220.

94. Tournai, Bibliothèque du séminaire diocésain ms. 1.

95. Larry M. Ayres, “A Fragment of a Romanesque Bible in Vienna (Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Cod. Ser. Nov. 4236) and Its Salzburg Affiliations,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte (1982): 130.

96. Cahn, Romanesque Bible Illumination, pp. 126–30.

97. On the scroll, see François Garnier, Le Langage de l’image au Moyen Âge. Signification et symbolique, 2 vols. (Paris, 1982), 2.229–44; Theodor Birt, Die Buchrolle und der Kunst (Leipzig, 1907). For the scroll in the third-century Dura-Europos synagogue, see Herbert L. Kessler, “Prophetic Portraits in the Dura Synagogue,” Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum 30 (1987): 152.

98. David Stern of the University of Pennsylvania has reminded me (in private correspondence) that an allegorical interpretation by Gregory the Great contrasted the Christian codex, which can be read on both sides of the folio (= carnally and spiritually) with the Jewish scroll, which can be read on only one side (= Jewish literalism). But I do not detect any condemnation of Jewish interpretation in Goderanus’s depictions of the prophets.

99. Lev. 19:27 and 21:5. Much of the information that follows comes from the article “Beard” by Cyrus Adler, Max Muller, and Louis Ginzburg in the Jewish Encyclopedia (New York and London, 1903). See also Elliott Horowitz, “Visages du Judaisme: De la barbe en monde juif et de l’élaboration de ses significations,” Annales HSS 49 (1994): 1065–90.

100. Mishnah Makkot 3:5; Sifra, Kedoshim, vi, cited in the Jewish Encyclopedia, “Beard.” See also Elliott S. Horowitz, “The Early Eighteenth Century Confronts the Beard: Kabbalah and Jewish Self-Fashioning,” Jewish History 8 (1994): 95–115.

101. See Kiddushin 35b, Makkot 20a and 21a.

102. Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government, p. 235n2, notes that shaving was not uncommon and that even the revered fifteenth-century rabbi Maharil would shave on festive occasions.

103. Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government, p. 59; Hebrew text, p. 225. The fact that in the Constitutions of Melfi (1231) Emperor Frederick II ordered the Jews of Sicily to grow beards indicates that at that time Sicilian Jews, at least, were not regularly bearded. Shlomo Simonsohn, “Sicily: A Millennium of Convivenza (or Almost),” in The Jews of Europe in the Middle Ages (Tenth to Fifteenth Centuries), ed. Christoph Cluse (Turnhout, 2004) pp. 105–21.

104. Liber Miraculorum Sancte Fidis I.1, ed. A. Bouillet (Paris, 1897), p. 14.

105. The above examples are from Constable, “Introduction,” pp. 63, 91–99.

106. On the representation of rulers, see Gerard Burian Ladner, “The ‘Portraits’ of Emperors in Southern Italian Exultet Rolls and the Liturgical Commemoration of the Emperor,” Speculum (1942): 184; Schramm, Kaiser, Rom, und Renovatio, pp. 42–50; Constable, “Introduction,” p. 91; Klein, “L’Art et idéologie impériale,” p. 198; Hans-Werner Goetz, “The Concept of Time in the Historiography of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries,” in Medieval Concepts of the Past: Ritual, Memory, History, ed. Gerd Althoff, Johannes Fried, and Patrick J. Geary (Washington, D.C., and Cambridge, 2002), p. 157.

107. See Garnier, Le Langage de l’image, 2.88–94. For further discussion of hair and beards as social markers, see Robert Bartlett, “Symbolic Meanings of Hair in the Middle Ages,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser. 4 (1994): 43–60. The distinction I am making here follows Ernst H. Gombrich’s distinction between “sign as code” and “symbol as flexible metaphor” in “Visual Metaphors of Value in Art,” in Meditations on a Hobby Horse and Other Essays on the Theory of Art (London and New York, 1978), pp. 12–29, 163–65.

108. Quoted in Constable, “Introduction,” p. 79.

109. Much of the following comes from Constable, “Introduction,” pp. 94–97.

110. See The Correspondence of Pope Gregory VII: Selected Letters from the Registrum, trans. Ephraim Emerton (New York, 1969), p. 164.

111. Quoted in Constable, “Introduction,” p. 94.

112. Robert Bartlett, Trial by Fire and Water: The Medieval Judicial Ordeal (New York and Oxford, 1986), p. 78n32.

113. Orderic Vitalis, Ecclesiastical History, 6: Books XI, XII, and XIII, ed. and trans. Marjorie Chibnall (Oxford, 1973), pp. 60ff.

114. On historical progression in the illuminations, see also Denny, “The Historiated Initials of the Lobbes Bible,” p. 4.

115. See also Diane J. Reilly, The Art of Reform in Eleventh-Century Flanders: Gerard of Cambrai, Richard of St.-Vanne, and the St.-Vaast Bible (Leiden, 2006).

116. Dynes, The Illuminations of the Stavelot Bible, pp. 153–61.

117. See, e.g., 1 Cor. 10:6–11 and Gal. 4:21–31.

118. Classic works on typological exegesis include J. Daniélou, Sacramentum futuri. Études sur les origines de la typologie biblique (Études de théologie historique) (Paris, 1950); G. W. H. Lampe and K. J. Woollcombe, Essays on Typology (London, 1957); G. von Rad, “Typological Interpretation of the Old Testament,” Interpretation 15 (1961): 174–92; Erich Auerbach, Literary Language and Its Public in Late Latin Antiquity and in the Middle Ages, trans. Ralph Mannheim (rpt. New York, 1965); Henri de Lubac, Exégèse médiéval, vol. 1 (Paris, 1959); The Cambridge History of the Bible, Vol. 2, The West from the Fathers to the Reformation, ed. G. W. H. Lampe (Cambridge, 1969); F. P. Pickering, Literature and Art in the Middle Ages (Coral Gables, 1970), pp. 253–73; D. L. Baker, “Typology and the Christian Use of the Old Testament,” Scottish Journal of Theology, 29 (1976): 137–57; M.-D. Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century (Chicago, 1968), pp. 147–61; Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1983). For some newer, literary-inflected studies, see Rita Copeland, Rhetoric, Hermeneutics, and Translation in the Middle Ages: Academic Traditions and Vernacular Texts (Cambridge, 1991); Seth Lerer, ed., Literary History and the Challenge of Philology: The Legacy of Erich Auerbach (Stanford, 1996). On Carolingian biblical interpretation, see Celia Chazelle and Burton Van Name Edwards, eds., The Study of the Bible in the Carolingian Era (Turnhout, 2003).

119. Denny, “The Historiated Initials of the Lobbes Bible,” p. 16.

120. Dynes, The Illuminations of the Stavelot Bible, pp. 176–81.

121. A third realm was the intellectual culture of the monastery in which he worked. Lobbes harbored a particular interest in history and was a center of historical writing. Warichez, L’Abbaye de Lobbes, pp. 251–86; Suzanne Collon-Gevaert, Jean Lejeune, and Jacques Stiennon, Art Roman dans la Vallée de la Meuse aux Xe et XIIe siècles(Brussels, 1962), p. 40; Fidel Rädle, “Zur Bewertung der Antike in den hagiographischen Werken des Heriger von Lobbes,” in Gli umanesimi medievali: Atti del II congresso dell’Internationales Mittellateinerkomitee (Florence, 1993), pp. 539–50.

122. Jean Leclerq, “The Exposition and Exegesis of Scripture: from Gregory the Great to St. Bernard,” in The Cambridge History of the Bible, ed. G. W. H. Lampe (Cambridge, 1969), p. 188; Aryeh Grabois, “The Hebraica Veritas and Jewish-Christian Intellectual Relations in the Twelfth Century,” Speculum 50 (1975): 613–34.

123. Bernhard Blumenkranz, Juifs et chrétiens dans le monde occidental, 430–1096 (Paris and La Haye, 1960), p. 50.

124. See William of Malmesbury, Gesta Regum Anglorum iv.334 in PL 179:1287–89; Yolanta Zaluska, L’Enluminure et le scriptorium de Cîteaux au XIIe siècle (Citeaux, 1989).

125. Gilbert Crispin, Abbot of Westminster (d. 1117), e.g., called the Jews’ literal reading “a fossil of useless antiquity.” Quoted in Jeremy Cohen, Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity (Los Angeles and Berkeley, 1999), p. 183. Beryl Smalley wrote that when exegetes consulted Jews it was almost like “telephoning to the Old Testament”: Hebrew Scholarship among Christians in XIIIth Century England as Illustrated by Some Hebrew-Latin Psalters, Lectiones in Vetere Testamento et in rebus judaicis 6 (London, 1939), p. 1.

126. See Giles Constable, “Past and Present in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries: Perceptions of Time and Change,” in L’Europa dei secoli XI e XII fra novità e tradizione: Sviluppi di una cultura. Atti della decima Settimana internazionale di studio, Mendola, 25–29 agosto 1986 (Milan, 1989), pp. 135–70; Bernard Guenée, “Temps de l’histoire et temps de la mémoire au Moyen Âge,” Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire de France 487 (1976–77): 25–36.

127. John Van Engen, “The ‘Crisis in Cenobitism’ Reconsidered: Benedictine Monasticism in the Years 1050–1150,” Speculum 61 (1986): 269–304.

128. See Goetz, “The Concept of Time”; Beryl Smalley, “The Bible in the Medieval Schools,” in The Cambridge History of the Bible, p. 204.

129. Karl F. Morrison, Tradition and Authority in the Western Church, 300–1140 (Princeton, 1969), p. 345.

130. The Epistolae Vagantes of Pope Gregory VII, ed. H. E. J. Cowdrey (Oxford, 1972), p. 151, discussed in I. S. Robinson, “Reform and the Church, 1073–1122,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 4, c. 1024–c. 1198, Part I, ed. David Luscomb and Jonathan Riley-Smith (Cambridge, 2005), p. 313. Gregory was paraphrasing Tertullian, De Virginibus velandis, I.1 Opera, CCSL 2 (Turnhout, 1954), p. 1209.

131. Sermo II, PL 144:515.

132. John Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz (Berkeley, 1983), p. 1.

133. On historical charts, see Goetz, “The Concept of Time,” pp. 148–53. On p. 157 Goetz notes that in the new genealogical trees that began to illustrate dynastic chronicles hair, beard, and headgear were the major individual distinctions.

134. The earliest surviving visual Tree of Jesse (displaying Christ’s genealogy) dates to 1086. See Jean Anne Hayes Williams, “The Earliest Dated Tree of Jesse Image: Thematically Reconsidered,” Athanor 18 (2000): 17–23.

CHAPTER TWO: BLINDING LIGHT AND BLINKERED WITNESS, CA. 1100–1160

1. Augustine of Hippo, De civitate dei 18.46, ed. B. Dombart and A. Kalb (Stuttgart, 1981), p. 325; see the introduction.

2. Epistola 363 in S. Bernardi Opera, ed. J. Leclercq, C. H. Talbot, and H. M. Rochais (Rome, 1977), vol. 8, p. 316.

3. This “image explosion” can be explained as part of the ecclesiastical reform program. See Sara Lipton, “Images and Their Uses, c. 1100–1500,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity, Vol. 4: Christianity in Western Europe, c. 1100–c. 1500, ed. Miri Rubin and Walter Simons (Cambridge, 2009), pp. 254–82. On the culture of reform, see Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1982), introduction.

4. See Jean-Pierre Caillet, “La Réappropriation du prophétisme par les imagiers chrétiens du XIIe siècle,” Le Monde de la Bible 131 (2000): 47–53; Robert Favreau, “Controverses judéo-chrétiennes et l’iconographie. L’apport des inscriptions,” Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres (July–Oct. 2001): 1267–1303.

5. See Dorothy F. Glass, “Revisiting the ‘Gregorian Reform,’” in Romanesque Art and Thought in the Twelfth Century: Essays in Honor of Walter Cahn, ed. Colum Hourihane (Princeton, 2008), pp. 200–18; Glass, “Pseudo-Augustine, Prophets, and Pulpits in Campania,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers (1987): 215–26; Christine Verzar Bornstein,Portals and Politics in the Early Italian City State: The Sculpture of Nicholaus in Context (Parma, 1986); and the still useful Arthur Kingsley Porter, Lombard Architecture, vol. 1 (New Haven, 1917).

6. For various dating suggestions, see C. R. Dodwell, The Pictorial Arts of the West, 800–1200 (New Haven, 1993), p. 391; J. L. Fischer, Handbuch der Glasmalerei (Leipzig, 1914); Alfred Boeckler, “Die romanischen Fenster des Augsburger Doms und die Stilwende vom 11. zum 12. Jahrhundert,” Zeitschrift des Deutschen Vereins für Kunstwissenschaft 10 (1943): 153–82; Gottfried Frenzel, “Glasmalerei in Schwaben,” in Suevia Sacra: Frühe Kunst in Schwaben, ed. Bruno Bushart (Augsburg, 1973), pp. 217–24; Louis Grodecki, Le Vitrail Roman (Freiburg, 1977), pp. 50–54.

7. Stuttgart, Württembergische Landesbibliothek ms. Brev. 128, fol. 10v. The manuscript dates from the first half of the twelfth century, probably 1125–50. See Karl Löffler, Schwäbische Buchmalerei in Romanischer Zeit (Augsburg, 1928), pp. 35–39.

8. The San Zeno image of Abraham meeting the three angels is illustrated in John Williams, “Generationes Abrahae: Reconquest Iconography in Leon,” Gesta 16 (1977): 8. On San Zeno, see Alfred Boeckler, Die Bronzetür von Verona (Leipzig-Giessen, 1931); Ursula Mende, Die Bronzetüren des Mittelalters 800–1200 (Munich, 1994); Gian Lorenzo Mellini, I Maestri dei Bronzi di San Zeno(Bergamo, 1992). On the Chartres window, see James R. Johnson, “The Tree of Jesse Window of Chartres: Laudes Regiae,” Speculum (1961): 1–22. One of the earliest and most interesting uses of the pointed hat as an unambiguously “Jewish” hat is in the Essen Missal (Düsseldorf Landesbibliothek ms. D.4, fol. 8v, dated ca. 1100), where it appears on the head of Synagoga. Discussed in Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art, 2 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993), Vol. 1, pp. 64–65 and p. 217.

9. Dombibliothek Hildesheim ms. St. Godehard 1. See Jane Geddes, The Saint Albans Psalter: A Book for Christina of Markyate (London, 2005), plates 12, 20, 22, 27, 38, and 39. Saint Joseph, the Jewish elder in the Presentation, an onlooker to the raising of Lazarus, and three figures who lay Jesus in his tomb all wear pointed hats in the Winchester Psalter: London, BL ms. Cotton Nero C iv, fols. 14, 15, 16, 19, and 22.

10. On the twelfth-century understanding of history as a sequential succession of events, see M.-D. Chenu, Nature, Man, and Society in the Twelfth Century (Chicago, 1968), pp. 168–70.

11. I discuss this further in ch. 6.

12. On the spread of typological programs in the twelfth century, see Nigel Morgan, “The Iconography of Twelfth-Century Mosan Enamels,” in Rhein und Maas: Kunst und Kultur 800–1400, 2 vols. (Cologne, 1973), vol. 2, pp. 263–75; Louis Grodecki, “À propos des vitraux de Châlons-sur-Marne. Deux points d’iconographie mosane,” in L’Art Mosane (Paris, 1952), pp. 161–70; F. Röhrig, “Rota in medio Rotae,” Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg n.f. 5 (1965): 7–12; Herbert L. Kessler, “Corporeal Texts, Spiritual Paintings, and the Mind’s Eye,” in Reading Images and Texts: Medieval Images and Texts as Forms of Communication. Papers from the Third Utrecht Symposium on Medieval Literacy, ed. M. Hageman and M. Mostert (Utrecht, 2000), pp. 9–27; Christopher G. Hughes, “Visual Typology in Early Gothic Art, 1140–1240,” PhD diss. (University of California at Berkeley, 2000); T. A. Heslop, “Worcester Cathedral Chapter House and the Harmony of the Testaments,” in New Offerings, Ancient Treasures: Essays in Medieval Art for George Henderson, ed. Paul Binski and W. Noel (Stroud, 2001), pp. 281–311.

13. For a different view, see Stefan Rohrbacher, “The Charge of Deicide: An Anti-Jewish Motif in Medieval Christian Art,” Journal of Medieval History 17 (1991): 297–321. Though I differ with Rohrbacher regarding most of his examples (he generally offers an anachronistic reading of the Phrygian cap), his fig. 2 does seem to be a compelling early example of Jewish hats on the heads of Christ’s executioners.

14. See ch. 1 above.

15. London, Lambeth Palace ms. 3 (a related, poorly preserved volume is in the Maidstone Museum of Art, Kent). The Jesse tree (fol. 198) prefaces the book of Isaiah; the other image is the initial O to Habbakuk, on fol. 307. See C. R. Dodwell, The Canterbury School of Illumination, 1066–1200 (Cambridge, 1954), pp. 88ff; Dodwell, The Great Lambeth Bible with an Introduction and Notes(London, 1959); Kaufmann, Biblical Imagery in Medieval England, pp. 86–87; Don Denny, “Notes on the Lambeth Bible,” Gesta 16 (1977): 51–64; Arthur Watson, The Early Iconography of the Tree of Jesse (Oxford, 1934), pp. 99–102. On the Saint-Denis window, see Conrad Rudolph,Artistic Change at St-Denis: Abbot Suger’s Program and the Early Twelfth-Century Controversy over Art(Princeton, 1990); Louis Grodecki, Les Vitraux de Saint-Denis. Études sur les vitraux de Suger à Saint-Denis (XIIe siècle) (Paris, 1976); Jacqueline A. Frank, “The Quadrige Aminadab Medallion in the ‘Anagogical’ Window at the Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts 133 (1999): 219–34. On the Tours sacramentary (Paris, BN ms. lat. 193, fol. 71r), see Heinz Schreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas: Ein historischer Bildatlas (Göttingen and Freiburg, 1996), p. 550. On the baptismal font, see Jean-François Faü, L’image des Juifs dans l’art chrétien médiéval (Paris, 2005), p. 35 (image on p. 37). For more unveiled Synagogas, see Philippe Verdier, “Suger, a-t’-il été en France le créateur du thème iconographique du couronnement de la Vierge?” Gesta 15 (1976): 227–36.

16. See Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages (Oxford, 1952); Nikolaus M. Häring, “Commentary and Hermeneutics,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable (Cambridge, 1982), pp. 173–200.

17. In particular, the heavily typological Glossa Ordinaria, created at the Laon cathedral school (ca. 1100–40), the even more insistently typological readings of Rupert of Deutz, and the literal-historical approach pioneered by Hugh of Saint-Victor (d. 1141) and his School of Saint-Victor at Paris. On typological exegesis in general, see the works cited in chapter 1, note 118 (p. 298). On the Glossa Ordinaria, see Lesley Smith, The Glossa Ordinaria: The Making of a Medieval Bible Commentary (Leiden and Boston, 2009); Smalley, Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages, pp. 46–66; Ermenegildo Bertola, “La ‘Glossa Ordinaria’ ed i suoi problemi,” RTAM 45 (1978): 34–78; Robert Wielockx, “Autour de la Glossa Ordinaria,” RTAM 49 (1982): 222–28; Biblia latina cum glossa ordinaria: Facsimile reprint of the Editio Princeps (Adolph Rusch of Strassburg, 1480–81), 4 vols., ed. Karlfried Froehlich and Margaret T. Gibson (Turnhout, 1992). On Rupert, see John Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz (Berkeley, 1983). On Saint-Victor, see Jean Chatillon, “La Culture de l’école de Saint-Victor au 12e siècle,” in Entretiens sur la Renaissance du 12e siècle, ed. M. de Gandillac and E. Jeauneau (Paris and The Hague, 1968), pp. 156–58, and several articles on the Victorines and their legacy in Franklin T. Harkins, ed., Transforming Relations: Essays on Jews and Christians throughout History in Honor of Michael A. Signer (Notre Dame, 2010).

18. On the connections between Bible study and anti-Judaism, see Jeremy Cohen, “Scholarship and Intolerance in the Medieval Academy: The Study and Evaluation of Judaism in European Christendom,” American Historical Review 91 (1986): 592–613. On Rupert of Deutz’s anti-Jewish exegesis, see Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, pp. 241–48; David E. Timmer, “Biblical Exegesis and the Jewish-Christian Controversy in the Early Twelfth Century,” Church History 58 (1989): 309–21; and Maria Lodovica Arduini, Ruperto di Deutz e la controversia tra cristiani ed ebrei nel secolo XII (Rome, 1979). On Victorine exegesis and the Jews, see Rebecca Moore, Jews and Christians in the Life and Thought of Hugh of St.-Victor (Atlanta, 1998). In spite of the fine article by Michael A. Signer, “The Glossa Ordinaria and the Transmission of Medieval Anti-Judaism,” in A Distinct Voice: Medieval Studies in Honor of Leonard E. Boyle, O.P., ed. Jaqueline Brown and William P. Stoneman (Notre Dame, 1997), pp. 591–605, and the analysis of the Glossa on Genesis 22 in Devorah Schoenfeld, Isaac on Jewish and Christian Altars: Polemic and Exegesis in Rashi and the Glossa Ordinaria(New York, 2013), the role of Jews in the Glossa still needs further examination.

19. See Anna Sapir Abulafia, Christians and Jews in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance (London and New York, 1995), pp. 107–23.

20. See, e.g., Morgan, “The Iconography of Twelfth-Century Mosan Enamels,” p. 263; Anna C. Esmeijer, “The Open Doors and the Heavenly Vision: Political and Spiritual Elements in the Programme of Decoration of Schwarzrheindorf,” in Polyanthea: Essays on Art and Literature in Honor of William Sebastian Hecksher (The Hague, 1993), pp. 43–56; and Michael Curschmann, “Imagined Exegesis: Text and Picture in the Exegetical Works of Rupert of Deutz, Honorius Augustodunensis, and Gerhoh of Reichersberg,” Traditio 44 (1988): 145–69.

21. Glass, “Pseudo-Augustine, Prophets, and Pulpits in Campania.”

22. See Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz.

23. See Sara Lipton, “The Sweet Lean of His Head: Writing about Looking at the Crucifix in the High Middle Ages,” Speculum 80 (2005): 1172–1208. Rupert’s devotional inclinations are discussed in Rachel Fulton, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800–1200 (New York, 2002).

24. Rupert of Deutz, Vita Heriberti: Kritische Edition mit Kommentar und Untersuchungen, ed. Peter Dinter (Bonn, 1976). Discussed in Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, pp. 225–26. Heribert had founded the Abbey of Deutz ca. 1003. The original Vita had been written ca. 1045–56 by a Deutz monk named Lambert: Lantbert vom Deutz, Vita Heriberti, Miracula Heriberti, Gedichte, Liturgische Texte,ed. Berhard Vogel, MGH Scriptores 73 (Hannover, 2001), pp. 135–201. This discussion is a revised version of Sara Lipton, “Unfeigned Witness: Jews, Matter, and Vision in Twelfth-Century Christian Art,” in Judaism and Christian Art: Aesthetic Anxieties from the Catacombs to Colonialism, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and David Nirenberg (Philadelphia and Oxford, 2011), pp. 45–73.

25. Vita Heriberti 1.4–8, ed. Dinter, pp. 33–35. In the original version (Lantbert vom Deutz, Vita Heriberti), the miracle appears on pp. 141–42.

26. Vita Heriberti 1.4–8, ed. Dinter, p. 34. The italicized phrases are biblical quotes, from Luke 1:35 and Acts 2:28.

27. Augustine of Hippo, Sermo 263 (http://www.augustinus.it/latino/discorsi/index2.htm). PL 38:1209–12 omits some of this text. See the introduction.

28. Vita Heriberti 1.4–8, ed. Dinter, p. 34.

29. Vita Heriberti 1.4–8, ed. Dinter, p. 34.

30. Elisabeth van Houts, “Gender and Authority of Oral Witnesses in Europe (800–1300),” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th ser., 9 (1999): 203. Canonization procedures had been introduced only in the late tenth century—the first formal canonization was in 993.

31. See W. Ullman, “Medieval Principles of Evidence,” Law Quarterly Review 62 (1946): 77–87; H. L. Ho, “The Legitimacy of Medieval Proof,” Journal of Law and Religion 19 (2003): 259–98; K. W. Nörr, “Institutional Foundations of the New Jurisprudence,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century, ed. R. L. Benson and G. Constable (Oxford, 1982), pp. 324–37; James A. Brundage, Medieval Canon Law (London, 1995), pp. 120–53.

32. E. W. Kemp, “Pope Alexander III and the Canonization of Saints: The Alexander Prize Essay,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 4th ser., 27 (1945): 14. See also Jay Rubenstein, “Liturgy against History: The Competing Visions of Lanfranc and Eadmer of Canterbury,” Speculum 74 (1999): 297; William Hamilton Bryson, “Witnesses: A Canonist’s View,” American Journal of Legal History 13 (1969): 57–67.

33. James A. Brundage, “Juridical Space: Female Witnesses in Canon Law,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 52 (1998): 147–56; van Houts, “Gender and Authority.”

34. Quoted in Kemp, “Pope Alexander III and the Canonization of Saints,” p. 15.

35. John T. Gilchrist, ed. and trans., The Collection in Seventy-Four Titles: A Canon Law Manual of the Gregorian Reform (Toronto, 1980), p. 99 (Titulus 5, Capitula 48, attributed to Pope Callixtus).

36. Gilchrist, The Collection in Seventy-Four Titles, p. 163 (Titulus 20, Capitula 169). The canon is quoting 1 Tim. 3:7. Compare the analysis of the Jew as privileged testimonial “outsider” in Georg Simmel, “The Stranger,” in The Sociology of Georg Simmel, ed. and trans. Kurt Wolff (Glencoe, 1950), pp. 402–08.

37. Vita Heriberti 2.2–6, ed. Dinter, pp. 34–35.

38. See Sara Lipton, Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralisée (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1999), ch. 2.

39. On the commercial revolution, see Michael Postan, “Trade,” in The Cambridge Economic History of Europe from the Decline of the Roman Empire, Vol. 2, Trade and Industry in the Middle Ages, ed. Edward Miller, Cynthia Postan, and M. M. Postan (Cambridge, 1987), pp. 234–36; Peter Spufford, “Coins and Coinage,” in the same volume, pp. 805–07; and, still useful, Raymond de Roover, “The Organization of Trade,” in The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, Vol. 3, Organization and Policies in the Middle Ages, ed. M. M. Postan, E. E. Rich, and Edward Miller (Cambridge, 1963), pp. 66–70. On Jewish economic activities, see Michael Toch, “Economic Activities of German Jews in the Middle Ages,” in Wirtschaftsgeschichte der mittelalterlichen Juden, ed. Michael Toch (Munich, 2008), pp. 181–210; Markus J. Wenninger, “Juden als Münzmeister, Zollpächter und fürstliche Finanzbeamte im mittelalterlichen Aschkenas,” in Wirtschaftsgeschichte der mittelalterlichen Juden, pp. 121–38; Jean-Pierre Devroey and Christian Brouwer, “La Participation des Juifs au commerce dans le monde franc (VIe–Xe siècles),” in Voyages et voyageurs à Byzance et en Occident du VIe au XIe siècle: Actes du colloque international organisé par la Section d’histoire de l’Université libre de Bruxelles en collaboration avec le Département des sciences historiques de l’Université, ed. Alain Dierkens, Jean-Marie Sansterre, and Jean-Louis Küpper (Geneva, 2000), pp. 339–74. Contrary to the frequent assertion that Jews were landless, some Jews were landholders in these regions, and Jews also worked as servants, artisans, innkeepers, physicians, teachers, etc. See Toch, “Economic Activities,” pp. 204–07.

40. See Lipton, Images of Intolerance, pp. 31–53; Giacomo Todeschini, “Christian Perceptions of Jewish Economic Activity in the Middle Ages,” in Wirtschaftsgeschichte der mittelalterlichen Juden, pp. 1–16; Lester K. Little, “The Function of the Jews in the Commercial Revolution,” in Povertà e ricchezza nella spiritualità dei secoli XII e XIII (Todi, 1969), pp. 271–87.

41. Bernard of Clairvaux used the term “judaizare” as a synonym for charging interest on a loan: Epistola 363.7, in Sancti Bernardi Opera, ed. J. Leclercq, C. H. Talbot, and H. M. Rochais (Rome, 1977), vol. 8, p. 316. See Todeschini, “Christian Perceptions of Jewish Economic Activity in the Middle Ages,” pp. 1–16.

42. See R. Génestal, Le Role des monastères comme établissements de crédit, étudié en Normandie du XIe à la fin du XIIIe siècle (Paris, 1901), and Todeschini, “Christian Perceptions of Jewish Economic Activity in the Middle Ages,” pp. 11–13.

43. Suger, De rebus in administratione sua gestis, in Oeuvres complètes de Suger, ed. A. Lecoy de la Marche (Paris, 1867), pp. 155–57. The text was written ca. 1145–48. For a more recent edition, see Suger, Oeuvres, ed. Françoise Gasparri (Paris, 1996), vol. 1, pp. 54ff. The first part of this work relates how Suger put the abbey’s finances back on a sound footing; the second part describes the design and construction of the Abbey Church of Saint-Denis.

44. Suger, De rebus in administratione sua gestis, p. 189.

45. Vita Heriberti 1.4–8, ed. Dinter, p. 34. The phrase Iudaica cecitas (“Judaic blindness”) is from Rom. 11:25.

46. A term coined by Jean Leclerq, “La Crise du monachisme aux XIe et XIIe siècles,” Bulletino dell’Instituto storico italiano per il medio evo 70 (1958): 24. See also John Van Engen, “The ‘Crisis of Cenobitism’ Reconsidered,” Speculum 61 (1986): 269–304.

47. See Conrad Rudolph, Artistic Change at St-Denis, and Rudolph, The “Things of Greater Importance”: Bernard of Clairvaux’s Apologia and the Medieval Attitude toward Art (Philadelphia, 1990); Jean-Claude Schmitt, Le Corps des images: Essais sur la culture visuelle au moyen âge (Paris, 2002); Herbert L. Kessler, Spiritual Seeing: Picturing God’s Invisibility in Medieval Art (Philadelphia, 2000); Adriaan H. Bredero, Cluny et Cîteaux au douzième siècle: L’histoire d’une controverse monastique (Amsterdam, 1987); Christopher Norton, “Bernard, Suger, and Henry I’s Crown Jewels,” Gesta 45 (2006): 1–14. On canons’ invocation of Aaron and the Levites as their forerunners, see Bynum, Jesus as Mother, p. 29.

48. Apologia XII.28, in Rudolph, Things of Greater Importance, p. 10. See also Sancti Bernardi Opera, ed. Leclercq and Rochais, vol. 3, p. 222.

49. Apologia XII.28, in Rudolph, Things of Greater Importance, pp. 10–11.

50. Idung, Dialogus 1.6 and 1.36, in R. B. C. Huygens, ed., “Le Moine Idung et ses deux ouvrages,” Studi medievali 13 (1972): 291–470. Idung was quoting Saint Jerome, Letter to Nepotian, Ep. 52:10, Sancti Eusebii Hieronymi Epistulae, Pars I, Epistulae I–LXX, ed. Isidore Hilberg, CSEL 54 (Vienna and Leipzig, 1910), p. 433.

51. Liber de divinis officiis 2.23, ed. Rhabanus Haacke, CCCM 7 (Turnhout, 1967), pp. 10–12, discussed in Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz, p. 60. See also John Van Engen, “Theophilus Presbyter and Rupert of Deutz: Arts and Benedictine Theology,” Viator 11 (1980): 147–64.

52. See Suger, De rebus in administratione sua gestis; Rudolph, Artistic Change at St-Denis and “Things of Greater Importance.”

53. See Stanislaus Ceglar, “Guillaume de Saint-Thierry et son rôle directeur aux premiers chapitres des abbés bénédictins, Reims 1131 et Soissons 1132,” in Saint-Thierry: Une abbaye du VIe au XXe siècle. Actes du Colloque international d’histoire monastique, Reims-Saint-Thierry, 11 au 14 octobre 1976 (Saint Thierry, 1979), p. 324.

54. See Herbert L. Kessler, “‘They Preach Not by Speaking Out Loud but by Signifying’: Vitreous Arts as Typology,” Gesta 51 (2012): 55–70; Kessler, Spiritual Seeing; Bruno Reudenbach, “‘Ornatus materialis domus dei’: Die theologische Legitimation handwerklicher Künste bei Theophilus,” in Studien zur Geschichte der europäischen Skulptur im 12./13. Jahrhundert, ed. Herbert Beck and Kerstin Hengevoss-Dürkopp (Frankfurt, 1994), 1.1–16.

55. Vita Heriberti 2.9, ed. Dinter, p. 35.

56. See Kessler, “‘They Preach Not by Speaking Out Loud but by Signifying.’”

57. Welfenschatz, Kunstgewerbemuseum, Berlin, W11. On this object, see Anton Legner, Romanische Kunst im Deutschland (Munich, 1982), p. 185; Otto von Falke, R. Schmidt, and G. Swarzenski, Der Welfenschatz (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1930), no. 17; Dietrich Kötzsche, “Zur Stand der Forschung der Goldschmiedekunst des 12. Jahrhunderts im Rhein-Maas-Gebiet,” in Rhein und Maas, vol. 2, pp. 191–236 (color images between pp. 212 and 213 and 220 and 221); Peter E. Lasko, Ars Sacra: 800–1200 (Harmondsworth, 1972), pp. 173–74; Dietrich Kötzsche, “Goldschmiedekunst,” in Die Zeit der Staufer. Geschichte-Kunst-Kultur, ed. Reiner Haussherr (Stuttgart, 1977), vol. 1, pp. 391–93; Stefan Soltek, “Kölner romanische Tragaltäre,” in Ornamenta ecclesiae. Kunst und Künstler der Romanik, ed. Anton Legner (Cologne, 1985), vol. 2, p. 403.

58. The prophets are: Daniel, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezechiel, Osee (Hosea), Malachias, Jonas, Nahum, Joel, Abdias (Obadiah), Zachariah, and Sophonias (Zephaniah). The kings are David, Melchisedech, and Solomon. The soothsayer is Balaam. On the lack of Old Testament imagery on earlier portable altars, see Robert Favreau, “Les Autels portatifs et leurs inscriptions,” Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 46 (2003): 327 and 337. For a comprehensive catalog of portable altars, see Michael Budde, Altare portatile: Kompendium der Tragaltäre des Mittelalters 600–1600 (Münster, 1998). For a study of portable altars in their liturgical contexts, see Eric Palazzo, L’Espace rituel et le sacré dans le christianisme: La liturgie de l’autel portative dans l’antiquité et au moyen âge (Turnhout, 2008). I thank Professor Herb Kessler for this reference.

59. Favreau, “Les Autels portatifs et leurs inscriptions,” p. 340.

60. “Doctrina pleni fidei patres duodeni testantur, ficta non esse prophetica dicta / Celitus afflati de christo vaticinati / hi predixerunt que post ventura fuerunt.” The “twelve fathers” presumably refers to Daniel, Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Hosea, Malachi, Jonah, Nahum, Joel, Obadiah, Zechariah, and Zephaniah—all true prophets. Balaam was considered a false prophet although he predicted the rising star, and the other three are kings.

61. Contra Faustum 16.21, ed. J. Zycha, CSEL 25 (Vienna, 1891–92), p. 463.

62. See Uwe Brunn, Des Contestaires aux cathares. Discours de réforme et propagande antihérétique dans les pays du Rhin et de la Meuse avant l’Inquisition (Paris, 2006), pp. 39–160, which now largely supersedes R. I. Moore, The Birth of Popular Heresy (London, 1975), pp. 72–75, and Malcolm Lambert, Medieval Heresy: Popular Movements from the Gregorian Reform to the Reformation, 3rd ed. (Oxford, 2002), pp. 62–64.

63. Rupert of Deutz seems to have been the first high medieval biblical scholar to revive the exact wording of the Contra Faustum passage paraphrased in the altar: In Genesim 4.6, in De Sancta Trinitate et operibus eius, ed. Hrabanus Haacke, CCCM 21 (Turnhout, 1971), p. 288.

64. This is in fact a verse not from Jeremiah but from Baruch 3:38. The verse features prominently in the section of Rupert’s Anulus devoted to defending veneration of the crucifix (ed. Haacke, in Arduini, Ruperto di Deutz, pp. 232–36).

65. Gen. 32:30.

66. Zach. 2:8.

67. For a complete analysis of all the inscriptions, see Lipton, “Unfeigned Witness.”

68. De Speculo Caritatis II.xxiii.67, in Opera Omnia, ed. A. Hoste and C.H. Talbot, CCCM 1 (Turnhout, 1971), pp. 97–98.

69. See Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge, 1991), esp. pp. 98–129.

70. Baldwin of Canterbury, Spiritual Tractates, trans. David N. Bell, 2 vols. (Kalamazoo, 1986), vol. 1, pp. 43–54.

71. See Francis Wormald, The Winchester Psalter (London, 1973), and Kristine Edmonson Haney, The Winchester Psalter: An Iconographical Study (Leicester, 1986). The other manuscripts are the St. Albans Psalter (Dombibliothek Hildesheim ms. St. Godehard 1) and the Bury St. Edmunds Gospel Book (Cambridge, Pembroke ms. 120).

72. London, BL ms. Cotton Nero C iv, fol. 25.

73. R. W. L. Moberly, The Bible, Theology, and Faith: A Study of Abraham and Jesus (Cambridge, 2000), p. 46, notes that the “key issue” in the Road to Emmaus episode is “How does one discern the risen Christ?”

74. Otto Pächt, The Rise of Pictorial Narrative in Twelfth-Century England (Oxford, 1962), p. 34. The text of the drama may be found in Karl Young, The Drama of the Medieval Church, 2 vols. (Oxford, 1933), vol. 1, pp. 453–83, 691–93.

75. Noted by Haney, The Winchester Psalter, p. 121.

76. On this gesture, see n. 99, below.

77. Rom. 11:7–10.

78. The shrine is in the Church of Saint Heribert in Deutz-Cologne. It dates to ca. 1150–70. In this chapter I am not proposing a tight, sequential chronology of the different kinds of Jewish witness discussed. The dating of the objects and images in question is too uncertain to allow for more than a general location of these developments to the years 1130–70. On the shrine, see Rhein und Maas, vol. 1, pp. 277–78, and vol. 2, pp. 221–23; Martin Seidler, “Studium zum Reliquienschrein des Heiligen Heriberts in Deutz (Stadt Köln). Rekonstruktion einer Entstehung,” PhD diss. (University of Bonn, 1992); Ornamenta Ecclesiae, nr. E91 and vol. 2, pp. 314–23; Suzanne Collon-Gevaert and Jacques Stiennon, A Treasury of Romanesque Art: Metalwork, Illuminations, and Sculpture from the Valley of the Meuse, trans. S. Waterston (London and New York, 1972); Lasko, Ars Sacra, p. 204; Suzanne Collon-Gevaert, “Les Médaillons émaillés de la châsse de Saint Héribert, à Deutz” Annales de la Fédération archéologique et historique de Belgique, Congrès de Liège (1932): 142–48.

79. For a discussion of the roundel, see Carolyn M. Carty, “The Role of Medieval Dream Images in Authenticating Ecclesiastical Construction,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 62 (1999): 45–90; Carty, “Dream Images, Memoria, and the Heribert Shrine,” in Memory and the Medieval Tomb, ed. Elizabeth Valdez del Alamo, with Carol Stamatis Pendergast (Aldershot and Brookfield, Vt., 2000), pp. 227–47.

80. “Magnifice prolis notat ortum visio solis.”

81. For other figures wearing such hats outdoors, see Paris, BN ms. lat. 11535, fol. 6v, illustrated in Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 2, fig. III.8; London, BL ms. Landesdown 383, fol. 6v; and Stuttgart Württembergische Landesbibliothek Cod. hist. fol. 415, fol. 17v.

82. “Hoc previdit ita pater eius et Israhelita.”

83. Meyer Schapiro, “An Illuminated English Psalter of the Early Thirteenth Century,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 23 (1960): 183; Judith K. Golden, “Images of Instruction, Marie de Bretagne, and the Life of St. Eustace as Illustrated in British Library ms. Egerton 745,” in Between the Picture and the Word: Essays in Commemoration of John Plummer, ed. Colum Hourihane, Index of Christian Art Occasional Papers, no. 8 (University Park, Pa., 2005), pp. 70–84.

84. Rudolph, Things of Greater Importance, English text, p. 11; Latin text, pp. 280–81.

85. Johnson, “Tree of Jesse.”

86. On the triptych, see William Voelkle, The Stavelot Triptych: Mosan Art and the Legend of the True Cross (New York, 1980); Joyce Brodsky, “The Stavelot Triptych: Notes on a Mosan Work,” Gesta 11 (1972): 19–33; Kelly M. Holbert, “Mosan Reliquary Triptychs and the Cult of the True Cross in the 12th Century,” PhD diss. (Yale University, 1995), esp. pp. 7–71; Holger A. Klein, “Eastern Objects and Western Desires: Relics and Reliquaries between Byzantium and the West,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 58 (2004): 283–314; A. Frolow, La Relique de la Vraie Croix: Recherches sur le développement d’un culte (Paris, 1961), pp. 335–36; Lasko, Ars Sacra, pp. 194–96.

87. Ursmer Berlière, Monasticon Belge, Vol. 2: Province de Liège (Liège, 1962), pp. 82–85.

88. Suzanne Wittekind, Altar-Reliquiar-Retabel: Kunst und Liturgie bei Wibald von Stablo (Cologne, 2004).

89. See Wittekind, Altar-Reliquiar-Retabel; H. P. Mitchell, “Some Enamels of the School of Godefroid de Claire,” Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 36 (1920): 11–18.

90. On sight, light, and the related anti-Jewish polemic in the Stavelot program, see Wittekind, Altar-Reliquiar-Retabel, esp. pp. 74–82 and 98–102.

91. Voelkle, Stavelot Triptych, pp. 7 and 11; Holbert, “Mosan Reliquary Triptychs,” p. 184; Klein, “Eastern Objects and Western Desires,” p. 299.

92. The Judas Cyriacus legend, the version favored in the West from the time of Gregory of Tours (d. 594), is an amplification of an earlier version (found in Sozomen and the Historia Ecclesiastica of Socrates Scholasticus), which did not mention Judas (or Judah) the Jew. An edition of the oldest known Latin version is Inventio Sanctae Crucis,ed. Alfred Holder (Leipzig, 1889). A less reliable but more accessible edition is AASS May 1:445–48 (Antwerp, 1680). See also Johannes Straubinger, Die Kreuzauffindungslegende: Untersuchungen über ihre altchristlichen Fassungen mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der syrischen Texte (Paderborn, 1912); Stephan Borgehammar, How the Holy Cross Was Found: From Event to Medieval Legend. With an Appendix of Texts (Stockholm, 1991), pp. 255–72; and Jan Willem Drijvers, Helena Augusta: The Mother of Constantine the Great and the Legend of Her Finding of the True Cross (Boston and Leiden, 1992).

93. Inventio Sanctae Crucis, ed. Holder, p. 3, ll. 74–83. I have emended “spirit” (spiritum) to “spit” (sputum) as more logical in this context, and as authorized by Isa. 50:6 and Matt. 26:67.

94. Drijvers, Helena Augusta, p. 166.

95. Sozomen, Historia Ecclesiastica II 1.4; quoted in Drijvers, Helena Augusta, p. 105.

96. Although the fire is mentioned in several versions of the legend, including the Inventio Sanctae Crucis (see Inventio Sanctae Crucis, ed. Holder, pp. 6–7), it had only once before been depicted in art. See Holbert, “Mosan Reliquary Triptychs,” pp. 50–51 and fig. 59.

97. Voelkle, The Stavelot Triptych, pp. 16–18.

98. Voelkle, The Stavelot Triptych, p. 16. Fire became a major topos in Hebrew martyrdom literature only after thirty-two Jews were burned at the stake in Blois in 1171: Susan L. Einbinder, Beautiful Death: Jewish Poetry and Martyrdom in Medieval France (Princeton, 2002), pp. 45–69.

99. On clutching the beard, see François Garnier, Le Langage de l’image au Moyen Âge. II. Grammaire des Gestes (Paris, 1982), pp. 88–94; Christa Sütterlin, “Universals in Apotropaic Symbolism: A Behavioral and Comparative Approach to Some Medieval Sculptures,” Leonardo 22 (1989): 65–74; Giles Constable, “Introduction,” inApologiae Duae. Gozechini Epistola ad Walcherum. Burchardi, ut videtur, Abbatis Bellevallis, Apologia de Barbis, ed. R. B. C. Huygens, CCCM 62 (Turnhout, 1985), pp. 64–65.

100. Lex Cornelia de falsis (81 BC), incorporated into the Institutes of Justinian, Lib. IV, Tit. XVIII, in The Institutes of Justinian, ed. Thomas Collett Sandars (London, 1853), pp. 606–07.

101. I thank William Voelkle for this suggestion.

102. Holbert, “Mosan Reliquary Triptychs,” p. 56, believes that the bishop is Macarius, who baptized Judas.

103. The bibliography on Saint-Denis is extensive and ever growing. See especially Suger’s own description of the building of the abbey church: De rebus in administratione sua gestis (as in n. 43, above), trans. and abr. in On the Abbey Church of St.-Denis and Its Treasures, ed. and trans. Erwin Panofsky, 2nd ed. (Princeton, 1979); Abbot Suger and Saint-Denis, a Symposium, ed. Paula Gerson (New York, 1986); Sumner McKnight Crosby and Pamela Blum, The Royal Abbey of Saint-Denis in the Time of Abbot Suger (1122–1151) (New Haven, 1981); Lindy Grant, Abbot Suger of St.-Denis: Church and State in Early Twelfth-Century France (London and New York, 1998). On Suger’s artistic influence, see Peter Kidson, “Panofsky, Suger, and St Denis,” in Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 50 (1987): 1–17. On the stained glass windows, see Grodecki, Les Vitraux de Saint-Denis. On the controversy over art, see Rudolph, Artistic Change at Saint-Denis, and Kessler, Spiritual Seeing, pp. 190–205.

104. John 3:14. On this iconography, see Herbert L. Kessler, “Evil Eye(ing): Romanesque Art as a Shield of Faith,” in Romanesque Art and Thought in the Twelfth Century, ed. Colum Hourihane (University Park, Pa., 2008), pp. 107–35.

105. Kessler, Spiritual Seeing, pp. 195–97.

106. Margot Fassler, “Liturgy and Sacred History in the Twelfth-Century Tympana at Chartres,” Art Bulletin 75 (1993): 499–520, offers a similar reading of the elders on the lintel of the north door of the Royal Portal of Chartres. My reading of the Israelites on the left, behind Moses, differs from that in Kessler, “Evil Eye(ing),” p. 131.

107. “Sicut serpentes serpens necat aeneus omnes, / Sic exaltatus hostes necat in cruce Christus.”

108. See R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Authority and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 2007).

109. The images and objects were thus created by and for what might be called representational networks, comparable to the intellectual networks analyzed in Constant J. Mews and John N. Crossley, eds., Communities of Learning: Networks and the Shaping of Intellectual Identity in Europe, 1100–1500, Europa Sacra (Turnhout, 2011).

CHAPTER THREE: JEWISH EYES: LOVELESS LOOKING AND THE UNLOVELY CHRIST, CA. 1160–1220

1. Herman of Cappenberg, Hermannus quondam Iudaeus: Opusculum de Conversione Sua, MGH Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 4, ed. Gerlinde Niemeyer (Weimar, 1963). See Anna Sapir Abulafia, “The Ideology of Reform and Changing Ideas Concerning Jews in the Works of Rupert of Deutz and Hermannus Quondam Iudeus,”Jewish History 7 (1993): 43–63, and Jean-Claude Schmitt, La Conversion d’Hermann le Juif: Autobiographie, histoire et fiction (Paris, 2003), now translated as The Conversion of Herman the Jew: Autobiography, History, and Fiction in the Twelfth Century, trans. Alex J. Novikoff (Philadelphia, 2010). The authenticity of the work has been challenged by A. Saltman, “Hermann’s Opusculum de conversione sua: Truth or Fiction?,” Revue des Études Juives 147 (1988): 31–56.

2. Opusculum, ed. Niemeyer, p. 75. For a slightly different translation and further discussion, see Karl F. Morrison, Conversion and Text: The Cases of Augustine of Hippo, Herman-Judah, and Constantine Tsatsos (Charlottesville and London, 1992), pp. 80 and 105–06. I discuss this text in “The Sweet Lean of His Head: Writing about Looking at the Crucifix in the High Middle Ages,” Speculum80 (2005): 1172–1208.

3. Note that in entering the church out of curiositas Judah/Herman explicitly violates Cistercian aesthetics, which condemn artworks made for curiositas: Władysław Tatarkiewicz, History of Aesthetics, vol. 2, ed. Cyril Barrett (The Hague, 1971), p. 186.

4. In his Anulus, or Dialogue between a Christian and a Jew, Rupert of Deutz defended the Christian practice of venerating the crucifix by citing the image’s ability to kindle love. Anulus sive dialogus inter Christianum et Iudaeum, ed. Rhabanus Haacke, in Maria Lodovica Arduini, Ruperto di Deutz e la controversia tra cristiani ed ebrei nel secolo XII (Roma, 1979), pp. 183–242; it also appears in PL 170:560–610. The Jew in Rupert’s text is presumed to be Judah/Herman himself, who relates elsewhere in his “autobiography” that while still a Jew he engaged in a religious debate with Rupert.

5. Opusculum, ed. Niemeyer, pp. 116–17.

6. See Rachel Fulton, From Judgment to Passion: Devotion to Christ and the Virgin Mary, 800–1200 (New York, 2002), and Karl F. Morrison, “I Am You”: The Hermeneutics of Empathy in Western Literature, Theology, and Art (Princeton, 1988).

7. Bremen, Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek ms. a. 244, fol. 113v; now in the Focke Museum, Bremen. See Christopher de Hamel, Glossed Books of the Bible and the Origins of the Paris Book Trade (Woodbridge, Suffolk, and Dover, N.H., 1984), p. 59; Heinrich der Löwe und seine Zeit: Herrschaft und Repräsentation der Welfen 1125–1235: Katalog der Ausstellung, Braunschweig 1995, ed. Jochen Luckhardt and Franz Niehoff, 3 vols. (Munich, 1995), vol. 1, pp. 488–90, no. G11; Walter Cahn, “Illuminated Psalter Commentaries,” in Psalms in Community: Jewish and Christian Textual, Liturgical, and Artistic Traditions, ed. Harold W. Attridge and Margot E. Fassler (Atlanta, 2003), pp. 241–64. On Lombard’s Psalms commentary, written sometime before 1138, see Marcia Colish, “Psalterium Scholasticorum: Peter Lombard and the Emergence of Scholastic Psalms Exegesis,” Speculum 67 (1992): 531–48.

8. See Romans 11:7–10; Augustine, Enarrationes in Psalmum 68, Sermo 2, and many others. See also Alexa Sand, “Vision, Devotion, and Difficulty in the Psalter Hours of Yolande of Soissons,” Art Bulletin 87 (2005): 14, and Cahn, “Illuminated Psalter Commentaries,” p. 258.

9. On the form of the brazen serpent, see Frederick P. Pickering, Literature and Art in the Middle Ages (London, 1970), pp. 261–70; Suzanne Wittekind, Altar-Reliquiar-Retabel: Kunst und Liturgie bei Wibald von Stablo (Cologne, 2004), p. 100; Herbert L. Kessler, “Evil Eye(ing): Romanesque Art as a Shield of Faith,” in Romanesque Art and Thought in the Twelfth Century, Essays in Honor of Walter Cahn, ed. Colum Hourihane (University Park, Pa., 2008), pp. 107–35.

10. See Israel Yuval, Two Nations in Your Womb: Perceptions of Jews and Christians in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, trans. Barbara Harshav and Jonathan Chipman (Berkeley, 2006), p. 117. As we shall see, Christians adopted this phrase to underscore Jews’ hard-hearted response to the image of Christ crucified.

11. These figures’ looks were probably meant to associate them with wealthy and allegedly corrupt youths, whose “effeminate,” tight-fitting fashions and preference for close shaving were much criticized by moralists (Jewish and Christian) in the mid-twelfth century.

12. On pointing as a gesture of debate and sign of aggression, see Jean-Claude Schmitt, La Raison des gestes dans l’Occident médiévale (Paris, 1990); François Garnier, Le Langage de l’image au Moyen Âge, 2 vols. (Paris, 1982); O. Chomentovskaja, “Le Comput digital: Histoire d’un geste dans l’art de la Renaissance italienne,” Gazette des Beaux Arts 20 (1938): 157–72.

13. See Wittekind, Altar-Reliquiar-Retabel, p. 101n185, on the use of this verse in a portable altar from Stavelot and on links between Archbishop Hartwig and Abbot Wibald of Stavelot.

14. See Luke 23:36 and John 19:34. One or two isolated examples in earlier art mark Christ’s killers and tormentors in a way that could have been read as “Jewish”: the doors of San Zeno, Verona (ca. 1100–30), and a late-eleventh-century manuscript reproduced in Stefan Rohrbacher, “The Charge of Deicide: An Anti-Jewish Motif in Medieval Christian Art,” Journal of Medieval History 17 (1991): 297–321, fig. 2. Rohrbacher’s other pre-twelfth-century images are less convincing as examples of anti-Jewish iconography. On the iconography of Longinus and Stephaton, see William Chester Jordan, “The Last Tormentor of Christ: An Image of the Jew in Ancient and Medieval Exegesis, Art, and Drama,” Jewish Quarterly Review n.s. 78 (1987): 21–47; R. J. Peebles, The Legend of Longinus in Ecclesiastical Tradition and in English Literature, and Its Connections with the Grail, Bryn Mawr College Monographs 9 (Baltimore, 1911); and Konrad Burdach, Der Gral: Forschungen über seinen Ursprung und seinen Zusammenhang mit der Longinuslegende (rpt. Darmstadt, 1974). The anti-Jewish thrust of the Bremen initial is noted by Cahn, “Illuminated Psalter Commentaries,” p. 258.

15. Paris, Musée du Louvre, OA 8096. See Marie-Madeleine Gauthier, Les Émaux de Moyen Âge occidental (Paris, 1972), pp. 154–55 and catalog no. 110, p. 360. I am grateful to Elisabeth Antoine and Marie-Cecile Bardo of the Louvre for their generous response to my request for information and photographs.

16. The Index of Christian Art lists no earlier and only two other twelfth-century versions of the scene from the Latin West: an ivory casket from Cologne, ca. 1150–1200 (Stuttgart, Württembergisches Landesmuseum, KK blau 125), and a font from Skåne, Sweden. Not listed in the index is the Pieterskirk in Utrecht, mentioned in Elizabeth den Hartog, “The Iconography of the Choir Capitals in the Church of Our Lady in Maastricht,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 62 (1999): 320–65, and an initial from a French Bible, ca. 1175–1200: London, BL ms. Harley 2895, fol. 17. See also “Kreuzennagelung,” in Lexikon der Christlichen Ikonographie, ed. Engelbert Kirschbaum, 8 vols. (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1971).

17. On this gesture, see ch. 2, n. 99; Carol Lansing, Passion and Order: Restraint of Grief in the Medieval Italian Communes (Ithaca, 2008), pp. 77–81.

18. Gauthier, Les Émaux de Moyen Âge occidental, pp. 154–55, attributes his awkward profile to a lack of artistic skill. It seems strange, though, that the draftsman’s sense of proportion should have failed him only in this sole instance.

19. Ruth Mellinkoff and Debra Higgs Strickland both rightly highlight the influence of bestial, monstrous, and diabolical visual models on portrayals of Jews, though neither periodizes the phenomenon. Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art, 2 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993), vol. 1, pp. 127–35, and Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art (Princeton, 2003), pp. 77–78.

20. The initial on top depicts the Maccabees fighting their Syrian occupiers. On this manuscript, see Dominic Marner, “The Bible of Hugh le Puiset (Durham Dean and Chapter Library, MS A.II.l),” in Anglo-Norman Durham, 1093–1193, ed. David Rollason, Margaret Harvey, and Michael Prestwich (Rochester, N.Y., 1998), pp. 471–84. See also the Roman killer in the Innocents scene in theMartyrology dating to ca. 1180 (Stuttgart, Württembergisches Landesmuseum Cod. Hist. 415, fol. 83v).

21. Here I very much agree with Anthony Bale, Feeling Persecuted: Christians, Jews, and Images of Violence in the Middle Ages (London, 2009).

22. On the evolution of anti-Jewish caricature, see ch. 5.

23. Early- and mid-twelfth-century anti-Jewish philosophical polemics accused Jews of an irrationality amounting to a kind of bestiality. See Anna Sapir Abulafia, Christians and Jews in the Twelfth-Century Renaissance (London and New York, 1995); Dominique Iogna-Prat, Order and Exclusion: Cluny and Christendom Face Heresy, Judaism, and Islam, 1000–1150, trans. Graham Robert Edwards (Ithaca, 2002); Irven M. Resnick, Marks of Distinction: Christian Perceptions of Jews in the High Middle Ages (Washington, D.C., 2012), pp. 34–44. See, however, Irven M. Resnick, “Odo of Tournai and the Dehumanization of Medieval Jews: A Reexamination,” Jewish Quarterly Review 98 (2008): 471–84, and William Chester Jordan, review of Iogna-Prat in Jewish Quarterly Review95 (2005): 721–23, which caution against taking polemical rhetoric overly literally.

24. See Resnick, Marks of Distinction, pp. 249–319.

25. Robert Bartlett, The Making of Europe: Conquest, Colonization, and Cultural Change, 950–1350 (Princeton, 1994), p. 53.

26. None of the surviving treatises attribute any particular characteristics to this kind of nose, and they say nothing about Jewish noses. For editions, see Richard Foerster, ed., Scriptores Physiognomonici Graeci et Latini, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1893), and Roger A. Pack, ed., “Auctoris Incerti de Physiognomia Libellus,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge 41 (1975): 113–38. Fine studies include D. Jacquart, “La Physiognomie à l’époque de Frédéric II: Le traité de Michel Scot,” Micrologus 2 (1994): 19–37; Jole Agrimi, “Fisiognomica: Nature alla specchio ovvero luce e ombre,” Micrologus 4 (1996): 129–78; and Yossi Ziegler, “Text and Context: On the Rise of Physiognomic Thought in the Later Middle Ages,” in De Sion Exibit Lex et Verbum Domini de Hierusalem: Essays on Medieval Law, Liturgy and Literature in Honour of Amnon Linder, ed. Y. Hen (Turnhout, 2001), pp. 159–82.

27. Bartlett, The Making of Europe, p. 197; Bartlett, “Medieval and Modern Concepts of Race and Ethnicity,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 31 (2001): 39–56. For further discussion, see ch. 5.

28. Gerald of Wales, The Journey through Wales and The Description of Wales, trans. L. Thorpe (London, 1978), written ca. 1194, discussed in Robert Bartlett, “Gerald of Wales (c. 1146–1220x23),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, ed. H. C. G. Matthew and Brian Harrison (Oxford, 2004); online ed., ed. Lawrence Goldman, Oct. 2006.http://www.oxforddnb.com.libproxy.cc.stonybrook.edu/view/article/10769 (accessed March 3, 2014).

29. Thomas Bestul, Texts of the Passion: Latin Devotional Literature and Medieval Society (Philadelphia, 1996), pp. 79–90.

30. The sole surviving manuscript of this text is Cambridge University Library ms. Add. 3037, fols. 1–77. A full transcription appears on the Queen Mary College, University of London, Web site: http://yvc.history.qmul.ac.uk/WN-joined-17–08–09.pdf (accessed March 16, 2014). A forthcoming Penguin Classics translation (Thomas of Monmouth, The Life and Passion of William of Norwich, ed. Miri Rubin) should supersede the incomplete and inadequate nineteenth-century edition and translation: Miracles of St William of Norwich (Latin Text with English Translation) by Thomas of Monmouth, ed. and trans. Augustus Jessop and M. R. James (Cambridge, 1896). The similarities between this text and Passion narratives have been noted by Bestul, Texts of the Passion, p. 69, and Bale,Feeling Persecuted, pp. 50–58.

31. Miracles of St William of Norwich, book 1, ch. 5 (Cambridge University Library ms. Add. 3037, fols. 6–7).

32. Bestul, Texts of the Passion, pp. 79 and 85–88.

33. On the ongoing vitality of twelfth-century German Jewry, see Guido Kisch, The Jews in Medieval Germany: A Study of Their Legal and Social Status (Chicago, 1949); Ephraim Kanarfogel, The Intellectual History and Rabbinic Culture of Medieval Ashkenaz (Detroit, 2013); Avraham Grossman, Pious and Rebellious: Jewish Women in Medieval Europe, trans. Jonathan Chipman (Hanover, 2004); Elisheva Baumgarten, Mothers and Children: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe (Princeton, 2004); Ivan G. Marcus, “A Jewish-Christian Symbiosis: The Culture of Early Ashkenaz,” in Cultures of the Jews: A New History, ed. David Biale (New York, 2002), pp. 449–516; Marcus, Rituals of Childhood: Jewish Acculturation in Medieval Europe (New Haven and London, 1996); Haym Soloveitchik, “Catastrophe and Halakhic Creativity: Ashkenaz: 1096, 1242, 1306, and 1298,” Jewish History 12 (1998): 71–85.

34. See Robert C. Stacey, “Jews and Christians in Twelfth-Century England: Some Dynamics of a Changing Relationship,” in Jews and Christians in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed. Michael A. Signer and John van Engen (Notre Dame, 2001), pp. 340–53; H. G. Richardson, The English Jewry under Angevin Kings (London, 1960).

35. PL 191:636ff., quoted in Wittekind, Altar-Reliquiar-Retabel, p. 102. The Lombard comment replicates verbatim Augustine, Enarratione in Psalmum 68, Sermo 2.

36. See Jean-Pierre Bordier, Le Jeu de la Passion: Le message chrétien et le théâtre français (XIIIe–XVIe s). (Paris, 1998), p. 364.

37. See Albrecht Dieterich, “Der Ritus der verhüllten Hände,” in Kleine Schriften (Leipzig, 1911), pp. 440–49; Henry Maguire, “The Iconography of Symeon with the Christ Child in Byzantine Art,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 34 (1980): 265. Prophets holding scrolls with veiled hands appear in the Royal Portal of Chartres cathedral, dated to ca. 1145: Jean Villette, Les Portails de la cathédrale de Chartres (Paris, 1994), p. 66.

38. Paris, BN ms. lat. 8846, fol. 11v. See C. R. Dodwell, The Canterbury School of Illumination, 1066–1200 (Cambridge, 1954), pl. 70c. The man behind is grabbing his beard in another gesture of grief.

39. Feria 6 in Parasceve: Gregory the Great, Romani Pontificis Liber Responsalis sive Antiphonae per anni circulum (PL 78:766), found in slightly different form in the Improperia. The exclamation comes ultimately from Jer. 2:21. The reference to “bitterness,” not found in the patristic sources that inspired the liturgy, recalls the bitter vinegar offered to Christ on the cross as well as the vinegar into which the heady wine of the patriarchs degenerated: Jordan, “Last Tormentor,” p. 29.

40. This antiphon is quoting Ps. 26:12.

41. See Lipton, “Sweet Lean of His Head.”

42. See Edward S. Casey, The World at a Glance (Bloomington, 2007), pp. xv, 5–6.

43. The crucifix first appeared in the fifth century and became common from the seventh or eighth century. See Celia Chazelle, The Crucified God in the Carolingian Era: Theology and Art of Christ’s Passion (Cambridge, 2001), and the articles on “Kreuz” and “Kreuzigung Christi” in Kirschbaum, Lexikon der Christlichen Ikonographie.

44. See Joseph Braun, Der Christliche Altar in seiner Geschichtlichen Entwicklung (Munich, 1924), p. 468; Peter Springer, Kreuzfüsse: Ikonographie und Typologie eines Hochmittelalterlichen Gerätes (Berlin, 1981); and H. Silvestre, “Trois témoignages mosans du début du XIIe siècle sur le crucifix de l’arc triomphal,” Revue des archaéologues et historiens d’art de Louvain 9 (1976): 225–31.

45. Although a few artworks from eleventh-century Germany (Cologne especially) portrayed Christ as vulnerable and dying, this approach became common and widespread only from the second half of the twelfth century. See Erich Pattis, Christus Dominator: Vorgotische Grosskreuze (Innsbruck, 1964); Edgar Hürkey, Das Bild des Gekreuzigten im Mittelalter (Worms, 1983); Ernst Grube, “Majestas und Crucifix: Zum Motiv des Suppedaneums,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 20 (1957): 268–87; and Paul Thoby, Le Crucifix: Des origines au Concile de Trente (Nantes, 1959), pp. 124–25.

46. See Hans Belting, The Image and Its Public in the Middle Ages: Form and Function of Early Paintings of the Passion, trans. Mark Bartusis and Raymond Meyer (New Rochelle, N.Y., 1990); Paul Binski, Becket’s Crown: Art and Imagination in Gothic England, 1170–1300 (New Haven, 2004).

47. Guigues 1er, Prieur de Charteuse, Les Méditations. Sources Chrétiennes 308 (Paris, 1983), meditation 5, p. 104. In spite of the writings of Guigo and others, as recently as 1910 an article in the Catholic Encyclopedia felt a need to insist that Christ was beautiful in form: Walter Drum, “The Incarnation,” Catholic Encyclopedia, vol. 7 (New York, 1910), New Advent:http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07706b.htm (accessed March 3, 2014).

48. See Amy Neff, “The Pain of Compassio: Mary’s Labor at the Foot of the Cross,” Art Bulletin 80 (1998): 254–73; Otto von Simson, “Compassio and Co-Redemptio in Roger van der Weyden’s Descent from the Cross,” Art Bulletin 35 (1953): 11. On emotion as an integral part of art viewing, see Morrison, “I Am You.”

49. Published by J. Leclercq in Revue bénédictine 56 (1945–46): 216–17.

50. Cur Deus Homo, book 1, ch. 2, in Anselm of Canterbury, Proslogium; Monologium; An Appendix on Behalf of the Fool by Gaunilon; and Cur Deus Homo, trans. Sidney Norton Deane (rpt. Chicago, 1926), p. 181. Such images continued to disturb more than a half century after their initial introduction: see Lipton, “Sweet Lean of His Head,” and Paul Binski, “The Crucifixion and the Censorship of Art around 1300,” in The Medieval World, ed. P. Linehan and J. Nelson (London and New York, 2001), pp. 342–60.

51. Brussels, Bibliothèque royale ms. 5246–52, fol. 18vb. For a transcription, translation, and analysis of this text, see Lipton, “Sweet Lean of His Head.”

52. De Diligendo Deo, III.7, in Sancti Bernardi Opera, ed. J. Leclercq, C. H. Talbot, and H. M. Rochais (Rome, 1977), vol. 3, p. 124. Although Bernard condemned frivolous cloister carvings and extravagant church ornamentation, he was by no means an implacable enemy of visual stimuli and even promoted veneration of images of Christ crucified. On Bernard’s visual sensitivity, see Lipton, “Sweet Lean of His Head.”

53. Peter the Venerable, Petri Venerabilis Adversus Iudeorum inveteratam duritiem, ed. Y. Friedman, CCCM 58 (Turnhout, 1985), ch. 3, pp. 45–46, 54–55.

54. De colloquio Simonis et Iesu Super Evangelium 48:29, in Entretien de Simon-Pierre avec Jésus, ed. Henri Rochais (Paris, 1990), p. 252.

55. Los Angeles, Getty ms. 64, fol. 86.

56. For an introduction to and further bibliography on the Stammheim Missal, see Elizabeth C. Teviotdale, The Stammheim Missal (Los Angeles, 2001).

57. Traditional aesthetic criteria are discussed in E. H. Gombrich, “Visual Metaphors of Value in Art,” in Meditations on a Hobby Horse and Other Essays on the Theory of Art (London and New York, 1978), pp. 16–19.

58. Peter Abelard’s Ethics, ed. and trans. David Luscombe (Oxford, 1971), p. 43.

59. On a new expressivity in late-twelfth-century art, see T. A. Heslop, “The Implication of the Utrecht Psalter in English Romanesque Art,” in Romanesque: Art and Thought in the Twelfth Century, Essays in Honor of Walter Cahn, ed. Colum Hourihane (University Park, Pa., 2008), pp. 267–90; Binski, Becket’s Crown, pp. 262–63. Many non-Jewish characters were also given extreme facial expressions.

60. Paris, BN ms. lat. 8846, fol. 3v.

61. While this figure is not visually marked as Jewish, he was glossed as a Jew in many contemporary texts. See, e.g., Augustine, City of God 16.2, in Augustine of Hippo, De civitate dei, ed. B. Dombart and A. Kalb, CCSL 47, 48 (Turnhout, 1955), pp. 498–500, and the comment on Gen. 9:20–27 in the Glossa Ordinaria, PL 177:694.

62. John 8:31 and 10:31–40.

63. John 8:59 and 10:39.

64. Brussels, Musées royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique, Inv. V.2912bis. The attempted stoning of Christ featured prominently in Eckbert’s Stimulus Amoris but was only rarely treated in Christian art: Emma Maayan-Fanar, “Silenus among the Jews? Anti-Jewish Polemics in Ninth-Century Byzantine Marginal Psalters,” in Between Judaism and Christianity: Art Historical Essays in Honor of Elisheva (Elisabeth) Revel-Neher, ed. Katrin Kogman-Appel and Mati Meyer (Leiden and Boston, 2009), p. 269. The foremost of these Jews is spitting at Christ, echoing the Stimulus Amoris and underscoring the contempt directed by Jews at Christ.

65. On the body as a hierarchical system, with the lower half figuring Christ’s human nature and the head and torso his divinity, see Leo Steinberg, The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion (London, 1983), pp. 143–44.

66. See the discussion of the uses of art in Ruperto of Deutz, Anulus sive dialogus inter Christianum et Iudaeum, ed. Haacke, in Arduini, Ruperto di Deutz, pp. 232–35.

67. On the links between pastoral care and devotional art, see Binski, Becket’s Crown, ch. 8.

68. Elliott Horowitz, Reckless Rites: Purim and the Legacy of Jewish Violence (Princeton, 2006), pp. 149–85.

69. “Nathan ben Joseph Official,” in The Jewish Encyclopedia (1906), (http://www.jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/11361-nathan-ben-joseph-official) (accessed March 5, 2014).

CHAPTER FOUR: ALL THE WORLD A PICTURE: JEWS AND THE MIRROR OF SOCIETY, CA. 1220–1300

1. For an overview of these changes, see The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 5, c. 1198–c. 1300, ed. David Abulafia (Cambridge, 1999). On the thirteenth-century pastoral revolution, see R. N. Swanson, Religion and Devotion in Europe, c. 1215–c. 1515 (Cambridge, 1995), and the articles collected in A Companion to Pastoral Care in the Late Middle Ages (1200–1500), ed. Ronald J. Stansbury (Leiden and Boston, 2010).

2. For clear recent overviews of the art of the period, see A Companion to Romanesque and Gothic Art, ed. Rudolph Conrad (Malden, Mass., 2006). Especially relevant to Chartres are Anne D. Hedeman, “Gothic Manuscript Illumination: The Case of France,” pp. 421–42; Martin Büchsel, “Gothic Sculpture, 1150–1250,” pp. 403–20; and Elizabeth Carson Pastan, “Glazing Medieval Buildings,” pp. 443–65. Michael Camille, The Gothic Idol: Ideology and Image-Making in Medieval Art (Cambridge, 1989), discusses the “vision explosion” of the high and later Middle Ages.

3. See, respectively: Suzanne Lewis, “Tractatus adversus Judaeos in the Gulbenkian Apocalypse,” Art Bulletin 68 (1986): 543–66; Sara Lipton, Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralisée (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1999); Camille, The Gothic Idol; Paris, BN ms. fr. 14969, fol. 12; Debra Hassig,Medieval Bestiaries: Text, Image, Ideology (Cambridge, 1995).

4. In addition to the works cited in n. 3, above, important studies include Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993); Elizabeth Carson Pastan, “Tam haereticos quam Judaeos: Shifting Symbols in the Glazing of Troyes Cathedral,” Word and Image 10 (1994): 66–83; Heinz Schreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas: Ein Historischer Bildatlas (Göttingen and Freiburg, 1996); Imagining the Self, Imagining the Other: Visual Representation and Jewish-Christian Dynamics in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, ed. Eva Frojmovic (Leiden and Boston, 2002); Debra Higgs Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art (Princeton, 2003); Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. Mitchell B. Merback (Leiden and Boston, 2008); and Judaism and Christian Art: Aesthetic Anxieties from the Catacombs to Colonialism, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and David Nirenberg (Philadelphia and Oxford, 2011).

5. The most notable artworks that express intense concern with Jews are the Bible moralisée; the Cantigas de Santa Maria; an illuminated Bestiary of Guillaume le Clerc (Paris, BN ms. fr. 14969), analyzed by Nigel Morgan, “Pictured Sermons in Thirteenth-Century England,” in Tributes to Jonathan J. G. Alexander: The Making and Meaning of Illuminated Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts, Art and Architecture, ed. Susan L’Engle and Gerald B. Guest (Turnhout, 2006), pp. 323–40; and the thirteenth-century English illuminated apocalypses studied by Suzanne Lewis (see n. 3, above).

6. The bibliography on Chartres is vast. See Chartres: Sources and Literary Interpretation. A Critical Bibliography, ed. Jan van der Meulen with Rudiger Hoyer and Deborah Cole (Boston, 1989). For a more recent and regularly updated list, see the Web site based at the University of Pittsburgh:http://www.medart.pitt.edu/image/France/Chartres/Chartres-Cathedral/Bibliography/FC-General-bib.htm. The erection of Chartres has been called “the single most important event in the history of Gothic architecture”: George Henderson, Chartres (New York, 1968), p. 111.

7. On the value of Chartres as “test case,” see the comments of Paul Crossley, “The Integrated Cathedral: Thoughts on ‘Holism’ and Gothic Architecture,” in The Four Modes of Seeing: Approaches to Medieval Imagery in Honour of Madeline Harrison Caviness, ed. Evelyn Staudinger Lane, Elizabeth Carson Pastan, and Ellen M. Shortel (Burlington, Vt., 2009), p. 166.

8. R. W. Southern, “Humanism and the School of Chartres,” in Medieval Humanism and Other Studies (Oxford, 1970), pp. 61–85, argued that several of the important figures traditionally associated with the School of Chartres, though they were later associated with Chartres Cathedral in some way, actually taught at Paris, suggesting that the twelfth-century Chartres School was less exalted than once thought. But this point only underscores the close intellectual ties between Chartres and the capital.

9. The Capetian connection is stressed by Lindy Grant, “Representing Dynasty: The Transept Windows at Chartres Cathedral,” in Representing History, 900–1300: Art, Music, History, ed. Robert A. Maxwell (University Park, Pa., 2010), pp. 109–14. The Web images may be found at http://www.medart.pitt.edu/image/France/Chartres/Chartres-Cathedral/chartres-main.html.

10. The quote is from Henry N. Claman, Jewish Images in the Christian Church: Art as the Mirror of the Jewish-Christian Conflict, 200–1250 C.E. (Macon, 2000), p. 183. Adolf Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Programs of Chartres Cathedral: Christ, Mary, Ecclesia (Baltimore, 1959), p. vi, stresses how strongly bound the cathedral sculpture was to the cult of the Virgin. The anti-Jewish potential of the cult of the Virgin has been explored by Miri Rubin, Mother of God: A History of the Virgin Mary (New Haven, 2009), pp. 228–39, and William Chester Jordan, “Marian Devotion and the Talmud Trial of 1240,” in Religionsgespräche im Mittelalter, ed. Bernard Lewis and Friedrich Niewöhner (Wiesbaden, 1992), pp. 61–76. For the Chartres glass, see Anne F. Harris, “The Performative Terms of Jewish Iconoclasm and Conversion in Two Saint Nicholas Windows at Chartres Cathedral,” in Beyond the Yellow Badge, pp. 119–41. The connections between Chartres glass and the Bible moralisée are sketched in Jane Williams,Bread, Wine, and Money: The Windows of the Trades at Chartres Cathedral (Chicago, 1993). On anti-Judaism in those manuscripts, see Lipton,Images of Intolerance.

11. On this portal, see Whitney S. Stoddard, Sculptors of the West Portals of Chartres Cathedral (New York and London, 1952); Jean Villette, Les Portails de la Cathédrale de Chartres (Paris, 1994), pp. 13–117; and Margot Fassler, “Liturgy and Sacred History in the Twelfth-Century Tympana at Chartres,” Art Bulletin 75 (1993): 499–520. See also John James, “An Examination of Some Anomalies in the Ascension and Incarnation Portals of Chartres Cathedral,” Gesta 25 (1986): 101–08.

12. See ch. 1. The figure with a rounded, ridged cap between the queen and Isaiah on the left embrasure is called “a Jew” by Villette, Les Portails, p. 66, presumably because of the cap. The usage is somewhat odd, as all the kings, queens, and prophets on this portal were Hebrews.

13. See ch. 2.

14. Fassler, “Liturgy and Sacred History.” I find this reading more convincing than that of Villette, Les Portails, p. 57.

15. One of these Jesse trees is carved above the central door of the North Portal, and one is painted in the North Rose window. The former is described and partially illustrated in Villette, Les Portails, pp. 144–45.

16. For an analysis of the style of the transept sculpture, see Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Programs, pp. 92–93.

17. Anne Prache, Chartres, le portail de la Sagesse (Paris, 1994), p. 47, and Villette, Les Portails, pp. 133–34.

18. Paul Binski, Becket’s Crown: Art and Imagination in Gothic England, 1170–1300 (New Haven and London, 2004), and Binski, “The Angel Choir at Lincoln and the Poetics of the Gothic Smile,” Art History 20 (1997): 350–74, link the new “naturalism” to the growing devotional emphasis on Christ’s humanity. See also Hans Belting, The Image and Its Public in the Middle Ages: Form and Function of Early Paintings of the Passion, trans. Mark Bartusis and Raymond Meyer (New Rochelle, N.Y., 1990), and Carol Schuler, “The Seven Sorrows of the Virgin: Popular Culture and Cultic Imagery in Pre-Reformation Europe,” Simiolus 21 (1992): 5–28.

19. The comment is attributed to Bernard of Chartres in John of Salisbury, Metalogicon 3.4, ed. C. C. J. Webb (Oxford, 1929), p. 136, ll. 23–27. It was repeated by Alain de Lille and Alexander Neckam. See Robert K. Merton, On the Shoulders of Giants: A Shandean Postscript (New York, 1965), and Edouard Jeauneau, “‘Nani gigantum humeris insidentes.’ Essai d’interprétation de Bernard de Chartres,” Vivarium 5 (1967): 79–99.

20. See, e.g., Oxford, Bodleian ms. Auct. D.4.17, fol. 2 (Bodleian Apocalypse). Isaiah appears in the south choir clerestory (bay 119, ca. 1230).

21. The north transept is largely dedicated to Old Testament figures and events. On this portal, see Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Programs; Nicole Lévis-Godechot, “Essai d’interprétation de l’iconographie des sculptures du portail nord de la cathédrale de Chartres,” Bulletin da la Société d’histoire et d’archéologie de Senlis (1977): 31–47; and Prache, Chartres, le portail de la Sagesse, pp. 7–15.

22. Pierre de Roissy wrote that the friends of Job were false friends, “in whom allegorically are understood heretics, who call themselves the [false] friends of simple Christians.” Avranches, Bibliothèque de la Ville ms. 16, fol. 65r, quoted in Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Programs, p. 135n129 (my translation). See also Stephan Kuttner, “Pierre de Roissy and Robert of Flamborough,” Traditio2 (1944): 492–99; Paul Williamson, Gothic Sculpture, 1140–1300 (New Haven and London, 1995), p. 39.

23. Lévis-Godechot, “Essai d’interprétation,” pp. 37–40.

24. Prache, Chartres, le portail de la Sagesse, p. 66, calls him “coarse-faced.” For the nose, see chs. 3 and 5.

25. See ch. 2, n. 99.

26. On the lintel of the south transept, see Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Programs, pp. 80–88.

27. A contemporary Parisian abbot, John of Saint-Victor, automatically thought of Jewishness when he critiqued Christian pride: “It is clear,” he states in a sermon warning his canons against various vices, “that pride of mind blinds the eye. Whence Synagoga is fittingly depicted blind … [and thus] is shown to have endured in her perfidy in proud darkness.” Sermo in Adventu Domini in Paris, BN ms. lat. 14525, fols. 32vb–35vb. On the rhetoric of pride and intellectual arrogance in thirteenth-century texts, see Lipton, Images of Intolerance, pp. 92–93.

28. This is an unusual subject for a cathedral lintel. A small, telescoped version appears in the archivolts of the south-faced portal of Amiens. Other examples include a wall carving at Auxerre, the archivolts of a rose window at Reims, a Cologne carving, and a transept buttress at Rouen. The lintel is briefly described by Villette, Les Portails, p. 147, who, neglecting the hints of discord, misleadingly writes that the palace figures, young and old, all marvel at Solomon’s wisdom.

29. See C. M. Kaufmann, “The Iconography of the Judgment of Solomon in the Middle Ages,” in Tributes to Jonathan J. G. Alexander, pp. 297–306. Claudius of Turin (PL 50:1103) and Glossa (PL 113:582) are cited on p. 300.

30. Sermo 6 on the Vigil of the Nativity, PL 183:115ff, quoted in Katzenellenbogen, The Sculptural Programs, p. 69. The French language version of the Bible moralisée identifies the false mother as Synagoga, with whom all “Jews, infidels, heretics, and bad people” will remain in death. Vienna, ÖNB cod. 2554, fol. 50a.

31. On the chin-length, wavy bob as an aristocratic hair style, see Joachim Bumke, Courtly Culture: Literature and Society in the High Middle Ages, trans. Thomas Dunlop (Berkeley, 1991), p. 149, as cited in Nina Rowe, The Jew, the Cathedral, and the Medieval City: Synagoga and Ecclesia in the Thirteenth Century (New York, 2011), p. 280n104.

32. On touching the cord of a cloak, see Nina Rowe, The Jew, the Cathedral, p. 106, and Jacqueline E. Jung, “The Passion, the Jews, and the Crisis of the Individual on the Naumburg West Choir Screen,” in Beyond the Yellow Badge, pp. 145–77. With his other hand the man is gathering the folds of his cloak, like the first friend of Job above. These same gestures appear on the sculptures of King Solomon and the Queen of Sheba in the left embrasure of this portal.

33. The scene is reminiscent of the courtroom-type atmosphere analyzed by Jung, “The Passion, the Jews, and the Crisis of the Individual.”

34. Wolfgang Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass, trans. Caroline Dobson Saltzwedel (Cambridge, 1997), p. 147, notes the significance of the language of clothes beginning in the twelfth century. On the glass, see Colette Manhès-Deremble, Vitraux narratifs de la cathédrale de Chartres: Étude iconographique, avec la collaboration de Jean-Paul Deremble (Paris, 1993), and Jean-Paul Deremble and Colette Manhès-Deremble, Les vitraux légendaires de Chartres: Des récits en images (Paris, 1988).

35. Bay 41, north transept. The “donor,” or trade, panels at the bottom of this window depict money changers. Deremble and Manhès-Deremble, Vitraux de Chartres, p. 41, suggest that these scenes carry two meanings: in underscoring the need for authenticity in coinage they recall the fraud of Joseph’s brothers and they remind the viewer of the bishop’s authority to regulate monetary exchange.

36. The outsized head of the brother on the left may be a product of faulty restoration.

37. Bay 35, north transept. On this window, see Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass, pp. 98–101, and Gerald B. Guest, “The Prodigal’s Journey: Ideologies of Self and City in the Gothic Cathedral,” Speculum 81 (2006): 35–75.

38. Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass, p. 11.

39. Guest, “The Prodigal’s Journey.”

40. On the new narrative, often vernacular artistic and literary genres introduced in the thirteenth century, see Lewis, “Tractatus adversus Judaeos”; Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass; and Parisian Confraternity Drama of the Fourteenth Century: The “Miracles de Nostre Dame par personages,” ed. Donald Maddox and Sara Sturm-Maddox (Turnhout, 2008).

41. On the serpent as a sign for evil in general and associated with Synagoga in particular, see Lipton, Images of Intolerance, pp. 22–24, 195, and Nona C. Flores, “‘Effigies amicitiae … veritas inimicitiae’: Anti-feminism in the Iconography of the Woman-Headed Serpent in Medieval and Renaissance Art and Literature,” in Animals in the Middle Ages: A Book of Essays, ed. Nona C. Flores (New York, 1996), pp. 167–95.

42. Noted by Claman, Jewish Images in the Christian Church, p. 186. See also Lipton, Images of Intolerance, p. 195n71.

43. Bay 13.

44. Bay 1. The textual source for this legend is the Passio Simonis et Judae.

45. Bay 5. The Legend of James the Great is found in The Golden Legend, among many other locations.

46. Bay 8. The Life of Saint Sylvester.

47. Bay 14 (the Saint Nicholas pedagogical window) and Bay 39 (the Life of Saint Nicholas window).

48. On the sources for this tale, see Harris, “The Performative Terms.” For an analysis of the social and cultural resonances of the tale in its dramatic form, see Carol Symes, A Common Stage: Theater and Public Life in Medieval Arras (Ithaca, 2007).

49. Harris, “The Performative Terms.” A second Nicholas legend, featuring a Jew who beats a statue of Saint Nicholas for failing to protect his wealth (thereby demonstrating his faith in the saint, which the saint immediately rewards), is discussed in André Vauchez, “L’Image vivante: Quelques réflexions sur les fonctions des représentations iconographiques dans le domaine religieux en Occident aux derniers siècles du Moyen Âge,” in Pauvres et riches. Société et culture du Moyen Âge aux Temps Modernes. Mélanges offerts à Bronislaw Geremek à l’occasion de son soixantième anniversaire (Warsaw, 1992), p. 234, and in Symes, A Common Stage.

50. André Chedeville, Chartres et ses campagnes (XIe–XIIIe siècles). Publications de l’Université de Haute-Bretagne (Paris, 1973), pp. 476–78.

51. Act 4, scene 1.

52. Whereas in many other artworks Stephen’s killers are shown as Jews. See, e.g., Vienna, ÖNB cod. Ser. Nova 2700, fol. 186 (antiphoner from Benedictine Abbey of Saint Peter, Salzburg, ca. 1160).

53. Ruth Mellinkoff, The Mark of Cain (Berkeley, 1981).

54. Bay 44.

55. The Death and Assumption of Mary window, also called the Glorification of Mary. Bay 42.

56. Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass, p. 171, cites texts by Gilbert of Tournai (d. 1270) and Eudes of Chateauroux (d. 1273) suggesting that medieval viewers paid particular attention to clothing.

57. This point was made by Madeline Caviness in a review of Kemp and Manhès-Deremble in Speculum 65 (1990): 974.

58. Constitutiones Concilii quarti Lateranensis una cum commentaries glossatorum, ed. Antonio Garcia y Garcia, Monumenta Iuris Canonici, A; Corpus Glossatorum 2 (Vatican City, 1981), p. 107.

59. See Danièle Sansy, “Marquer la différence: L’imposition de la rouelle au XIIIe et XIVe siècles,” Médiévales 44 (2001):15–36; Guido Kisch, “The Yellow Badge in History,” Historia Judaica 19 (1957): 89–146; Nicholas Vincent, “Two Papal Letters on the Wearing of the Jewish Badge, 1221 and 1229,” Jewish Historical Studies: Transactions of the Jewish Historical Society of England 34 (1997): 209–24; Solomon Grayzel, ed., The Church and the Jews in the XIIIth Century (New York, 1966), p. 65n112; Dwayne E. Carpenter, Alfonso X and the Jews: An Edition of and Commentary on Siete Partidas 7.24 “De los Judíos,” University of California Publications in Modern Philology, vol. 115 (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 36–37. On Sicilian legislation, see the report of the Assizes of Messina in Richard of San Germano’s Chronicon, ed. C. A. Garufi, in L. A. Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores (Bologna, 1938), vol. 7, part 2, p. 96.

60. The Council of Valladolid (1228), cap. 16, and the Council of Albi (1254), cap. 17, both declared that Jews were not to wear round or wide capes or cloaks because these garments were too similar to the vestments of the clergy. Johannes Dominicus Mansi, ed., Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collection (Graz, 1960–61), 23: 701, 850. See also the letter dated July 7, 1248, from Pope Innocent IV to the Bishop of Maguelonne in Grayzel, The Church and the Jews, pp. 280–81.

61. See the ordinances of the German synods of ca. 1200–23 that chastise young men for looking and dressing too much like Christians, edited and discussed in Louis Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages, 2nd ed. (New York, 1964), pp. 59, 225 (Hebrew text), pp. 233–34 (English translation). The Sicilian legislation cited in n. 59, above, required Jewish men of appropriate age to “cultivate a beard and walk about bearded.”

62. Irving A. Agus, Rabbi Meir of Rothenberg: His Life and His Works as a Source for the Religious, Legal, and Social History of the Jews of Germany in the Thirteenth Century, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1947), vol. 1, p. 185, Orah Hayyim, no. 50.

63. Agus, Rabbi Meir of Rothenberg, vol. 1, p. 290, Eben ha-Ezer, no. 253. I would guess that the “fanatical Christians” were mendicants or wandering ascetics of some kind.

64. There is considerable scholarly discussion about whether they had their own accents and dialects. See Kirsten A. Fudeman, Vernacular Voices: Language and Identity in Medieval French Jewish Communities (Philadelphia, 2010).

65. The canon implicitly acknowledges this, adding: “Therefore, that they may not, under pretext of error of this sort, excuse themselves in the future for the excesses of such prohibited intercourse” (my emphasis). Constitutiones Concilii quarti Lateranensis, vol. 2, p. 107.

66. See Symes, A Common Stage, pp. 71–80, and Monica L. Wright, Weaving Narrative: Clothing in Twelfth-Century French Romance (University Park, Pa., 2009), pp. 17–19.

67. C. Warren Hollister and John W. Baldwin, “The Rise of Administrative Kingship: Henry I and Philip Augustus,” American Historical Review 83 (1978): 867–905.

68. Michael T. Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record: England 1066–1307, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1993); Martin Aurell, Le Chevalier lettré: Savior et conduite de l’aristocratie aux XIIe et XIIIe siècles (Paris, 2011); Alain Saint-Denis, “L’Apparition d’une identité urbaine dans les villes de commune de France du Nord au XIIe et XIIIe siècles,” inShaping Urban Identity in Later Medieval Europe,ed. Marc Boone and Peter Stabel (Louvain, 2000), pp. 65–87.

69. See Alexander Murray, Reason and Society in the Middle Ages (Oxford and New York, 1978), pp. 59–71. The situation was long ago brought to light—and misleadingly pinned on Jewish economic activities—by F. W. Maitland, History of English Law, 1.475, cited in R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Authority and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250, 2nd ed. (Malden, Mass., 2007), p. 99.

70. Walter Map to Ranulph Glanvill, quoted in Michael T. Clanchy, “Moderni in Education and Government in England,” Speculum 50 (1975): 674. See also Ralph V. Turner, “Changing Perceptions of the New Administrative Class in Anglo-Norman and Angevin England: The Curiales and Their Conservative Critics,” Journal of British Studies 29 (1990): 93–117. Though these two works deal with the Plantagenet realms, there is little reason to think that similar complaints did not exist in France. Moore, Persecuting Society, pp. 128–31, eloquently describes the unsettling effect of the triumph of the literate class and the cash economy.

71. John W. Baldwin, Masters, Princes, and Merchants: The Social Views of Peter the Chanter and His Circle, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1970).

72. Dallas G. Denery II, Seeing and Being Seen in the Late Medieval World: Optics, Theology, and the Religious Life (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 7, 19–74.

73. Laura F. Hodges, Chaucer and Costume: The Secular Pilgrims in the General Prologue (Cambridge, 2000) and Hodges, Chaucer and Clothing: Clerical and Academic Costume in the General Prologue to The Canterbury Tales (Cambridge, 2005).

74. Walter Simons, Cities of Ladies: Beguine Communities in the Medieval Low Countries, 1200–1565 (Philadelphia, 2001), pp. 118–32. Katherine Zieman, Singing the New Song: Literacy and Liturgy in Late Medieval England (Philadelphia, 2008), pp. 92–105, records anxieties caused by the fact that some clerics “rented out” their liturgical services for money, making literacy and clerical status seem like commodities.

75. See the remark of Gerhard of Cologne that Christians of his day were “new Jews,” quoted and discussed in Caroline Walker Bynum, “The Blood of Christ in the Later Middle Ages,” Church History 71 (2002): 702. See also Lipton, Images of Intolerance. Ironically, Jewish authorities noted the potentially disruptive effects of professionalization and textualization as well: Talya Fishman,Becoming the People of the Talmud: Oral Torah as Written Tradition in Medieval Jewish Cultures (Philadelphia, 2011), p. 149.

76. John the Teutonic, Abbot of Saint-Victor, Sermo in generali capitulo, Paris, BN ms. lat. 14525, fol. 56b.

77. Grayzel, The Church and the Jews, p. 107 (Latin text on p. 106).

78. Although, in fact, Innocent’s alleged preference for oaths over written evidence was out of date. Already in the twelfth century, canon and civil courts had begun to privilege textual over oral evidence. See Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record; Harold Berman, Law and Revolution: The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition(Cambridge, 1983).

79. Antoine Thomas, ed., “Les Miracles de Notre-Dame de Chartres,” Bibliothèque de l’École des chartres 42 (1881): 512–13. The work is dated ca. 1210.

80. I am reminded of the comment by an aide to President George W. Bush mocking the journalist Ron Suskind for being a member of the “reality-based community”: Ron Suskind, “Faith, Certainty, and the Presidency of George W. Bush,” New York Times Magazine, Oct. 17, 2004.

81. See Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass, pp. xi, 131–35.

82. See also Richard Firth Green, A Crisis of Truth: Literature and Law in Ricardian England (Philadelphia, 1999).

83. For the consolidation of the central administration and the introduction of writing in practical matters, see Clanchy, From Memory to Written Record.

84. Leah Lydia Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago, 1985), esp. p. 200; Bronislaw Geremak, The Margins of Society in Late Medieval Paris, trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge and Paris, 1987), pp. 222–24; Ulysse Robert, Les Signes d’infamie au moyen âge: Juifs, Sarrasins, hérétiques, lépreux, cagots et filles publiques (Paris, 1891). On criminals and hangmen, see Hannele Klemettilä, Epitomes of Evil: Representation of Executioners in Northern France and the Low Countries in the Late Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2006); Trevor Dean, Crime and Justice in Late Medieval Italy (Cambridge and New York, 2007), p. 153.

85. Timothy Reuter, “Nobles and Others: The Social and Cultural Expression of Power Relations in the Middle Ages,” in Medieval Polities and Modern Mentalities, ed. Janet L. Nelson (Cambridge, 2006), pp. 111–26. See also Howard Kaminsky, “Estate, Nobility, and the Exhibition of Estate in the Later Middle Ages,” Speculum 68 (1993): 684–709.

86. Margot Fassler, “Adventus at Chartres: Ritual Models for Major Processions,” in Ceremonial Culture in Pre-Modern Europe, ed. Nicholas Howe (Notre Dame, 2007), p. 22.

87. Julius Aronius, Regesten zur Geschichte der Juden im Fränkischen und Deutschen Reiche bis 1273 (Berlin, 1887–1902; rpt. Hildesheim, 1970), pp. 301ff., no. 724 (Synod of Breslau), and Kisch, The Jews in Medieval Germany, p. 297 (Vienna).

88. Most notably by the French king Louis IX in 1269 and the English king Edward I in 1279: Sansy, “Marquer la différence.”

89. John H. Arnold, Inquisition and Power: Catharism and the Confessing Subject in Medieval Languedoc (Philadelphia, 2001), p. 68, analyzes this problem in relation to heretics.

90. See, e.g., the chapter headings in Émile Mâle, The Gothic Image: Religious Art in France of the Thirteenth Century, trans. Dora Nussey (New York, 1958), and Deremble and Manhès-Deremble, Vitraux de Chartres, p. 11.

91. Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass.

92. A point made by many scholars, including Harris, “The Performative Terms,” and Kemp, The Narratives of Gothic Stained Glass, p. xi.

93. The term is from Jeremy Cohen, Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity (Los Angeles and Berkeley, 1999), p. 5.

94. See the tensions between “charismatic culture” and “intellectual culture” sketched by C. Stephen Jaeger, Envy of Angels: Cathedral Schools and Social Ideals in Medieval Europe, 950–1200 (Philadelphia, 1994), pp. 4–5.

95. See Carlo Ginzburg, “Prejudices, Ideas—A Comment,” in In and Out of the Ghetto: Jewish-Gentile Relations in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany, ed. R. Po-chia Hsia and Hartmut Lehmann (Washington, D.C., 1995), pp. 209–12; Giacomo Todeschini, “Franciscan Economics and Jews in the Middle Ages,” in Friars and Jews in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance, ed. Steven J. MacMichael and Susan E. Myers (Leiden, 2004), pp. 99–117.

96. This epistemological attitude is usually associated with the sixteenth century, but it is already apparent in the work of Alain de Lille (d. 1202), as noted by Jan C. Westerhof, “A World of Signs: Baroque Pansemioticism, the Polyhistor, and the Early Modern Wunderkammer,” Journal of the History of Ideas 62 (2001): 634.

97. This is the subject of my forthcoming book, The Vulgate of Experience: Preaching and Art in the High Middle Ages.

98. Richard C. Trexler, “Legitimating Prayer Gestures in the Twelfth Century: The De Penitentia of Peter the Chanter,” History and Anthropology 1 (1984): 97–126.

99. Bridget K. Balint, Ordering Chaos: The Self and the Cosmos in Twelfth-Century Prosimetrum (Leiden, 2009), notes that Alain de Lille’s De Planctu Naturae expresses deep pessimism regarding the truthfulness and reliability of signs and language.

100. William Chester Jordan, Unceasing Strife, Unending Fear: Jacques de Thérines and the Freedom of the Church in the Age of the Last Capetians (Princeton, 2005).

CHAPTER FIVE: THE JEW’S FACE: FLESH, SIGHT, AND SOVEREIGNTY, CA. 1230–1350

1. Roger A. Pack, ed., “Auctoris Incerti de Physiognomia Libellus,” Archives d’histoire doctrinale et littéraire du Moyen Âge 41 (1975): 113–38.

2. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Cloisters Collection 69.86, fol. 83v. For an introduction to the manuscript, see Florens Deuchler, “Looking at Bonne of Luxembourg’s Prayerbook,” MMA Bulletin n.s. 29 (1971): 267–78; for a survey of the literature and an examination of its program, see Annette Ingebretson Lermack, “Fit for a Queen: The Psalter of Bonne of Luxembourg at the Cloisters,” PhD diss., University of Iowa, 1999. The Psalm 52 image is discussed in Annette Lermack, “The Pivotal Role of the Two Fools Miniature in the Psalter of Bonne of Luxembourg,” Gesta 47 (2008): 79–98; Deuchler, “Looking at Bonne of Luxembourg’s Prayerbook,” p. 272; Lermack, “Fit for a Queen,” pp. 87–97. See also Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages, 2 vols., (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993), vol. 1, p. 136; and Debra Higgs Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art (Princeton, 2003), p. 138.

3. On the iconography of the fool, see D. J. Gifford, “Iconographical Notes towards a Definition of the Medieval Fool,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 37 (1974): 336–42; R. A. Neale, “The Fool and His Loaf,” Medium Aevum 54 (1985): 104–09; Ahuva Belkin, “Antichrist as the Embodiment of the Insipiens in Thirteenth-Century French Psalters,” Florilegium 10 (1988–91): 65–82; V. A. Kolve, “God-Denying Fools and the Medieval ‘Religion of Love,’” Studies in the Age of Chaucer 19 (1997): 3–59; and Yona Pinson, “Folly and Childishness Go Hand in Hand: Hans Holbein’s Dixit Insipiens,” Source 22.3 (2003): 1–7. It was not common for a Psalm 52 illustration to depict one fool attacking another; I discuss this further below.

4. See, e.g., the chalice held by the seated figure in the Dixit Insipiens image in London, BL Add. ms. 44874, fol. 75 (Evesham Psalter, England, ca. 1250). Lermack, “The Pivotal Role,” discusses the chalice further.

5. The identification of the fool as a monk appears in the Jérome Pichon (formerly Didot Fermin) sales catalog of 1897, pp. 6–10. William G. Land, “The Prayer Book of Bonne of Luxembourg: A Personal Document” (unpublished ms., 1980), proposed Archbishop Baldwin as an identification. I am grateful to the chair and the curatorial and administrative staff of The Cloisters for allowing me access to their files on the manuscript. The figure is identified as a Jew in Mellinkoff, Outcasts, vol. 1, p. 136. François Avril, Manuscript Painting at the Court of France: The Fourteenth Century (New York, 1978), p. 74, and Charles Sterling, La Peinture médiévale à Paris, 1300–1500, vol. 2 (Paris, 1990), p. 110, also read the figure as a Jew, or at least as an expression of anti-Judaism.

6. Eduard Fuchs, Die Juden in Der Karikatur: Ein Beitrag Zur Kulturgeschichte (Munich, 1921), p. 1. The sole pre-fifteenth-century images illustrated in Fuchs’s work are two carvings of the so-called Judensau (figs. 6 and 15). In these carvings, the Jews’ faces, which are tiny and often obscured, are not caricatured, and they are neither the foci nor the mechanisms of the satire. On Fuchs, see Liliane Weissberg, “Eduard Fuchs und die Ökonomie der Karikatur,” Babylon 20 (2002): 113–28. On premodern caricature, see also Judith Vogt, Historien om et Image: Antisemitisme og Antizionisme i Karikaturer (Copenhagen and Oslo, 1978). For more recent imagery, see Joel Kotek and Dan Kotek, Au Nom de l’antisionisme. L’image des Juifs et d’Israël dans la caricature depuis la seconde Intifada (Brussels, 2003); Jüdische Figuren in Film und Karikatur. Die Rothschilds und Joseph Süß Oppenheimer, ed. Cilly Kugelmann and Fritz Backhaus (Stuttgart, 1996); and Pierre André Taguieff, La Nouvelle Judéophobie (Paris, 2002).

7. See especially Mellinkoff, Outcasts; Higgs Strickland, Saracens, Demons, and Jews; Heinz Shreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas: Ein historischer Bildaltas (Göttingen and Freiburg, 1996).

8. I use the term “Gothic Jew’s face” to refer to depictions of Jews with stereotypical features made ca. 1250–1400. They may display varying degrees of stylistic naturalism.

9. Such faces thus fit the OED definition of caricature: “grotesque or ludicrous representation of persons or things by exaggeration of their most characteristic and striking features.”

10. See Bernard G. Dod, “Aristoteles Latinus,” and C. H. Lohr, “The Medieval Interpretation of Aristotle,” both in The Cambridge History of Later Medieval Philosophy: From the Rediscovery of Aristotle to the Disintegration of Scholasticism, 1100–1600, ed. Norman Kretzmann, Anthony Kenny, and Jan Pinborg (Cambridge, 1985), pp. 45–79 and 80–98, respectively.

11. See Paul Binski, Becket’s Crown: Art and Imagination in Gothic England, 1170–1300 (New Haven, 2004).

12. See Jan C. Westerhof, “A World of Signs: Baroque Pansemioticism, the Polyhistor, and the Early Modern Wunderkammer,” Journal of the History of Ideas 62 (2001): 634.

13. Karen Meier Reeds and Tomomi Kinukawa, “Medieval Natural History,” in The Cambridge History of Science, Vol. 2: Science, ed. David C. Lindberg and David H. Shank (Cambridge, 2013), pp. 569–89.

14. On medieval physiognomical study, see Pack, “Auctoris Incerti”; D. Jacquart, “La Physiognomie à l’époque de Frédéric II: Le traité de Michel Scot,” Micrologus 2 (1994): 19–37; Jole Agrimi, “Fisiognomica: Nature alla specchio ovvero luce e ombre,” Micrologus 4 (1996): 129–78; Irven M. Resnick, “Ps.-Albert the Great on the Physiognomy of Jesus and Mary,” Mediaeval Studies 64 (2002): 217–40; and Resnick, Marks of Distinction: Christian Perceptions of Jews in the High Middle Ages (Washington, D.C., 2012). On the influence of scientific study on art, see Michael Camille, “Illustrations in Harley ms. 3487 and the Perception of Aristotle’s Libri Naturales in Thirteenth-Century England,” in England in the Thirteenth Century: Proceedings of the 1984 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. W. M. Ormand (Woodbridge, 1986), pp. 31–44; Madeline H. Caviness, “‘The Simple Perception of Matter’ and the Representation of Narrative, ca. 1180–1280,” Gesta 30 (1991): 48–64; and Antonia Gransden, “Realistic Observation in Twelfth-Century England,” Speculum 47 (1972): 29–51. Michael Camille, “Before the Gaze: The Internal Senses and Late-Medieval Practices of Seeing,” inVisuality before and after the Renaissance: Seeing as Others Saw, ed. Robert S. Nelson (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 197–223, argues that Aristotelian ideas of vision explain Gothic naturalism. The realistic rendering of nature in the Bonne of Luxembourg manuscript is noted by Charles Vaurie, “Birds in the Prayer Book of Bonne of Luxembourg,” MMA Bulletin n.s. 29 (1971): 279–83.

15. The Pseudo-Albertian Mariale (19.2.5), quoted in Resnick, Marks of Distinction, p. 239.

16. For evidence of a historical genetic bottleneck among Ashkenazi Jewish populations, see Gil Atzmon et al., “Abraham’s Children in the Genome Era: Major Jewish Diaspora Populations Comprise Distinct Genetic Clusters with Shared Middle Eastern Ancestry,” American Journal of Human Genetics 86 (2010): 850–59.

17. David Berger, ed. and trans., The Jewish-Christian Debate in the High Middle Ages: A Critical Edition of the “Nizzahon Vetus” (Philadelphia, 1979), par. 238, p. 340. On the myth of “parental imprinting,” see Wendy Doniger and Gregory Spinner, “Misconceptions: Female Imaginations and Male Fantasies in Parental Imprinting,” Daedalus127 (1998): 97–130. On the near universality of the equation of darkness with evil (which Albert nonetheless did not make), see Ernst Gombrich, “Visual Metaphors of Value,” in Meditations on a Hobby Horse and Other Essays on the Theory of Art (Oxford, 1963), pp. 12–29.

18. Caviness, “‘The Simple Perception of Matter,’” p. 55.

19. On the vexed question of the possible “racialism” of medieval anti-Judaism, see Resnick, Marks of Distinction; David Nirenberg, “‘Race’ and ‘Racism’ in Late Medieval Spain,” in Rereading the Black Legend: The Discourses of Religious and Racial Difference in the Renaissance Empires, ed. Walter D. Mignolo, Maureen Quilligan, and Margaret R. Greer (Chicago, 2007), pp. 71–87, 335–45, which offers a nuanced analysis, calling attention to the power of lineage in Christian thought; Michael Banton, Racial Theories (Cambridge, 1987); Christian Delacampagne, L’Invention du racisme: Antiquité et Moyen Âge (Paris, 1983); Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, Assimilation and Racial Anti-Semitism: The Iberian and German Models (New York, 1982); and the articles collected in Léon Poliakov, ed., Ni Juif ni grec: Entretiens sur le racisme (Paris, 1978).

20. For Albert, see Resnick, Marks of Distinction, p. 183; for the Paris master, see Peter Biller, “Views of Jews from Paris around 1300: Christian or ‘Scientific’?” in Christianity and Judaism, ed. D. Wood, Studies in Church History 29 (Cambridge, 1992), p. 192.

21. Robert C. Stacey, “The Conversion of Jews to Christianity in Thirteenth-Century England,” Speculum 67 (1992): 276–78; Resnick, Marks of Distinction, pp. 288–90.

22. Resnick, Marks of Distinction, pp. 183–94.

23. Resnick. Marks of Distinction, p. 200.

24. Pack, “Auctoris Incerti,” p. 126.

25. Stephen Perkinson, “Portraits and Counterfeits: Villard de Honnecourt and Thirteenth-Century Theories of Representation,” in Excavating the Medieval Image: Manuscripts, Artists, Audiences—Essays in Honor of Sandra Hindman, ed. Nina A. Rowe and David Areford (Aldershot and Burlington, Vt., 2004), pp. 17–18.

26. London, National Archives, E 401/1565 M1 (Hilary and Easter Terms). The text of the receipt roll remains unpublished; it is an incomplete record of payments collected from Jews in eight counties and London during the Hilary and Easter terms. The cartoon was first published by Cecil Roth, “Portraits and Caricatures of Medieval English Jews,” Jewish Monthly 4 (1950) supplement, pp. i–viii; rpt. in Essays and Portraits in Anglo-Jewish History (Philadelphia, 1962), pp. 22–25. Roth’s brief remarks have formed the basis for all subsequent scholarship on the cartoon. It has most recently been discussed in Frank Felsenstein, Anti-Semitic Stereotypes: A Paradigm of Otherness in English Popular Culture, 1660–1830 (Baltimore, 1995), p. 29; Anthony Bale, The Jew in the Medieval Book: English Antisemitisms 1350–1500 (Cambridge, 2007), pp. 2–3; Robert Bartlett, “Illustrating Ethnicity in the Middle Ages,” in The Origins of Racism in the West, ed. Miriam Eliav-Feldon, Benjamin Isaac, and Joseph Ziegler (Cambridge, 2009), p. 133; and Robin R. Mundill, The King’s Jews: Money, Massacre, and Exodus in Medieval England (London, 2010), pp. 70–71, who follows Roth and Bale throughout.

27. For a full discussion and analysis of the cartoon and its political context and implications, see Sara Lipton, “Isaac and Antichrist in the Archives,” forthcoming.

28. See Robert C. Stacey, “Norwich, Isaac of (c. 1170–1235/6),” in Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford, 2004); online ed., Jan. 2008, http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/37588, accessed Oct. 7, 2010, with further bibliography.

29. See, e.g., Vienna, ÖNB cod. 1179, fol. 101b (Bible moralisée), reproduced in Sara Lipton, Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralisée (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1999), p. 122, fig. 96. On the origins of tricephalic imagery, see R. Pettazzoni, “The Pagan Origins of the Three-Headed Representation of the Christian Trinity,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 9 (1946): 135–51. On Antichrist iconography, see Richard K. Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages: A Study of Medieval Apocalypticism, Art, and Literature (Seattle, 1981), pp. 18–145, and Rosemary Muir Wright, Art and Antichrist in Medieval Europe(Manchester, 1995). The two-faced Roman god Janus, who traditionally was depicted on the January calendar pages, was shown with three faces in at least one English manuscript of ca. 1110–40 (London, BL ms. Harley 624, fol. 141v), reproduced in C. R. Dodwell, The Canterbury School of Illumination 1066–1200 (Cambridge, 1954), pl. 37h.

30. Mosse appears in numerous financial and legal records; see Vivian D. Lipman, The Jews of Medieval Norwich (London, 1967), pp. 59, 60–61, 78, 89, 106, 107, 174.

31. Roth, “Portraits and Caricatures,” p. 23, writes that Avegaye is “possibly” the wife of Mosse; this is presumably the source of the more confident assertions of a marital relationship between the two in Bale, The Jew in the Medieval Book, p. 3, and Mundill, The King’s Jews, p. 70, which is echoed on the National Archives Web site. As the statements are undocumented I do not know what evidence exists for the claim. The cautions of Susan Einbinder, who analyzes scholars’ assumptions of a sexual relationship between the Count of Blois and the Jewess Pulcellina, are worth keeping in mind here: “Pulcellina of Blois: Romantic Myths and Narrative Conventions,” Jewish History 12 (1998): 29–46.

32. See Eleazar Gutwirth, “Face to Face: History, Physiognomy, and Pictorialism in Solomon Bonafed,” in Encuentros and Desencuestros: Spanish Jewish Cultural Interaction throughout History, ed. Carlos Carrete Parrondo et al. (Tel Aviv, 2000), pp. 327–41. Gutwirth builds on the insights of V. A. Kolve, “Chaucer and the Visual Arts,” in Derek S. Brewer, ed., Geoffrey Chaucer: The Writer and His Background (London, 1974), pp. 290–320.

33. Robert C. Stacey, “Introduction,” in Receipt and Issue Rolls for the Twenty-Sixth Year of the Reign of King Henry III, 1241–2: Now First Printed from the Originals in the Public Record Office, ed. Robert C. Stacey (London, 1992), p. xvi.

34. Richard fitz Nigel, Dialogus de Scaccario, ed. Charles Johnson, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1983), p. 6. David A. Hinton offers a similar reading in suggesting that the structure was Henry III’s castle infiltrated by Jews and devils; he also notes the similarity of the cloth to an accounting board: “Medieval Anglo-Jewry: The Archaeological Evidence,” inJews in Medieval Britain: Historical, Literary, and Archaeological Perspectives, ed. Patricia Skinner (Woodbridge and Rochester, N.Y., 2003), p. 101n26.

35. Lipman, The Jews of Medieval Norwich, pp. 61, 95. Mosse may have been given this nickname because he did, indeed, have a big nose or alternately because he was a notorious busybody: “Cum naso tibi quid meo negoti est?” (“What does your nose have to do with my business?” or, more colloquially, “Why stick your nose into my business?”) was a common medieval epigram. Jews were by no means the only people to be given the nickname “cum naso.” There is a Christian labeled “Naso” and shown with a large, curved nose in an exchequer roll discussed and illustrated in Z. Rokeach, “Drawings of Jewish Interest in Some Thirteen-Century English Public Records,”Scriptorum 26 (1972): 55–62. The nickname also appears in numerous other documents.

36. In 1221, Mosse paid for the privilege of not wearing the “tabula,” the prescribed Jewish badge: Receipt Rolls for the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth Years of the Reign of Henry III, ed. Nicholas Barratt (London, 2003), p. 98. This suggests that he strove to dress according to majority fashions.

37. See ch. 6 and Sara Lipton, “Where Are the Gothic Jewish Women? On the Non-Iconography of the Jewess in the Cantigas de Santa Maria,” Jewish History 22 (2008): 139–77.

38. Prov. 31:30 remarks in relation to woman that “charm is deceptive and beauty is fleeting,” a warning echoed by moralists from Tertullian through Nietzsche. See Herbert L. Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago and London, 1992), and Madeline H. Caviness, Visualizing Women in the Middle Ages: Sight, Spectacle, and Scopic Economy (Philadelphia, 2001). For a selection of medieval misogynist texts, see Alcuin Blamires, Woman Defamed and Woman Defended: An Anthology of Medieval Texts (Oxford, 1992).

39. See ch. 4, pp. 158–60. The quote is from Felsenstein, Anti-Semitic Stereotypes, p. 29.

40. See definition 2 for “fig” in the OED. The term appears in Dante’s Inferno, canto 25, lines 1–3.

41. The fundamental source for exchequer procedure is Richard fitz Nigel, Dialogus de Scaccario, updated, expanded on, and supplemented with a discussion of exchequer record keeping in Stacey, “Introduction,” Receipt and Issue Rolls, pp. v–xxxiv. See also H. G. Richardson, The English Jewry under Angevin Kings (London, 1960), and Reva Berman Brown and Sean McCartney, “The Exchequer of the Jews Revisited: The Operation and Effect of the Scaccarium Judeorum,” Medieval History Journal 8 (2005): 303–22.

42. See Suzanne Lewis, “Tractatus adversus Judaeos in the Gulbenkian Apocalypse,” Art Bulletin 68 (1986): 554–59.

43. Rosemary Muir Wright, Art and Antichrist in Medieval Europe (Manchester, 1995), p. 99, and Robert Mills, “Jesus as Monster,” in The Monstrous Middle Ages, ed. Bettina Bildhauer and Robert Mills (Toronto and Buffalo, 2003), pp. 28–54.

44. See David Burr, “Antichrist and the Jews in Four Thirteenth-Century Apocalypse Commentaries,” in Friars and Jews in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ed. Steven J. McMichael and Susan E. Myers (Leiden and Boston, 2004), pp. 23–38, and Judith Weiss, “Emperors and Antichrists: Reflections of Empire in Insular Narrative, 1130–1250,” in The Matter of Identity in Medieval Romance,ed. Philippa Hardman (Rochester, N.Y., 2002), pp. 87–102. Emmerson, Antichrist in the Middle Ages, also notes (pp. 166–72) that in the Ludus de Antichristo (ca. 1160), Antichrist’s feigned goodness successively deceived the greatest kings of Christendom.

45. On the costume of the fool or jester, see n. 3, above. Erica Gelser, “Crucible to the Antichrist: Early Medieval Depictions of the Fool in Commentaries on Proverbs,” in Komik und Sakralität: Aspekte einer Ästhetischen Paradoxie in Mittelalter und Früher Neuzeit, ed. Nikolaus Staubach and Anje Grege (Frankfurt, 2005), pp. 32–40, notes that by the thirteenth century Antichrist was often linked to mimics or jesters, “artificial fools” affiliated with the devil and functioning as “truth tellers” through feigned stupidity. The job of the “fool” was to mock all vice, but especially among the mighty and at court.

46. Jacques de Vitry, Sermo, and Peter the Chanter, Verbum Abbreviatum, quoted in Lipton, Images of Intolerance, pp. 47–48.

47. Ms. T.I.1 of the Biblioteca de San Lorenzo el Real at the El Escorial palace, near Madrid. For a facsimile edition, see Alfonso X el Sabio, Cantigas de Santa Maria. Edición facsímil del Códice T. I. l. de la Biblioteca de San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Siglo XIII (Madrid, 1979) and its companion study volume, El “Códice Rico” de las “Cantigas” de Alfonso X el Sabio, T. I. l. de la Biblioteca El Escorial (Madrid, 1979).

48. For the text of the cantiga, see Cantigas de Santa Maria, ed. Walter Mettmann, 2 vols. (Vigo, 1981), vol. 1, pp. 408–10. For a discussion of the poem’s sources and relationship to Jewish-Christian disputation, see Dwayne E. Carpenter, “A Sorcerer Defends the Virgin: Merlin in the Cantigas de Santa Maria,” Bulletin of the Cantigueros de Santa Maria 5 (1993): 3–24. See also Pamela Patton, “Constructing the Inimical Jew in the Cantigas de Santa Maria: Theophilus’ Magician in Text and Image,” in Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. Mitchell Merback (Leiden and Boston, 2007), pp. 233–56, 506–14; Dwayne E. Carpenter, “The Portrayal of the Jew in Alfonso the Learned’s Cantigas de Santa Maria,” in In Iberia and Beyond: Hispanic Jews between Cultures, ed. Bernard Dov Cooperman (Newark, Del., 1998), pp. 15–42; Albert I. Bagby Jr., “The Jew in the Cantigas of Alfonso X, el Sabio,” Speculum 46 (1971): 670–88; Bagby, “The Figure of the Jew in the Cantigas of Alfonso X,” in Studies on the Cantigas de Santa Maria: Art, Music, and Poetry. Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Cantigas de Santa Maria of Alfonso X, el Sabio (1221–1284) in Commemoration of Its 700th Anniversary Year–1981 (New York, November 19–21), ed. Israel J. Katz and John E. Keller (Madison, 1987), pp. 235–45; and Vikki Hatton and Angus Mackay, “Anti-Semitism in the Cantigas de Santa Maria,” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 61 (1983): 189–99.

49. Merlin is called “fillo de Sathanas” in line 73.

50. See Carpenter, “A Sorcerer Defends the Virgin,” p. 7n4, who notes that two different etymologies have been proposed for the word: al-hakim, meaning philosopher or medical doctor, and al-faqih, meaning a specialist in religious law. In a grant of protection dating to 1220, Honorius III refers to Issac Benveniste, physician of James I of Aragon, as an “alfakimus”; he also calls Isaac “karissimi in Christo filii nostri”: Shlomo Simonsohn, ed., The Apostolic See and the Jews. Vol. 1: Documents: 492–1404 (Toronto, 1988), no. 105, p. 108.

51. This is a common theme in Christian preaching and polemic. See the exemplum from John Bromyard’s Summa Praedicantium about the Jewish woman who pretended to be a Christian and who regularly saw a “pretty little boy” in the hand of the consecrating priest until she was actually baptized. A priest explained to the disappointed woman that Christians, unlike Jews, did not need visual proof. Cited and discussed in Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (New Haven and London, 1999), p. 36.

52. This is the substance of a comment by Cassiodorus, Expositio Psalmorum I-LXX, ed. M. Adriaen, CCSL 97 (Turnhout, 1958), p. 126.

53. Eadmer, The Life of St. Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury by Eadmer, ed. and trans. R. W. Southern (London and Edinburgh, 1962), book 2.53, p. 131. On blindness in the Middle Ages, see Moshe Barasch, Blindness: The History of a Mental Image in Western Thought (New York, 2001). This rod cannot be the bladder stick of the fifteenth-century jester-fool, as it lacks the hanging bladder.

54. Lermack, “The Pivotal Role,” sees this figure’s hood as signaling his deceit: he is a masked or disguised hypocrite and unbeliever, in contrast to the fool on the left, whose unbelief is inscribed in his face.

55. See Dodwell, The Canterbury School, pl. 37. Lermack, “The Pivotal Role,” suggests that this two-faced eating and drinking figure recalls the “Feast of Fools” carnivalesque celebration, much condemned by clerical moralists; she also sees the caricatured, miter-wearing grotesque discussed below as signifying hypocrisy.

56. Land, The Prayer Book of Bonne of Luxembourg.

57. Sander Gilman, interestingly, refers to anti-Semitic stereotypes as inherently “Janus-faced”: Difference and Pathology: Stereotypes of Sexuality, Race, and Madness (Ithaca and London, 1985), p. 29.

58. See H. W. Janson, Apes and Ape Lore in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance (London, 1952).

59. London, BL ms. Stowe 17, fols. 205v–206, dating to ca. 1300–25.

60. Expositio super Iob ad litteram in Opera Omnia (Rome, 1965), vol. 26, ch. 13, Second Lesson, line 235.

61. See Sara Lipton, “The Sweet Lean of His Head: Writing about Looking at the Crucifix in the High Middle Ages,” Speculum 80 (2005): 1172–208, and the works cited there, pp. 1176n13, 1179n18.

62. See Howard Kaminsky, “Estate, Nobility, and the Exhibition of Estate in the Later Middle Ages,” Speculum 68 (1993): 684–709; Louise O. Fradenburg, “Spectacular Fictions: The Body Politic in Chaucer and Dunbar,” Poetics Today 5 (1984): 493–517. Gerald of Wales’s Descriptio Cambriae explicitly practices ethnographic observation for practical political ends: one of the last chapters is entitled “How This People May Be Conquered.”

63. On state formation and the goals and mechanisms of governance in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, see John Watts, The Making of Polities: Europe, 1300–1500 (Cambridge, 2009); Albert Rigaudière, “The Theory and Practice of Government in Western Europe in the Fourteenth Century,” in The New Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. 6, c. 1300–c. 1415, ed. Michael Jones (Cambridge, 2000), pp. 17–41.

64. See William Chester Jordan, “Jews, Regalian Rights, and the Constitution in Medieval France,” AJS Review 23 (1998): 1–16; Jordan, The French Monarchy and the Jews from Philip Augustus to the Last Capetians (Philadelphia, 1989); J. A. Watt, “The Jews, the Law, and the Church: The Concept of Jewish Serfdom in Thirteenth-Century England,” in The Church and Sovereignty, ca. 590–1918: Essays in Honour of Michael Wilks, ed. Diana Wood (Oxford, 1991), pp. 153–72; Joe Hillaby, “Jewish Colonisation in the Twelfth Century,” in The Jews in Medieval Britain, ed. Skinner, pp. 15–40, esp. 18; David Abulafia, “The King and the Jews: The Jews in the Ruler’s Service,” inThe Jews of Europe in the Middle Ages, ed. Christoph Cluse (Turnhout, 2004), pp. 43–53; Alexander Patschovsky, “The Relationship between the Jews of Germany and the King (11th–14th Centuries): A European Comparison,” in England and Germany in the High Middle Ages, ed. Alfred Haverkamp and Hanna Vollrath (Oxford and London, 1996), pp. 193–218.

65. See the remarks of David Nirenberg, “Deviant Politics and Jewish Love: Alfonso VIII and the Jewess of Toledo,” in Jewish History 21 (2007): 15–41, and Nirenberg, “Christian Sovereignty and Jewish Flesh,” in Rethinking the Medieval Senses, ed. S. Nichols, A. Kablitz, and A. Calhoun (Baltimore, 2008), pp. 154–85.

66. Robert C. Stacey, Politics, Policy, and Finance under Henry III, 1216–1245 (Oxford, 1987), pp. 132–57, and Nicholas Vincent, Peter des Roches: An Alien in English Politics, 1205–1238 (Cambridge, 1996), pp. 177–80, 363–99, 429–45.

67. David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages (Princeton, 1996), pp. 43–68.

68. For the sumptuary legislation, see Fritz [Yitzchak] Baer, ed., Die Juden im christlichen Spanien: Urkunden und Regesten, Vol. 2: Kastilien und Inquisitionsakten (Berlin, 1936), nos. 65, 72, 78. On Alfonso’s Jewish policy, see David Romano, “Los judíos y Alfonso X,” Revista de Occidente 43 (1984): 203–17; Dwayne E. Carpenter, Alfonso X and the Jews: An Edition of and Commentary onSiete Partidas 7.24 “De los Judíos” (Berkeley, 1986); and Robert I. Burns, “Jews and Moors in the Siete Partidas: A Background Perspective,” in Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict, and Coexistence, ed. Roger Collins and Anthony Goodman (London, 2002), pp. 46–62.

69. On the expulsion from England, see Robin R. Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution: Experiment and Expulsion, 1262–1290 (Cambridge, 2002); on the expulsion from France, see R. Kohn, Les Juifs de la France du Nord dans le seconde moitié du XIVe siècle (Louvain and Paris, 1988), p. 265; Simon R. Schwarzfuchs, “The Expulsion of the Jews from France (1306),” Jewish Quarterly Reviewn.s. 57 (1967): 482–89; Jordan, The French Monarchy and the Jews, pp. 200–13, 324–48; Elizabeth A. R. Brown, “Philip V, Charles IV, and the Jews of France: The Alleged Expulsion of 1322,” Speculum 66 (1991): 294–329.

70. The image is discussed in Noël Coulet, “De l’intégration à l’exclusion: La place des juifs dans les cérémonies d’entrée solennelle au Moyen Âge,” Annales 34 (1979): 676.

71. See the stimulating discussion of violent defacement in Valentin Groebner, Defaced: The Visual Culture of Violence in the Late Middle Ages, trans. Pamela Selwyn (New York, 2004). Groebner concludes ch. 3 (p. 86) by asking in relation to Jewish noses, “How are disfiguring violence and the invisible connected?”

72. Psalm 77:66.

73. In this I differ from Sander Gilman, who sees the features of the Jew’s body as arbitrary symbols: Seeing the Insane (New York, 1982), p. xi.

74. A large number of Nazi texts that discuss Jews’ looks, including physiognomic studies and children’s books, may be found at http://www.calvin.edu/academic/cas/gpa/ (accessed April 3, 2014).

75. See Laura H. Hollengreen, “The Politics and Poetics of Possession: Saint Louis, the Jews, and Old Testament Violence,” in Between the Picture and the Word: Essays in Commemoration of John Plummer, ed. Colum Hourihane (University Park, Pa., 2005), pp. 51–71, which reads the images of the Morgan Picture Bible as aligning sacred kingship with repression of Jews.

76. See Yerushalmi, Assimilation and Racial Anti-Semitism, p. 22, on art’s role in shaping attitudes.

77. See n. 69, above, for the expulsions from England and France. Expulsion from Spain followed in 1492, and from various German cities beginning around 1400 and continuing through about 1580, by which time most significant German Jewish communities had disappeared. See Haim Beinart, The Expulsion of Jews from Spain (Oxford and Portland, 2002); M. Wenninger, Man bedarf keiner Juden mehr: Ursachen und Hintergründe ihrer Vertreibung aus den deutschen Reichsstädten im 15. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1981); Alfred Haverkamp, “The Jewish Quarters in German Towns during the Late Middle Ages,” in In and Out of the Ghetto: Jewish-Gentile Relations in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany, ed. R. Po-chia Hsia and Hartmut Lehmann (Washington, D.C., 1995), pp. 13–28; and Christopher R. Friedrichs, “Jews in the Imperial Cities: A Political Perspective,” in In and Out of the Ghetto, pp. 275–88.

CHAPTER SIX: WHERE ARE THE JEWISH WOMEN?

1. A rare exception is Avegaye in the National Archives Receipt Roll cartoon (E 401/1565 M1). See ch. 5 and my forthcoming article, “Isaac and Antichrist in the Archives.”

2. Sara Lipton, Images of Intolerance: The Representation of Jews and Judaism in the Bible moralisée (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1999).

3. See, among other examples, Heinz Schreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas: Ein historischer Bildatlas (Göttingen and Freiburg, 1996), fig. 2, p. 116; fig. 5, p. 117; fig. 7, p. 118; fig. 1, p. 155 (where one figure may be a woman); fig. 5, p. 222; and fig. 6, p. 228.

4. For images of the miracle tales, see Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (New Haven, 1999). For images of Jewish women wearing badges, see Danièle Sansy, “Signe distinctif et judéité dans l’image,” Micrologus 15 (2007): 87–105, and Schreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas, pp. 347, 349.

5. Bernhard Blumenkranz, Le Juif médiéval au miroir de l’art chrétien (Paris, 1966), p. 22, fig. 11, discussing Copenhagen KB Thott 574, fol. 14v (Blumenkranz erroneously cites fol. 13v); Henry Abramson, “A Ready Hatred: Depictions of the Jewish Woman in Medieval Antisemitic Art and Caricature,” Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research 62 (1996): 1–18.

6. Diane Owen Hughes, “Distinguishing Signs: Ear-Rings, Jews, and Franciscan Rhetoric in the Italian Renaissance City,” Past and Present 112 (1986): 3–59. On the Jewess in Orientalist art, see Carol Ockman, “‘Two Large Eyebrows à l’Orientale’: Ethnic Stereotyping in Ingres’s Baronne de Rothschild,” Art History 14 (1991): 521–39; Judith Lewin, “Legends of Rebecca: Ivanhoe, Dynamic Identification, and Portraits of Rebecca Gratz,” Nashim 10 (2005): 178–212; and the brief but trenchant remarks of Roger Benjamin, Orientalist Aesthetics: Art, Colonialism, and French North Africa, 1880–1930 (Berkeley, 2003), pp. 121, 171–72.

7. Lady Saint John, “The Gobelin Factory and Some of Its Work,” Burlington Magazine for Connoisseurs 10.47 (1907): 289. The tapestry was one of six depicting the life of Esther designed by F. de Troy for Gobelins around 1739.

8. Andrew Lang, “Portraits of Mary Stuart,” Burlington Magazine 10.45 (1906): 184.

9. Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. Joseph Strange (Cologne, 1851), vol. 1, pp. 95–98 (Dist. II: De Contritione, cap. 25). Dist. II, caps. 23, 24, and 26 also feature female Jewish protagonists. See Beatrice D. Brown, “Medieval Prototypes of Lorenzo and Jessica,” Modern Language Notes 44 (1929): 227–32, and Ivan Marcus, “Images of the Jews in the Exempla of Caesarius of Heisterbach,” in From Witness to Witchcraft: Jews and Judaism in Medieval Christian Thought, ed. Jeremy Cohen (Wiesbaden, 1996), pp. 247–56. On the “Ballad of Sir Hugh, or the Jew’s Daughter,” which dates back to at least 1259, see Francis James Child, The English and Scottish Popular Ballads, 10 vols. (Boston and New York, 1882–98), vol. 3, part 1, pp. 236–43 (no. 155), and Bertrand Bronson, The Singing Tradition of Child’s Popular Ballads (Princeton, 1976), pp. 294–98. For a sensitive reading of Shakespeare’s Jessica, see Lisa Lampert, Gender and Jewish Difference from Paul to Shakespeare (Philadelphia, 2004). Matthew Paris mentions the Jewish wife of an image desecrator in Chronica Majora, ed. H. R. Luard (London, 1872–83), vol. 5, 114–15. On Alfonso VIII’s alleged paramour, see Edna Aizenberg, “Una judía muy fermosa: The Jewess as Sex Object in Medieval Spanish Literature and Lore,” La corónica 12 (1984): 187–94, and David Nirenberg, “Deviant Politics and Jewish Love: Alfonso VIII and the Jewess of Toledo,” Jewish History 21 (2007): 15–41. On the Jewish woman “Pulcellina” of twelfth-century Blois who had either romantic or, more likely, financial relations with the Count of Blois, see Susan Einbinder, Beautiful Death: Jewish Poetry and Martyrdom in Medieval France (Princeton, 2002), pp. 45–49, and Robert Chazan, “Representation of Events in the Middle Ages,” History and Theory 27 (1988): 52. For modern elaborations of the “Jewess” type, see Sander Gilman, “Salome, Syphilis, Sarah Bernhardt, and the ‘Modern Jewess,’” German Quarterly 66 (1993): 195–211; Lisa Lampert, “O My Daughter!: ‘Die schöne Jüdin’ and ‘Der neue Jude’ in Hermann Sinsheimer’s Maria Nunnez,” German Quarterly 71 (1998): 254–70; Martha B. Helfer, “Framing the Jew: Grillparzer’s Die Jüdin von Toledo,” German Quarterly 75 (2002): 160–80; Michael Ragussis, “The Birth of a Nation in Victorian Culture: The Spanish Inquisition, the Converted Daughter, and the ‘Secret Race,’” Critical Inquiry 20 (1994): 477–508; and Barbara Hahn, The Jewess Pallas Athena: This Too a Theory of Modernity (Princeton, 2005). Jean-Paul Sartre, Réflexions sur la question juive (Paris, 1946), pp. 58–61, offers a sophisticated analysis of the figure of “la belle juive.”

10. See ch. 5, pp. 182–87.

11. Tallies of the number of cantigas treating Jews vary according to differing criteria. Dwayne E. Carpenter, “The Portrayal of the Jew in Alfonso the Learned’s Cantigas de Santa Maria,” in In Iberia and Beyond: Hispanic Jews between Cultures, ed. Bernard Dov Cooperman (Newark, Del., 1998), pp. 15–42, arrives at a count of forty; he includes incidental and implicit references to Jews but excludes Old Testament references. Albert I. Bagby Jr., “The Jew in the Cantigas of Alfonso X, El Sabio,” Speculum 46 (1971): 670–88, and Bagby, “The Figure of the Jew in the Cantigas of Alfonso X,” in Studies on the Cantigas de Santa Maria: Art, Music, and Poetry. Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Cantigas de Santa Maria of Alfonso X, el Sabio (1221–1284) in Commemoration of Its 700th Anniversary Year–1981 (New York, November 19–21), ed. Israel J. Katz and John E. Keller (Madison, 1987), pp. 235–45, list thirty cantigas that refer to Jews. A keyword search for “Jews” in the Oxford Cantigas de Santa Maria database yields still a different tally: twenty-three poems. On Jews in the cantigas, see also Vikki Hatton and Angus Mackay, “Anti-Semitism in the Cantigas de Santa Maria,” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 61 (1983): 189–99, and José Filgueria Valverde, “Os xudeus nas Cantigas de Santa Maria,” in Xudeus e conversos na historia. Actas do Congresso Internacional (Ribadavia, 14–17 Outubro 1991), ed. Carlos Barros (Santiago de Compostela, 1994), vol. 1, pp. 245–64.

12. Cantigas 4, 89, 107, and 108.

13. Text in Walter Mettmann, Alfonso X el Sabio: Cantigas de Santa Maria (Madrid 1986–89), vol. 1, pp. 111–14. This miracle appears in Gregory of Tours, Vincent of Beauvais, and myriad miracle collections and is illustrated in numerous manuscripts and monuments, including Bourges Cathedral. See Rubin, Gentile Tales, pp. 7–28, for discussion of the tale and its illustration. For a list of manuscripts containing the tale, see the Oxford Cantigas database (http://csm.mml.ox.ac.uk).

14. José Guerrero Lovillo, Las cántigas: Estudio arqueológico de sus miniaturas y arqueología (Madrid, 1949), p. 188, notes that the attire of Jewish women in the manuscript is indistinguishable from that of Christian women.

15. See Sara Lipton, “The Temple Is My Body: Gender, Carnality, and Synagoga in the Bible moralisée,” in Imagining the Self, Imagining the Other: Visual Representation and Jewish-Christian Dynamics in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Periods, ed. Eva Frojmovic (Leiden, 2002), p. 151 and figs. 14, 15, and 16.

16. Text in Mettmann, vol. 1, pp. 405–07. On the sources for this cantiga, see Anita Benaim de Lasry, “Marisaltos: Artificial Purification in Alfonso el Sabio’s Cantiga 107,” in Studies on the Cantigas de Santa Maria: Art, Music, and Poetry. Proceedings of the International Symposium on the Cantigas de Santa Maria of Alfonso X, ed. Israel J. Katz and John E. Keller (Madison, 1986), pp. 299–311.

17. Benaim de Lasry, “Marisaltos.” In the chronicle version of the tale, the sentence is imposed and carried out by Christians; see Benaim de Lasry, “Marisaltos,” and Louise Mirrer, Women, Jews, and Muslims in the Texts of Reconquest Castile (Ann Arbor, 1996), pp. 42–43.

18. As noted by Mirrer, Women, Jews, and Muslims, p. 38.

19. Mirrer, Women, Jews, and Muslims, p. 39.

20. Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1987), passim, esp. pp. 260–76.

21. Text in Mettmann, vol. 1, pp. 357–59.

22. Connie L. Scarborough, Women in Thirteenth-Century Spain as Portrayed in Alfonso X’s Cantigas de Santa Maria (Lewiston, N.Y., 1993), p. 83, identifies the standing figure in panel 2 as the woman’s husband, but it seems clear from her headgear and robes, her resemblance to the fleeing midwife in panel 4, and the fact that her right hand is thrust under the bedcovers that she is a midwife.

23. See Rubin, Gentile Tales, fig. 21.

24. Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek clm 3901, fol. 28r; illustrated in Schreckenberg, Die Juden in der Kunst Europas, fig. 2, p. 116; see also fig. 29, p. 104 (the Passover feast) and fig. 35, p. 106 (collection of manna).

25. Augustine’s approach to Jews appears throughout his writings, but especially important are De Civitate Dei (esp. books 18.46 and 20.29), Contra Faustum, and Enarrationes in Psalmos. See the introduction above; Jeremy Cohen, Living Letters of the Law: Ideas of the Jew in Medieval Christianity (Los Angeles and Berkeley, 1999), pp. 23–66; Paula Fredriksen, “Augustine and Israel:Interpretatio ad litteram, Jews, and Judaism in Augustine’s Theology of History,” Studia Patristica 38 (2001): 119–35; Fredriksen, Augustine and the Jews: A Christian Defense of Jews and Judaism (New York, 2008).

26. Dwayne E. Carpenter, Alfonso X and the Jews: An Edition of and Commentary on Siete Partidas 7.24—“De los judíos” (Berkeley, 1986), pp. 29, 34, 35, 36. Countless other high medieval Christian texts, including but not limited to papal letters, scholastic sermons, conciliar decrees, and royal law codes, similarly complain about Jews’ inappropriate power, prosperity, and arrogance and about the fact that they were visually indistinguishable from Christians, even clerics. See ch. 4, pp. 159–60 and, among many other works, Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and the Jews: The Evolution of Medieval Anti-Judaism (Ithaca, 1982); Lipton, Images of Intolerance.

27. David Berger, ed., The Jewish-Christian Debate in the High Middle Ages: A Critical Edition of the Nizzahon Vetus (Philadelphia, 1979), p. 224.

28. Avraham Grossman, Pious and Rebellious: Jewish Women in Medieval Europe, trans. Jonathan Chipman (Waltham, 2004), pp. 25–27.

29. Elisheva Baumgarten, Mothers and Children: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe (Princeton, 2004), pp. 123, 176.

30. Irving A. Agus, Rabbi Meir of Rothenberg, 2 vols. (Philadelphia, 1947), vol. 1, p. 209, Yoreh Deah, no. 110: “A father must restrain a child from eating forbidden food, if eaten in his presence. This law does not apply to the mother.”

31. See the illustrations to cantigas 2 (Saint Ildefonso preaches to a crowd of exclusively male Jews), 12 (a group of exclusively male Jews crucify a waxen image), and 27 (a crowd of exclusively male Jews stand outside a former synagogue and try to reclaim the building). On Christian women’s more regular attendance in church, see Nicole Bériou, L’Avènement des maîtres de la Parole: La prédication à Paris au XIIIe siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1998), vol. 1, p. 302.

32. Alexander Nequam foregrounded sex and gender when he wrote that it was permissible to no one to touch the Eucharist “nisi mari” (“unless male”). Cited in R. W. Hunt, The Schools and the Cloister: The Life and Writings of Alexander Nequam (1157–1217), ed. and rev. Margaret Gibson (Oxford, 1984), p. 90.

33. See 1 Cor. 11:7, where Paul calls man the “image and glory of God” and goes on to note that “woman is the glory of man.”

34. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne, “Chaste Bodies: Frames and Experiences,” in Framing Medieval Bodies, ed. Sarah Kay and Miri Rubin (Manchester, 1994), pp. 24–42.

35. See Rubin, Gentile Tales.

36. Guillaume le Breton, Philippidos libri duodecim I.754, in Oeuvres de Rigord et de Guillaume le Breton, ed. H. François Delaborde, 2 vols. (Paris, 1885), vol. 2, p. 37.

37. Andreas Capellanus, De Amore, book 3, par. 83 (http://www.thelatinlibrary.com/capellanus/capellanus3.html). See also Heinrich Kramer and James Sprenger, Malleus Maleficarum, trans. Montague Summers (rpt. New York, 1971), p. 28; Alcuin Blamires, Woman Defamed and Woman Defended: An Anthology of Medieval Texts (Oxford, 1992), pp. 48, 61, 62, 101, 117, 120, 125, 138, 146, 158, 163, 188, 224; Marie-Thérèse d’Alverny, “Comment les théologiens et les philosophes voient la femme,” Cahiers de civilisation 20 (1977): 105–29.

38. Paris, BN ms. lat. 14525, fol. 77vb. For the image, see Michael Camille, The Gothic Idol: Ideology and Image-Making in Medieval Art (Cambridge, 1989), p. 302, fig. 163.

39. Rachel Furst, “Captivity, Conversion, and Communal Identity: Sexual Angst and Religious Crisis in Frankfurt, 1241,” Jewish History 22 (2008): 179–221.

40. Steven Kruger, The Spectral Jew: Conversion and Embodiment in Medieval Europe, Medieval Cultures 40 (Minneapolis, 2006), esp. pp. 80–85. M. Lindsay Kaplan has likewise traced the uses of the female Jewish convert to confirm Christian superiority: “Jessica’s Mother: Medieval Constructions of Jewish Race and Gender in The Merchant of Venice,” Shakespeare Quarterly 58 (2007): 1–30.

41. See Rubin, Gentile Tales, pp. 36–37, 41, 84; Anna S. Abulafia repeats this point in her review of Gentile Tales in History Today 49 (1999): 56, but adds that, by way of contrast, Hebrew chronicles of the First Crusade tended to portray Jewish women as particularly steadfast in their faith. Pagan and Arian women were also portrayed as more receptive of Catholic missionizing than men; see Cordula Nolte, “Gender and Conversion in the Merovingian Era,” in Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middle Ages, ed. James Muldoon (Gainesville, 1997), pp. 81–99.

42. William Chester Jordan, “Adolescence and Conversion in the Middle Ages: A Research Agenda,” in Jews and Christians in Twelfth-Century Europe, ed. Michael A. Signer and John van Engen (Notre Dame, 2001), p. 77.

43. Sefer ha-Yashar, ed. Sheraga Faish Rozenthal (Berlin, 1898), p. 45, par. 25, quoted in David Malkiel, “Jews and Apostates in Medieval Europe,” Past and Present 194 (2007): 8–9.

44. Child, English and Scottish Popular Ballads, vol. 3, part 1, pp. 236–43 (no. 155).

45. Jewish Wars, 6.3.4, trans. William Whiston (http://www.ccel.org/j/josephus/works/war-6.htm). Boccaccio, who gives a more truncated version of this tale in his De Casibus Illustrorum Virorum, conveys the woman’s weakness more economically, by narrating her actions entirely in the passive voice. See Giovanni Boccaccio, De Casibus Illustrorum Virorum: A Facsimile Reproduction of the Paris Edition of 1520, introd. Louis Brewer Hall (Gainesville, 1962), pp. 184–85.

46. See Lipton, “The Temple Is My Body,” pp. 129–63. See also the Synagoga in the Stammheim Missal, ch. 3, fig. 10.

47. The field of the iconography of women is vast. See esp. Adam S. Cohen and Anne Derbes, “Bernward and Eve at Hildesheim,” Gesta 40 (2001): 19–38; Madeline H. Caviness, Visualizing Women in the Middle Ages: Sight, Spectacle, and Scopic Economy (Philadelphia, 2001), with further bibliography; Camille, Gothic Idol, pp. 220–41, 298–337; and Susan L. Smith, The Power of Women: A Topos in Medieval Art and Literature (Philadelphia, 1995). Grossman, Pious and Rebellious, p. 106, makes it clear that Jewish women in Christian Europe did not veil their faces. Married women, did, however, like their Christian counterparts, wear some form of headdress, though often more for display than out of modesty (see Grossman, p. 116).

48. Benjamin Ravid, “From Yellow to Red: On the Distinguishing Head-Covering of the Jews of Venice,” Jewish History 6 (1992): 183.

49. Zina Amishai-Maisels, “The Demonization of the Other in the Visual Arts,” in Demonizing the Other: Antisemitism, Racism, and Xenophobia, ed. Robert S. Wistrich (Amsterdam, 1999), p. 57.

50. London, BL Add. ms. 47682. For the text, see The Anglo-Norman Text of the Holkham Bible Picture Book, ed. Frederick P. Pickering (Oxford, 1971), p. 52; Pickering, Literature and Art in the Middle Ages (London, 1970), pp. 270–73. On the manuscript, see John Lowden, “The Holkham Bible Picture Book and the Bible Moralisée,” in The Medieval Book: Glosses from Friends and Colleagues of Christopher de Hamel, ed. James H. Marrow, Richard A. Linenthal, and William Noel (’t Goy-Houten, 2010), pp. 75–83; Michelle P. Brown, The Holkham Bible Picture Book: A Facsimile (London, 2007).

51. Frances A. Foster, ed., The Northern Passion: Four Parallel Texts and the French Original, with Specimens of Additional Manuscripts (London, 1916), pp. 64–65.

52. On the image of the Jew in the Holkham Bible, see Sylvia Tomasch, “Chaucer and the Virtual Jew,” in The Postcolonial Middle Ages, ed. Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (New York, 2000), pp. 243–60.

53. O. S. Pickering, “Some Similarities between Queen Mary’s Psalter and the Northern Passion,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 35 (1972): 135–44.

54. Hughes, “Distinguishing Signs.”

55. Hughes, “Distinguishing Signs,” p. 22.

56. Brussels, BR ms. 10178, fol. 222. See Michael Camille, “The Illustrated Manuscripts of Guillaume de Deguileville’s Pélerinages, 1330–1426,” PhD diss. (University of Cambridge, 1985); L. M. J. Delaissé, Medieval Miniatures from the Library of Burgundy to the Department of Manuscripts of the Royal Library of Belgium (Brussels, 1958). For the text, see Guillaume de Deguileville, Le Pèlerinage de Jésus-Crist, ed. J. J. Stürzinger, Roxburghe Club 133 (London, 1897). See also Suzanne M. Yeager, Jerusalem in Medieval Narrative (Cambridge and New York, 2008).

57. On the circumcision of Christ in art, see Leo Steinberg, The Sexuality of Christ in Renaissance Art and in Modern Oblivion (New York, 1983), pp. 50–65, 157–59; Eva Frojmovic, “Christian Travelers to the Circumcision: Early Modern Representations,” in The Covenant of Circumcision, ed. Elizabeth Wyner Mark (Hanover, 2003), pp. 128–41. See also Gertrud Schiller, Iconography of Christian Art, trans. Janet Seligman, 2 vols. (Greenwich, 1971–72), vol. 1, p. 89, who relates it to the cult of Mary and to renewed interest in Old Testament typology.

58. The urban procession known as the Leuven Ommegang featured a character dressed as Sephora, wife of Moses, whose identifying symbol was a sharp stone with which she circumcised the Israelite boys. Meg Twycross, “Worthy Women of the Old Testament: The Ambachtsvrouwen of the Leuven Ommegang,” in Urban Theatre in the Low Countries, 1400–1625, ed. Elsa Strietman and Peter Happé (Turnhout, 2006), p. 228. She was not portrayed as an old woman, however, but as a gracious biblical heroine.

59. Lines 2385–494, ed. J. J. Stürzinger, pp. 79–82.

60. An influential medieval discussion is Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologica, part 3, question 37, art. 1, responsio. For more on the theology of Christ’s circumcision, see Caroline Walker Bynum, Wonderful Blood: Theology and Practice in Late Medieval Northern Germany and Beyond (Philadelphia, 2007), pp. 37, 107, 180.

61. See, e.g., Michael Pacher’s Sankt Wolfgang altarpiece, 1471–81, in the parish church, Sankt Wolfgang, Austria, which depicts the circumcision.

62. See also the woman holding the lantern in the arrest of Christ in the Très Belles Heures (Paris, BN ms. nouv. acq. lat. 3093, fol. 181, dated ca. 1380–1413).

63. For another image that likens the circumcision of Jesus to ritual murder, see London, BL ms. Stowe 17, fol. 125. I am preparing an essay on this disturbing image.

64. On the slippage between female personifications and women, see Barbara Newman, God and the Goddesses: Vision, Poetry, and Belief in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia, 2003).

65. The tale appears in a French vernacular play, Miracles de Nostre Dame par personnages, ed. Gaston Paris and Ulysse Robert (Paris, 1876), pp. 203–48.

66. For other such braids, see the woman in profile—one of only two characters in profile—in the left panel of the Adoration of the Magi altarpiece by Stefan Lochner dated to ca. 1440–45 in the Cologne cathedral; the richly dressed female figure in dorsal view in Robert Campin’s Marriage of the Virgin; a similarly dressed midwife in Campin’sNativity; the turbaned figure seen only from the back in the 1365 fresco by Andrea da Firenze in the Spagnuola Capella, Santa Maria Novella, Florence; the scowling turbaned man behind the bier of the Virgin in Taddeo di Bartolo’s Sienese fresco of the Funeral of the Virgin; and a blond female in the Nardo Strozzi chapel. The braid may have been constructed as a “Jewish” hairstyle because of its use in earlier Old Testament sculpture, such as the queen in the Royal Portal of Chartres or the seated figure in the voussoirs of the Senlis cathedral central portal, tentatively identified as the Queen of Sheba. In 1 Tim. 2:9–11, Saint Paul exhorts women to dress “quietly and modestly, without braided hair [tortis crinibus] or gold and jewelry or expensive clothes.” A single braid likewise appears on Veronica in Albert van Outwater’s Christ Bearing the Cross (Netherlands, perhaps Utrecht, ca. 1470) in the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York. Here the braid is obviously not pejorative but signals exoticism and/or antiquity.

67. Hughes, “Distinguishing Signs,” p. 24; Katherine Jansen, The Making of the Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton, 2001), p. 176n.

68. Ariel Toaff, “The Jewish Badge in Italy during the Fifteenth Century,” in Die Juden in Ihrer Mittelalterlichen Umwelt, ed. Alfred Ebenbauer and Klaus Zatloukal (Vienna and Cologne, 1991), pp. 275–76.

69. Hughes, “Distinguishing Signs.”

70. Penny Howell Jolly, “Learned Reading, Vernacular Seeing: Jacques Daret’s Presentation in the Temple,” Art Bulletin 82 (2000): 428–52.

71. Jolly, “Learned Reading, Vernacular Seeing.”

72. See R. Po-chia Hsia, Trent 1475: Stories of a Ritual Murder Trial (New Haven and London, 1992).

73. See esp. David S. Areford, The Viewer and the Printed Image in Late Medieval Europe (Farnham, Surrey and Burlington, Vt., 2010), pp. 164–227; Dana E. Katz, The Jew in the Art of the Italian Renaissance (Philadelphia, 2008), pp. 119–57.

74. Areford, The Viewer and the Printed Image, pp. 186–87, recognizes the unprecedented nature of the inclusion of the woman and adds, “Its message is clear—all Jews, male and female, are greedy predators and bloodthirsty child murderers.” But Areford does not explore the reasons this message appears at this time.

75. For a detailed study of the trial and its texts, see Hsia, Trent 1475.

76. Likewise, the mid-fifteenth-century predella paintings of the miracle of the host made by Paolo Uccello for the Corpus Christi confraternity are the first to depict the wife being burned for the crime together with her husband. Miri Rubin, “Imagining the Jew: The Late Medieval Eucharistic Discourse,” in In and Out of the Ghetto, p. 188.

77. AASS May 6:535c.

78. See the documents in LuAnn Homza, ed., The Spanish Inquisition, 1478–1614: An Anthology of Sources (Indianapolis, 2006), pp. 14–49, and the discussion in Gretchen Starr-LeBeau, In the Shadow of the Virgin: Inquisitors, Friars, and Conversos in Guadalupe, Spain (Princeton, 2003), pp. 145–79.

79. Homza, The Spanish Inquisition, p. 4.

80. Jolly, “Learned Reading, Vernacular Seeing.”

81. See Anneke B. Mulder-Bakker, “The Household as a Site of Civic and Religious Instruction: Two Household Books from Late Medieval Brabant,” in Household, Women, and Christianity in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. Anneke B. Mulder-Bakker and Jocelyn Wogan-Brown (Turnhout, 2005), pp. 191–214; Diana M. Webb, “Women and Home: The Domestic Setting of Late Medieval Spirituality,” in Women in the Church, ed. W. J. Sheils and D. Wood, Studies in Church History 27 (Oxford, 1990), pp. 159–73. See also the manuscripts analyzed in Anthony Bale, “‘House Devil, Town Saint’: Anti-Semitism and Hagiography in Medieval Suffolk,” in Chaucer and the Jews: Sources, Contexts, Meanings, ed. Sheila Delaney (New York, 2002), pp. 185–209.

82. Lyndal Roper, The Holy Household: Women and Morals in Reformation Augsburg (Oxford and New York, 1989), vividly demonstrates this process in Protestant Augsburg but somewhat underestimates the extent to which it had already begun in late medieval Catholic urban centers.

83. New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Cloisters Collection, 1956 (56.70). See Millard Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death (Princeton, 1951), p. 127.

84. Kathryn M. Rudy, “Children and Domestic Interiors in the Miniatures by the Master of Catherine of Cleves,” in From the Hand of the Master: The Hours of Catherine of Cleves, ed. Anne Margreet W. As-Vijvers (Antwerp, 2009), pp. 63–65.

85. Meyer Schapiro notes the rise of the cult of Joseph from ca. 1400 in “‘Muscipula Diaboli,’ the Symbolism of the Mérode Altarpiece,” Art Bulletin 27 (1945): 184. On Saint Anne and the Holy Kinship, see Pamela Sheingorn, “Appropriating the Holy Kinship: Gender and Family History,” in Medieval Families: Perspectives on Marriage, Household, and Children, ed. Carol Neel (Toronto, 2004), pp. 273–301.

86. Mulder-Bakker, “The Household as a Site of Civic and Religious Instruction.”

87. Catherine Kovesi Killerby, Sumptuary Law in Italy, 1200–1500 (Oxford, 2002), pp. 111–13; Eric Dursteler, Renegade Women: Gender, Identity, and Boundaries in the Early Modern Mediterranean (Baltimore, 2011), p. 93.

88. Hughes, “Distinguishing Signs,” p. 30.

89. See n. 48, above.

90. Hughes, “Distinguishing Signs,” p. 30.

91. See the remarks of Dursteler, Renegade Women, pp. 102, 113, 114.

92. Anna Foa, The Jews of Europe after the Black Death, trans. Andrea Grover (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 2000), pp. 55, 70.

93. Shannon McSheffrey, “Place, Space, and Situation: Public and Private in the Making of Marriage in Late-Medieval London,” Speculum 79 (2004): 986, emphasizes the public nature and civic and religious significance of marriage.

CHAPTER SEVEN: THE JEW IN THE CROWD: SURVEILLANCE AND CIVIC VISION, CA. 1350–1500

1. Bernardino da Siena, Le prediche volgari inedite, ed. P. Dionisio Pacetti (Siena, 1935), p. 252.

2. On van Ouwater, see Charles D. Cuttler, Northern Painting (New York, 1973), pp. 134–35; Erwin Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting: Its Origins and Character (New York, 1971), pp. 242–43; James E. Snyder, “The Early Haarlem School of Painting: I. Ouwater and the Master of the Tiburtine Sibyl,” Art Bulletin 42 (1960): 39–55; W. M. Conway, “Albert van Ouwater,” Burlington Magazine 40 (1922): 106–21; S. Kemperdick, “Albert van Ouwater: ‘The Raising of Lazarus,’” Oud Holland 123 (2010): 235–50; A. Châtelet, “Early Dutch Painting: Thirty Years On,” Oud Holland 123 (2010): 314–29.

3. See John 11:1–46 for the narrative and list of characters.

4. Briefly discussed in Ruth Mellinkoff, Outcasts: Signs of Otherness in Northern European Art, 2 vols. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1993), vol. 1, p. 92. A. Châtelet, Les Primitifs hollandais: La peinture dans les Pays-Bas du Nord au XVe siècle (Paris, 1980), p. 49, notes that it is characteristic of Westphalian art to separately group believers and unbelievers, but less typical in Italian art.

5. In avoiding Lazarus, the priest is reflecting the scriptural injunction against priestly contact with dead bodies (Lev. 21:1).

6. See John 11:38. On this gesture, see Arthur Coleman Danto, “Giotto and the Stench of Lazarus,” in Philosophizing Art: Selected Essays (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1999), pp. 106–22.

7. There were few direct visual models for any of these characters: Ruth Wilkins Sullivan, “Duccio’s Raising of Lazarus Reexamined,” Art Bulletin 70 (1988): 374. The bald man with the round, ruddy face recalls Le Compost et kalendrier des bergiers, a late-fifteenth-century encyclopedia whose chapter on De phyzionomie des bergiers asserts that a fat and swollen face signifies gluttony, negligence, a lack of reason, or depravity. Quoted in Hannele Klemettilä, Epitomes of Evil: Representation of Executioners in Northern France and the Low Countries in the Late Middle Ages (Turnhout, 2006), p. 171; see also p. 185.

8. Snyder, “The Early Haarlem School of Painting,” p. 41, notes that in this painting “Good and Evil are … clearly contrasted,” but does not discuss these more ambiguous figures.

9. Such crowds can be seen in both northern and southern artworks, primarily those from the densely urbanized regions of the Lowlands, the Rhineland, Italy, and Iberia. On geographical continuities, see Larry Silver, “Arts and Minds: Northern European Art History,” Renaissance Quarterly 59 (2006): 351–73.

10. Elisabeth Roth, Der Volkreiche Kalvarienberg in Literatur und Kunst des Spätmittelalters (Berlin, 1958).

11. See Mitchell B. Merback, The Thief, the Cross, and the Wheel: Pain and the Spectacle of Punishment in Medieval and Renaissance Europe (Chicago, 1999), p. 47.

12. Larry Silver, “God in the Details: Bosch and Judgment(s),” Art Bulletin 83 (2001): 626–50, points out the prominence of the theme of faulty sight in Bosch’s work. Patricia Lee Rubin, Images and Identity in Fifteenth-Century Florence (New Haven and London, 2007), pp. 5–6, discusses fickle appearances. Late medieval cautions about the image are numerous: see Jeffrey F. Hamburger, The Visual and the Visionary: Art and Female Spirituality in Late Medieval Germany (New York and Cambridge, 1998); Sixten Ringbom, Icon to Narrative: The Rise of the Dramatic Close-Up in Fifteenth-Century Devotional Painting, 2nd ed. (Dornspijk, 1984).

13. Most of these images were commissioned by confraternities, guilds, collegiate chapters, or wealthy individuals and were located in public chapels, chapels to which visitors were frequently invited, or other accessible places of worship. The self-consciously civic nature of late medieval Italian art has long been recognized; see the fourteenth-century conversation about Florentine painting recorded in Millard Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena after the Black Death (Princeton, 1951), pp. 3, 52–53, and Rubin, Images and Identity, p. xiii. Much northern European painting was likewise civically oriented. See Gerhard Jaritz, “Images, Urban Space, and the Language and Grammar of Elite Dress (Central Europe, Fifteenth Century),” in Le Verbe, l’image, et les représentations de la société urbaine au Moyen Âge, ed. Marc Boone, Elodie Lecuppre-Desjardin, and Jean-Pierre Sosson (Antwerp, 2003), pp. 219–25.

14. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence (New York, 1980), p. 45, made a similar argument long ago, regarding public rituals rather than art. See also Patricia Lee Rubin, “Domenico Ghirlandaio and the Meaning of History in Fifteenth-Century Florence,” in Domenico Ghirlandaio 1449–1494. Atti del Convegno Internazionale, Firenze, 16–18 ottobre 1994, ed. W. Prinz and M. Seidel (Florence, 1996), p. 107.

15. Marvin Trachtenberg, Dominion of the Eye: Urbanism, Art, and Power in Early Modern Florence (Cambridge, 1997), passim, esp. p. 246, argues that urban design practices turned streets and squares—and the people in them and viewing them—into artistic tableaux, making them expressions and enforcers of civic power. See also Fabrizio Nevola, “Civic Identity and Private Patrons in Renaissance Siena,” in Renaissance Siena: Art for a City, ed. Luke Syson et al. (London, 2007), pp. 17–29; Michael Camille, “Signs on Medieval Street Corners,” in Die Strasse. Zur Funktion und Rezeption öffentlichen Raums im späten Mittelalter (Vienna, 2001), pp. 91–117; Felipe Pereda, “Through a Glass Darkly: Paths to Salvation in Spanish Painting at the Outset of the Inquisition,” inJudaism and Christian Art: Aesthetic Anxieties from the Catacombs to Colonialism, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and David Nirenberg (Philadelphia and Oxford, 2011), p. 275.

16. Trachtenberg, Dominion of the Eye; Lauro Martines, Strong Words: Writing and Social Strain in the Italian Renaissance (Baltimore, 2001), p. 271.

17. See esp. the nearly exhaustive catalogs of Mellinkoff, Outcasts, and Heinz Schreckenberg, The Jews in Christian Art: An Illustrated History (New York, 1996). Other fine studies include James H. Marrow, Passion Iconography in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance (Kortrijk, 1979); Debra Higgs Strickland,Saracens, Demons, and Jews: Making Monsters in Medieval Art (Princeton, 2003); Merback, The Thief, the Cross, and the Wheel; Michel Pastoureau, Symboles du Moyen Âge: Animaux, végétaux, couleurs, objets (Paris, 2012).

18. Hieronymus Bosch, Christ Carrying the Cross, 1480s, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.

19. James H. Marrow, “Circumdederunt me canes multi: Christ’s Tormentors in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance,” Art Bulletin 59 (1977): 167–81.

20. Colum Hourihane, Pontius Pilate, Anti-Semitism, and the Passion in Medieval Art (Princeton, 2009). On the Arma Christi, see R. Berliner, “Arma Christi,” in Münchner Jahrbuch für Bildende Kunst 6 (1955): 35–152, and John C. Hirsch, The Boundaries of Faith: The Development and Transmission of Medieval Spirituality (Leiden and New York, 1996), pp. 124–43, esp. p. 138.

21. See Jean-Pierre Bordier, Le Jeu de la Passion: Le message chrétien et le théâtre français (XIIIe–XVIe s). (Paris, 1998). Petra Schöner, “Visual Representations of Jews and Judaism in Sixteenth-Century Germany,” in Jews, Judaism, and the Reformation in Sixteenth-Century Germany, ed. Dean Phillip Bell and Stephen G. Burnett (Leiden and Boston, 2006), pp. 357–91, recognizes the bipolar quality of representations of Jews, though she is somewhat naïve in her treatment of images.

22. For a more nuanced and deeply erudite exposition of late medieval imagery, see Caroline Walker Bynum, Wonderful Blood: Theology and Practice in Late Medieval Northern Germany and Beyond (Philadelphia, 2007).

23. Roth, Der Volkreiche Kalvarienberg.

24. Anne Derbes, Picturing the Passion in Late Medieval Italy: Narrative Painting, Franciscan Ideologies, and the Levant (New York, 1996), has attributed the intense emotionalism of this imagery to the influence of Franciscan spirituality, to the Franciscans’ sense of their own persecution. Marrow, Passion Iconography, meticulously maps correspondences between Passion imagery and devotional texts.

25. Helen Adolf, in a review of Roth, Der Volkreiche Kalvarienberg, in the Journal of English and Germanic Philology 60 (1961): 128–31, relates the seething crowds to late medieval violence and brutality. Bynum, Wonderful Blood, surveys and critiques this approach.

26. Such crowds are textually justified by Luke 23:27, but their artistic depiction is hardly dictated by this verse, as earlier images of the Via Crucis and Crucifixion had not included crowds.

27. This is especially common in quattrocento Italian painting: E. Marchand, “The Representation of Citizens in Religious Fresco Cycles in Tuscany,” in With and Without the Medici, ed. E. Marchand and A. Wright (Aldershot, 1998), p. 118. See, e.g., Vittore Carpaccio’s 1514 Saint Stephen Preaching in the Louvre, in which a Jew tugs at his beard while conversing with another.

28. Andrea da Firenze, Christ Carrying the Cross, 1365–68, Cappellone degli Spagnoli, Santa Maria Novella, Florence.

29. Andrea da Firenze, Pentecost, 1365–68, Cappellone degli Spagnoli, Santa Maria Novella, Florence.

30. For a startling example, see the Ecce Homo of the Braunschweig Master, ca. 1506: Herzog Anton Ulrich Museum (Braunschweig), inv. GG 33.

31. By Andrea di Bonaiuto, called “da Firenze,” dating to 1365–68. This room is now called the Spanish Chapel. It was funded by a legacy of the merchant Buonamico Guidalotti and doubled as a reception room for visitors and guests of the priory. The frescoes would therefore have been seen by a broad swath of Florentine society. On the frescoes, see Joseph Polzer, “Andrea di Bonaiuto’s Via Veritatis and Dominican Thought in Late Medieval Italy,” Art Bulletin 77 (1995): 262–89; Meiss, Painting in Florence and Siena, pp. 94–104; Nirit Ben-Arye Debby, “Visual Rhetoric: Images of Saracens in Florentine Churches,” Annuario de Estudios Medievales 42 (2012): 7–28; Julian Gardner, “Andrea di Bonaiuto and the Chapterhouse Frescoes in Santa Maria Novella,” Art History 2 (1979): 107–38. The crowded Calvary first appeared in the first quarter of the fourteenth century in Italian art.

32. On the single braid, see ch. 6.

33. There is no record of any Jewish community in Haarlem in the fifteenth century, though a 1461 treasurer’s account records that some converted Jews were paid twenty pence by the city council: M. Wolff, De Geschiedenis der Joden te Haarlem, 1600–1815 (Haarlem, 1917), p. 7n1. On Jews in the Lowlands, see Jean Stengers, Les Juifs dans les Pays-Bas au Moyen Âge (Brussels, 1950), and Christoph Cluse, Studien zur Geschichte der Juden in den mittelalterlichen Niederlanden (Hannover, 2000).

34. On red and yellow as colors associated with Jews, see Mellinkoff, Outcasts, and Pastouroux, Symboles du Moyen Âge.

35. See Bryson Burroughs, “A Fifteenth-Century Madonna,” Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1922): 176–77.

36. Robert W. Gaston, “Attention and Inattention in Religious Painting of the Renaissance: Some Preliminary Observations,” in Renaissance Studies in Honor of Hugh Craig Smyth, ed. A. Morrogh, F. Superbi Gioffredi, P. Morselli, and E. Borssok (Florence, 1985), vol. 2, pp. 260–61.

37. Rubin, Images and Identity, pp. 94–95.

38. Meditations on the Life of Christ: An Illustrated Manuscript of the Fourteenth Century, ed. Rosalie B. Green and Isa Ragusa (Princeton, 1961), quoted in Gaston, “Attention and Inattention,” p. 256. Gaston calls this form of attentiveness, which directs the viewer’s gaze, the “chorus effect.”

39. Gaston, “Attention and Inattention,” p. 263.

40. The painting dates to ca. 1500 and is now in the Museo Castelvecchio in Verona, Italy.

41. I count eighteen faces, including Mary and John. To compare, see the Arma Christi by the Master of Flemalle (ca. 1420) in the Musée des Beaux Arts, Brussels, which features only two faces, one to either side of Christ, or the 1354 version by Roberto Oderisi in the Fogg Museum, or the panel by the Cologne Master (ca. 1350) now in the Hamburg Kunsthalle, which has one spitting Jew in profile.

42. On the renewed popularity of beards in Italy ca. 1500, see Douglas Biow, “Manly Matters: The Theatricality and Sociability of Beards in Giordano Bruno’s Candelaio and Sixteenth-Century Italy,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 40 (2010): 325–46.

43. On Jews in late-fifteenth-century Verona, see Brian Pullen, “Jewish Banks and the Monti di Pietà,” in The Jews of Early Modern Venice, ed. Robert C. Davis and Benjamin Ravid (Baltimore and London, 2001), pp. 53–72.

44. Alois Riegl, quoted in Gaston, “Attention and Inattention,” p. 265.

45. See John Shearman, Only Connect…: Art and the Spectator in Renaissance Italy (Princeton, 1992); Norman Bryson, Vision and Painting: The Logic of the Gaze (Cambridge, 1983).

46. See Pierre Lavedan, Représentation des villes dans l’art du Moyen Âge (Paris, 1954); Craig Harbison, “Fact, Symbol, Ideal: Roles for Realism in Early Netherlandish Painting,” in Petrus Christus in Renaissance Bruges: An Interdisciplinary Approach, ed. Maryan Wynn Ainsworth (New York and Turnhout, 1995), pp. 22–30; Felicity Ratté,Picturing the City in Medieval Italian Painting(Jefferson, N.C. and London, 2006).

47. Dallas G. Denery, Seeing and Being Seen in the Late Medieval World: Optics, Theology, and the Religious Life (Cambridge, 2005), pp. 19–38, discusses the Dominican project of generating awareness that the self is always visible to others.

48. See John Pope-Hennessy, The Portrait in the Renaissance (New York, 1966); Marchand, “The Representation of Citizens,” p. 107; and Charles M. Rosenberg, “Virtue, Piety, and Affection,” in Il Ritratto e la memoria: Materiali, ed. A. Gentili, P. Morel, and C. Ciera Via (Rome, 1993), vol. 2, p. 173.

49. See Rubin, Images and Identity, p. 3; Rosenberg, “Virtue, Piety, and Affection,” p. 182.

50. Pope-Hennessy, The Portrait in the Renaissance, pp. 17–18. See also Joseph Polzer, “Ambrogio Lorenzetti’s ‘War and Peace’ Murals Revisited: Contributions to the Meaning of the Good Government Allegory,” Artibus et Historiae (2002): 83.

51. Ingrid Falque, “Entre traditions flamande et ibérique. Les oeuvres religieuses flamandes comportant des portraits d’Espagnols (1400–1550),” in Publications du Centre Européen d’Études Bourguignonnes (XIVe–XVIe s). Rencontre de Madrid (23 au 26 septembre 2010). Diplomates, voyageurs, pèlerins, marchands entre pays bourguignons et Espagne aux XVe et XVIe siècles (Neuchâtel, 2011), pp. 275–301.

52. Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon.

53. Leon Battista Alberti, On Painting, trans. John R. Spencer (New Haven, 1966), p. 93.

54. Marchand, “The Representation of Citizens,” pp. 119, 124.

55. See the similar function assigned the Despenser Retable in Norwich Cathedral in Sarah Stanbury, The Visual Object of Desire in Late Medieval England (Philadelphia, 2008), pp. 76–94.

56. 1501, Collegiata di Santa Maria Maggiore, Spello.

57. Maria Giuseppina Muzzarelli cites the example of a very well-dressed elite citizen of Ravenna who in 1449 was mistaken for a Jew (and was deeply offended): “Il Vestito degli ebrei,” Zakhor 4 (2000): 162. Such confusion prevailed across Europe; it was this situation that prompted repeated calls for, and reissuances of, the Jewish badge statutes, which, however, were rarely enforced and so by no means solved the “problem.” See Ariel Toaff, “The Jewish Badge in Italy during the 15th Century,” in Die Juden in ihrer mittelalterlichen Umwelt, ed. Alfred Ebenbauer and Klaus Zatloukal (Vienna, 1991), pp. 275–80.

58. Moralizing sermons echoed this process, excoriating merchants and other urban residents for precisely those sins stereotypically associated with Jews: avarice, usury, luxury, pride, most especially. See Peter Howard, “‘Doctrine, When Preached, Is Entirely Civic’: The Generation of Public Theology and the Role of the Studia in Renaissance Florence,” in Communities of Learning, Religious Diversity, and the Written Record, 1085–1453, ed. Constant J. Mews and John Crossle (Turnhout, 2011), p. 302. The Tuscan preacher Bernardino of Siena chastised Christians for engaging in the “evil” money trade as often as he chastised Jews: Franco Mormando, The Preacher’s Demons: Bernardino of Siena and the Social Underworld of Early Renaissance Italy (Chicago and London, 1999), pp. 167, 182–91.

59. This reaction I am postulating parallels the documented reaction of Gianozzo Manetti to an antiusury sermon of Bernardino of Siena: “You have sent us all to damnation!” Quoted in Mormando, The Preacher’s Demons, p. 185, who thereby rightly corrects Bonfil’s assertion that any condemnation of usury would have been understood as a condemnation of Jews alone.

60. The van der Weyden figure is discussed in Alfred Acres, “The Columba Altarpiece and the Time of the World,” Art Bulletin 80 (1998): 443, where he is identified as an Old Testament prophet. I thank Stephen Perkinson for this reference.

61. The following are a few examples of each type. Shadowy background figures: the young man in the white turban beside Christ in Cima de Coneglione’s Christ among the Doctors (1504, Warsaw, National Library of Poland) or the balding man to Christ’s left in Albrecht Dürer’s Christ among the Doctors (1506, Madrid, Museo Thyssen-Bornemisza). The artists themselves: Luca Signorelli in his Triumph of Antichrist (ca. 1499–1504, Orvieto, Chapel of San Brizio, Duomo) or Masaccio in his Raising of the Son of Theophilus (ca. 1425, Florence, Cappella Brancacci, Santa Maria del Carmine). Holy figures: Saint John in the Verona Arma Christi and Man of Sorrows (ca. 1500),Gregory the Great in the Mass of Gregory the Great by the Master of the Holy Kinship (1486, Utrecht, Museum Catherijneconvent), and the angels in the Altarpiece of the Councillors by Lluis Dalmau of Valencia (1445, Barcelona, Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya). Christ himself: Hieronymus Bosch’s Crowning Christ with Thorns (ca. 1490–1500, London, National Gallery). Jean K. Cadogan, Domenico Ghirlandaio: Artist and Artisan (New Haven, 2000), p. 90, notes that there is a figure staring out at the viewer in every one of the donor groups in Ghirlandaio’s Santa Maria Novella frescoes.

62. The figure is pointed out by Merback, The Thief, the Cross, and the Wheel, p. 64; image and detail reproduced on pp. 40 and 65.

63. On Painting, ed. Spencer, p. 78; quoted in Gaston, “Attention and Inattention,” p. 259.

64. Meiss, Painting in Siena and Florence, pp. 122, 148. The line is from a trecento Sienese poem, Passione di Nostro Signore Gesu Cristo (1365), echoing a verse from Lamentations.

65. Rubin, Images and Identity, pp. 100–01, 125–28.

66. For similar exhortations embedded in devotional literature and in urban festivals, see Jennifer Bryan, Looking Inward: Devotional Reading and the Private Self in Late Medieval England (Philadelphia, 2008); Deanna Shemek, “Circular Definitions: Configuring Gender in Italian Renaissance Festival,” Renaissance Quarterly 48 (1995): 1–40.

67. Girolamo Savonarola, Prediche sopra Amos e Zaccaria, 3 vols., ed. P. Ghiglieri (Rome, 1971), vol. 3, p. 233; quoted in Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 69.

68. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 71 (no citation).

69. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 355.

70. See Lavedan, Représentation des villes, p. 31; Peter Ainsworth, “A Passion for Townscape: Depictions of the City in a Burgundian Manuscript of Froissart’s Chroniques,” in Regions and Landscapes: Reality and Imagination in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Peter Ainsworth and Tom Scott (Oxford and New York, 2000), pp. 69–111.

71. See Trachtenberg, Dominion of the Eye, p. 261.

72. Quoted in Tom Nichols, “The Cultural Dynamics of the Representation of Space in Venetian Renaissance Painting,” in Mediterranean Urban Culture, ed. Alexander Cowen (Exeter, 2000), p. 171.

73. See, e.g., Michael Pacher’s Stoning of Christ (ca. 1480, St. Wolfgang im Salzkammergut, Sankt Wolfgang Parish Church) or Giovanni Mansueti’s Miracle of the Relic of the Holy Cross (1494, Venice, Gallerie dell’Accademia).

74. Noted as well in Ratté, Picturing the City, pp. 59–90.

75. Bernard of Clairvaux discouraged a nun from living alone as an anchoress because doing so could tarnish her reputation: “For anyone wishing to lead a bad life the desert supplies ample opportunity. The woods afford cover, and solitude assures silence. No one can censure the evil no one sees.” Bernard of Clairvaux, “Letter 118: To a Nun of the Convent of St. Mary of Troyes,” in The Letters of St. Bernard of Clairvaux, trans. Bruno Scott James (Kalamazoo, 1998), pp. 179–80.

76. See ch. 6.

77. James Amelang, “The Myth of the Mediterranean City: Perceptions of Sociability,” in Mediterranean Urban Culture, 1400–1700, ed. Alexander Cowen (Exeter, 2000), p. 27.

78. See Pereda, “Through a Glass Darkly,” p. 264; LuAnn Homza, ed., The Spanish Inquisition, 1478–1614: An Anthology of Sources (Indianapolis, 2006), p. 30.

79. Rubin, Images and Identity, p. 42. It is for this reason that, as is noted by Mormando, The Preacher’s Demons, p. 5, moralizing public preachers were invited and sponsored by civic governments rather than religious authorities.

80. The bibliography on this topic is large and ever growing. See esp. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence; Edward Muir, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice (Princeton, 1981); Guido Ruggiero, “Constructing Civic Morality, Deconstructing the Body: Civic Rituals of Punishment in Renaissance Venice,” in Riti e Rituali nell societa medievali, ed. Jacques Chiffoleau, Lauro Martines, and Agostino Paravicini Bagliani (Spoleto, 1994), pp. 174–90; and the studies collected in City and Spectacle in Medieval Europe, ed. Barbara A. Hanawalt and Kathryn L. Reyerson (Minneapolis, 1994), and Ceremonial Culture in Pre-Modern Europe, ed. Nicholas Howe (Notre Dame, 2007).

81. Mervyn James, “Ritual, Drama, and Social Body in the Late Medieval English Town,” Past and Present 98 (1983): 3–29.

82. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 3.

83. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, pp. 375–76.

84. Splendor venetorum civitatis consuetudinum, ed. F. Schupfer, Bibliotheca Iuridica Medii Aevi, vol. 3 (Bologna, 1901), pp. 104–05, quoted in Guido Ruggiero, “Constructing Civic Morality,” in Riti e Rituali, p. 188. A judge was likewise displayed to the people, that they might fear being judged, and the doge’s sword, that they might fear punishment (Ruggiero).

85. Hannes Kleineke, “Civic Ritual, Space, and Conflict in Fifteenth-Century Exeter,” in Ritual and Space in the Middle Ages, ed. Frances Andrews (Donington, Lincolnshire, 2011), p. 178; The Little Red Book of Bristol, ed. Francis B. Bickley, 2 vols. (Bristol, 1900), vol. 1, pp. 10–12.

86. Elsa Streiman and Peter Happé, “Introduction,” in Urban Theatre in the Low Countries, ed. Elsa Streiman and Peter Happé (Turnhout, 2006), pp. 23–24.

87. Elsa Streitman, “A Tale of Two Cities: Drama and Community in the Low Countries,” in Drama and Community: People and Plays in Medieval Europe, ed. Alan Hindley (Turnhout, 1999), p. 135.

88. Roger Chartrier, “From Court Festivity to City Spectators,” in Forms and Meanings: Texts, Performances, and Audiences from Codex to Computer (Philadelphia, 1995), p. 60, notes that in courtly entertainments power is demonstrated through expenditure, appearances are taken for reality, and distinctions are “made highly visible by the distributions of ranks and roles.” See also The Stage as Mirror: Civic Theatre in Late Medieval Europe, ed. A. E. Knight (Cambridge, 1997); David Nicholas, “In the Pit of the Burgundian Theater State,” in City and Spectacle, ed. Hanawalt and Reyerson, pp. 271–95; Anne-Laure van Bruaene, “The Habsburg Theatre State: Court, City, and the Performance of Identity in the Early Modern Southern Low Countries,” in City and Spectacle, ed. Hanawalt and Reyerson, pp. 131–49; Gerard Nijsten, “The Duke and His Towns: The Power of Ceremonies, Feasts, and Public Amusements in the Duchy of Guelders (East Netherlands) in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries,” in City and Spectacle, ed. Hanawalt and Reyerson, pp. 235–70; Peter J. Arnade, Realms of Ritual: Burgundian Ceremony and Civic Life in Late Medieval Ghent (Ithaca, 1996); and Muir, Civic Ritual in Renaissance Venice, pp. 185ff.

89. Merback, The Thief, the Cross, and the Wheel, esp. pp. 126–57; Paul Friedland, Seeing Justice Done: The Age of Spectacular Punishment in France (Oxford, 2012). Andrea Zorzi, “Rituali e Ceremoniali penali nelle città italiane (secc. XIII–XVI),” in Riti e Rituali, pp. 141–57, examines penal ceremonies as forms of “social control of behavior.”

90. Leonardo Bruni, Laudatio Florentinae Urbis, ed. Stefano U. Baldassarri (Florence, 2000), sect. 1. Alberti is quoted in Amelang, “The Myth of the Mediterranean City,” p. 18.

91. Robert Stein, “Introduction,” in Networks, Regions, and Nations: Shaping Identities in the Low Countries, 1300–1650, ed. Robert Stein and Judith Pollman (Leiden, 2010), p. 1.

92. Cadogan, Domenico Ghirlandaio, p. 19; Lavedan, Représentation des villes, p. 22.

93. Christine Göttler, “Is Seeing Believing? The Use of Evidence in Representations of the Miraculous Mass of Saint Gregory,” Germanic Review 76 (2001): 121–42.

94. David Nicholas, The Later Medieval City, 1300–1500 (London and New York, 1997), p. 313.

95. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 220.

96. Christiane Klapisch-Zuber, “Les Femmes dans les rituels de l’alliance et de la naissance à Florence,” in Riti e rituali, p. 6. According to Klapisch-Zuber, this practice seems to have declined in the second half of the fifteenth century.

97. Giovanni di Pagolo Morelli, Ricordi, in Mercanti Scrittori: Ricordi nella Firenze tra Medioevo e Rinascimento, ed. Vittore Branca (Florence, 1986), pp. 200–201.

98. Montaigne’s Travel Journal, trans. and ed. D. M. Frame (San Francisco, 1983), p. 93, quoted in Amelang, “The Myth of the Mediterranean City,” p. 25. Amelang elsewhere (p. 21) notes the “highly theatrical quality of social interactions” in many Mediterranean cities. Although climate precluded quite as much outside self-exhibiting in northern cities as in Italy, the works referred to in n. 88, above, confirm that display was also important in the North.

99. Girolamo Savonarola, Prediche sopra Giobbe, ed. Roberto Ridolfi, 2 vols. (Rome, 1957), vol. 1, p. 381, cited in Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 350.

100. Amelang, “The Myth of the Mediterranean City,” p. 20, underscores the ubiquity of the public marking and spatial segregation of rich and poor, young and old, men and women, sinful and respectable.

101. For the Jewish badge, see note 167, below.

102. See ch. 4, n. 88.

103. Benjamin Ravid, “The Venetian Government and the Jews,” in The Jews of Early Modern Venice, ed. Robert C. Davis and Benjamin Ravid (Baltimore and London, 2001), p. 21, and Ravid, “From Yellow to Red: On the Distinguishing Head-Covering of the Jews of Venice,” Jewish History 6 (1992): 179–210.

104. Diane Owen Hughes, “Distinguishing Signs: Ear-Rings, Jews, and Franciscan Rhetoric in the Italian Renaissance City,” Past and Present 112 (1986): 3–59.

105. Little Red Book of Bristol, ed. Bickley, vol. 2, pp. 228–29.

106. Sentence of Andrés Benáldez in Homza, The Spanish Inquisition, p. 7.

107. The literature on sumptuary legislation is vast. For a general overview, see Alan Hunt, Governance of the Consuming Passions: A History of Sumptuary Law (Basingstoke, 1996). For Italy, see Catherine Kovesi Killerby, Sumptuary Law in Italy, 1200–1500 (Oxford, 2002); Susan Mosher Stuard, Gilding the Market: Luxury and Fashion in Fourteenth-Century Italy (Philadelphia, 2006); and Carol Lansing, Passion and Order: Restraint of Grief in the Medieval Italian Communes (Ithaca, 2008). For France, see Odile Blanc, “Vêtement féminin, vêtement masculin à la fin du Moyen Âge. Le point de vue des moralistes,” in Le Vêtement: Histoire, Archéologie, et Symbolique au Moyen Âge, ed. Michel Pastoureau (Paris, 1989), pp. 243–86. For an early Iberian law, see Anon., “A Thirteenth-Century Castilian Sumptuary Law,” Business History Review 37 (1963): 98–100. For German-speaking lands, which began to pass sumptuary legislation in the fourteenth century, see Fremde in der Stadt: Ordnungen, Repräsentationen und soziale Praktiken (13.–15. Jahrhundert), Inklusion/Exklusion, ed. Peter Bell, Dirk Suckow, and Gerhard Wolf (Frankfurt and Berlin, 2010), and Liselotte Constanze Eisenbart, Kleiderordnungen der deutschen Städte zwischen 1350 und 1700: Ein Beitrag zur Kulturgeschichte des deutschen Burgertums (Gottingen, 1962). For the Lowlands, see Martha C. Howell, Commerce before Capitalism in Europe, 1300–1600 (Cambridge, 2010), ch. 4. On England, see Frances Elizabeth Baldwin, Sumptuary Legislation and Personal Regulation in England (Baltimore, 1926); N. B. Harte, “State Control of Dress and Social Change in Pre-Industrial England,” inTrade, Government, and Economy in Pre-Industrial England: Essays Presented to F. J. Fisher, ed. D. C. Coleman and A. H. Johns (London, 1976), pp. 132–65. Jewish communal authorities also enacted sumptuary regulations, often identical to those passed by Christians, such as in Forli in 1428: Howard Adelman, “Rabbis and Reality: Public Activities of Jewish Women in Italy during the Renaissance and the Catholic Restoration,” Jewish History 5:1 (1991): 29–30.

108. Objections to sumptuary legislation also invoked civic honor, claiming that fine dress was necessary to display the power and prestige of the city: Killerby, Sumptuary Law, p. 124.

109. Alain Derville, Les Villes de Flandres et d’Artois (900–1500) (Villeneuve d’Ascq, 2002), p. 126.

110. Lansing, Passion and Order.

111. Lyndal Roper, The Holy Household: Women and Morals in Reformation Augsburg (Oxford and New York, 1989).

112. Samuel Cohn Jr., “Criminality and the State in Renaissance Florence, 1344–1466,” Journal of Social History 14 (1980): 211–33; Gene Brucker, “Civic Traditions in Premodern Italy,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 29 (1999): 357–77; John Henderson, Piety and Charity in Late Medieval Florence (Oxford, 1994).

113. Pope-Hennessy, The Portrait in the Renaissance, p. 9. It has been noted that the rise of portraiture shows a desire to look at oneself, but it also exposes oneself to the gaze of others. It is, then, an assertion of virtue (as well as an act of courage).

114. Amelang, “The Myth of the Mediterranean City,” p. 28.

115. Rubin, Images and Identity, pp. 240–41: women were supposed to be beautiful, well dressed, modest, pious, healthy, and “big”—the better to bear children.

116. Killerby, Sumptuary Law, p. 148. Jewish sumptuary laws explicitly allowed the wearing of banned clothing indoors: Adelman, “Rabbis and Reality,” p. 30.

117. Statuti di Ala e di Avio del secolo XV, ed. Bruno Andreollo, Stefania Manente, Ermanno Orlando, and Alessandra Princivalli (Rome, 1990), p. 52 (Ala 1.3). The concern was that guardians of minors would pressure children into going against their own interests.

118. Elizabeth S. Cohen, “Honor and Gender in the Streets of Early Modern Rome,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 22 (1992): 597–625; Trevor Dean, Crime and Justice in Late Medieval Italy (Cambridge and New York, 2007), pp. 122–23. See also David Nirenberg, Communities of Violence: Persecution of Minorities in the Middle Ages(Princeton, 1996), on the ritual defacing of the Jewishcalle in fourteenth-century Aragon.

119. Trevor Dean, “Gender and Insult in an Italian City: Bologna in the Later Middle Ages,” Social History 29 (2004): 228. Dean notes, in Crime and Justice, p. 123, that in the mid-fifteenth century urban governments began to criminalize the practice of door scorning: the culture of surveillance and behavioral modification that permeated the city was a double-edged sword, which authorities increasingly felt the need to control more fully.

120. Dean, “Gender and Insult,” p. 228.

121. Samuel Y. Edgerton, Pictures and Punishment: Art and Criminal Prosecution during the Florentine Renaissance (Ithaca, 1984).

122. Andrea Zorzi and Josiane Tourres, “Contrôle social, ordre public et répression judiciaire à Florence à l’époque communale: Éléments et problèmes,” Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 45 (1990): 1169. On the darker manifestations of the trend, in the form of regulation, marking, and surveillance, see Valentin Groebner, Who Are You? (New York, 2007).

123. Trachtenberg, Dominion of the Eye, p. 6.

124. Nicholas, The Later Medieval City, p. 308.

125. Lansing, Passion and Order, p. 53.

126. Christoph Cluse, “Zur Repräsentation von Sklaven und Sklavinnen in Statuten und Notariatsinstrumenten italienische Städte um 1400,” in Fremde in der Stadt, ed. Bell, Suckow, and Wolf, pp. 383–408.

127. Rubin, Images and Identity, pp. 94–95; Michael Rocke, Forbidden Friendships: Homosexuality and Male Culture in Renaissance Florence (New York, 1986). A similar office was established in Lucca in 1448: Rocke, Forbidden Friendships, p. 46.

128. Trachtenberg, Dominion of the Eye, p. 4.

129. Klemettilä, Epitomes of Evil, p. 29, emphasizes the weakness of policing.

130. Killerby, Sumptuary Law, p. 148.

131. Dean, Crime and Justice, p. 142.

132. See, e.g., Statuti di Rovereto del 1425: Con le aggiunte dal 1434 al 1538, ed. Federica Parcianello (Venice, 1991), p. 94 (1.10).

133. La Legislazione Suntuaria Secoli XIII–XVI: Emilia-Romagna, ed. Maria Giuseppina Muzzarelli (Rome, 2002), pp. 55, 58. According to Trevor Dean, Crime and Punishment, p. 18, obliging citizens to denounce crimes became a general trend in Italian cities starting from the later thirteenth century, with mechanisms for denunciation being further developed in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.

134. Nicholas, The Later Medieval City, p. 307.

135. Quoted in Mormando, The Preacher’s Demons, p. 56.

136. Dean, Crime and Justice, p. 114. The location is the coastal town of Savona.

137. Rubin, Images and Identity, p. 115; Dean, Crime and Justice, p. 18.

138. Statuti di Ala e di Avio, p. 118 (Ala 2.1 and 2.2). A similar provision from 1376 grants half the fine obtained from a denunciation to the denouncer: La Legislazione Suntuaria, ed. Muzzarelli, p. 110.

139. Ben R. McRee, “Religious Gilds and Civil Order: The Case of Norwich in the Late Middle Ages,” Speculum 67 (1992): 69–97.

140. Derek G. Neal, The Masculine Self in Late Medieval England (Chicago and London, 2008), p. 19. La Legislazione Suntuaria, ed. Muzzarelli, pp. 49, 61–69, provides interesting evidence for some residents’ attempts to resist urban authorities’ efforts to make them spy on and inform against one another.

141. Bernardino da Siena, Prediche volgari, ed. Pacetti, p. 252, quoted in Catherine Lawless, “Representation, Religion, Gender, and Space in Medieval Florence,” in Ritual and Space in the Middle Ages: Proceedings of the 2009 Harlaxton Symposium, ed. Frances Andrews (Donington, Lincolnshire, 2011), p. 242.

142. Elisabeth Crouzet-Pavan, “Sopra le acque salse”: Espaces, pouvoir et société à Venise à la fin du Moyen Âge, 2 vols. (Rome, 1992); Keith D. Lilley, City and Cosmos: The Medieval World in Urban Form (London, 2009), pp. 150–57.

143. Yvonne Elet, “Seats of Power: The Outdoor Benches of Early Modern Florence,” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 61 (2002): 444–69.

144. De Re Aedificatoria 6.6, in Leon Battista Alberti, On the Art of Building in Ten Books, trans. Joseph Rykwert with Neil Leach and Robert Tavernor (Cambridge, 1988), p. 263.

145. Mormando, The Preacher’s Demons, p. 91.

146. Edward Muir, “The Eye of the Procession: Ritual Ways of Seeing in the Renaissance,” in Ceremonial Culture in Pre-Modern Europe, ed. Howe, pp. 130–31, 141.

147. Streitman and Happé, “Introduction,” in Urban Theatre in the Lowlands, p. 22.

148. For the weight put on visual appearance by civic moralists, see Ulinka Rublack, Dressing Up: Cultural Identity in Renaissance Europe (Oxford, 2010), esp. pp. 10–28.

149. Robert W. Gordon, “Critical Legal Histories,” Stanford Law Review 36 (1984): 109, quoted in Lansing, Passion and Order, p. 16.

150. See the praise lavished by a contemporary on a fourteenth-century painted cycle of Roman illustri viri: “you have given [the virtues] outward expression in the form of most excellent pictures”; quoted in Randolph Starn, “Reinventing Heroes in Renaissance Italy,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 17 (1986): 75–76.

151. As art historians have long pointed out. See Samuel Y. Edgerton Jr., “Icons of Justice,” Past and Present 89 (1980): 23–38; Bronwen Wilson, The World in Venice: Print, the City, and Early Modern Identity (Toronto and Buffalo, 2005); Nichols, “The Cultural Dynamics,” p. 165.

152. Streitman, “A Tale of Two Cities,” p. 128.

153. Mark Trowbridge, “Jerusalem Transposed: A Fifteenth-Century Panel for the Bruges Market,” Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art (2009): 1–17.

154. Edward Muir, “The Virgin on the Street Corner: The Place of the Sacred in Italian Cities,” in Religion and Culture in the Renaissance and Reformation, ed. S. Ozment (Kirksville, Mo., 1989), pp. 25–40. Richard C. Trexler, “Florentine Religious Experience: The Sacred Image,” Studies in the Renaissance 19 (1972): 7–41, discusses cases in which Florentine authorities ordered an image to be carried in procession in order to calm the populace. For the case of a man who in 1501 was executed for throwing dung at an image of the Virgin, see William J. Connell and Giles Constable, “Sacrilege and Redemption in Renaissance Florence: The Case of Antonio Rinaldeschi,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 61 (1998): 53–92.

155. Richard C. Trexler, “The Construction of Regional Solidarities in Traditional Europe,” in Riti e rituali, p. 265.

156. See Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, pp. 122–23, on the defamatory paintings of urban enemies displayed in judicial palaces; p. 48 on images affixed to the city walls.

157. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 377.

158. Peter Howard, “Doctrine, When Preached,” p. 304, and Howard, “‘The Womb of Memory’: Carmelite Liturgy and the Frescoes of the Brancacci Chapel,” in The Brancacci Chapel: Form, Function, and Setting, ed. Nicholas A. Eckstein (Florence, 2007), pp. 177–206.

159. For a compelling and insightful discussion of the reception of fifteenth-century art, see Acres, “The Columba Altarpiece and the Time of the World,” pp. 446–47.

160. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 386.

161. Naddo di Ser Nepo di Ser Gallo, Memorie Storiche, in Delizie degli eruditi toscani (Florence, 1784), vol. 18, p. 107, discussed (though not quoted) in Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, pp. 66, 357. See also the comments of an anonymous Florentine poet regarding the honorable behavior of the audience watching a public dance in 1459: Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence,p. 238.

162. Ca. 1445. Siena, Museo dell’Opera del Duomo.

163. Jan van Coudenberghe, Ortus, progressus, et impedimenta fraternitatis Beatissimae Virginis Mariae de Passione quae dicitur de Septem Doloribus (Antwerp, 1519), C 1 sqq., discussed in van Bruaene, “Habsburg,” p. 139.

164. Trachtenberg, Dominion of the Eye, p. 256, compares the Palazzo Vecchio to Bentham’s panopticon. See Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York, 1979), pp. 200–201, on the panopticon, especially his observation that the main function of the structure was to instill in the inmate a consciousness of his visibility and of the existence of unseen watchers. On the role of “internalization” in late medieval social formation, see Thierry Dutour, Une société de l’honneur: Les notables et leur monde à Dijon à la fin du Moyen Âge (Paris, 1998).

165. Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 552, notes with regret that his [textual] sources “rarely mention the Jews of Florence in a formal behavioral context.” In my reading, visual imagery somewhat fills this gap, not in portraying the actual behavior of Jews but in imagining and exploring how Jewish characters might intersect with, and/or affect readings of, civic behavior.

166. See ch. 5, pp. 196–97. On the regulation of Jewish residence in later medieval Italy, see Donatella Calibi, “Les Quartiers juifs en Italie entre 15e et 17e siècle: Quelques hypothèses de travail,” Annales ESC 52 (1997): 777–97; Michele Luzzati, Il ghetto ebraico. Storia di un popolo rinchiuso (Florence, 1987). For German lands, see A. Haverkamp, “The Jewish Quarters in German Towns during the Late Middle Ages,” in In and Out of the Ghetto: Jewish-Gentile Relations in Late Medieval and Early Modern Germany, ed. R. Po-chia Hsia and Hartmut Lehmann (New York, 1995), pp. 13–28. On the confinement or expulsion of Christian groups such as foreign merchants, pimps, prostitutes, butchers, gambling cheats, and sodomites, see Dennis Romano, “Gender and the Urban Geography of Renaissance Venice,” Journal of Social History 23 (1989): 339–53; Shemek, “Circular Definitions,” p. 15n37; and Dean, Crime and Justice, pp. 15, 88.

167. For the thirteenth century, see ch. 4, nn. 58, 59, 60. For the later period, see Toaff, “The Jewish Badge in Italy during the 15th Century”; Flora Cassen, “The Jewish Badge in Early Modern Italy: A Social and Political Study of Anti-Jewish Discrimination,” PhD diss., New York University, 2008 (forthcoming as Identity or Control: The Jewish Badge in Renaissance Italy).

168. London, National Archives, E 401/1565 M1. On this cartoon, see ch. 5.

169. Jews contributed the float of Moses to Florence’s massive feast of Saint John the Baptist: Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 256n129. On the exclusion of Jews from civic ceremony, see Noël Coulet, “De l’intégration à l’exclusion: La place des juifs dans les cérémonies d’entrée solennelle au Moyen Âge,” Annales HSS 34 (1979): 672–83.

170. Anna Foa, The Jews of Europe after the Black Death, trans. Andrea Grover (Berkeley, 2000), p. 4, notes that unwilling converts were subject to “continuous surveillance.” For documentation of the surveillance to which even the descendants of converts were exposed in Iberia, see Homza, ed., The Spanish Inquisition.

171. The following discussion is indebted to Elisheva Carlebach, “Attribution of Secrecy and Perceptions of Jewry,” Jewish Social Studies, n.s. 2 (1996): 115–36. See also Daniel Jütte, Das Zeitalter des Geheimnisses: Juden, Christen, und die Ökonomie des Geheimen (1400–1800) (Göttingen, 2011).

172. Katherine Aron-Beller, Jews on Trial: The Papal Inquisition in Modena, 1598–1638 (Manchester and New York, 2011).

173. On this predella, see Dana E. Katz, The Jew in the Art of the Italian Renaissance (Philadelphia, 2008), pp. 1, 16–32.

174. Jews were thought to have such secret, esoteric magical and healing skills that con artists peddling magical cures often pretended to be converted Jews: Dean, Crime and Justice, pp. 162–63. This further confirms that Jews were by and large not physically distinguishable from Christians.

175. M. Jusselin, “Projet d’ordonnance concernant la situation des juifs sous Jean II le Bon,” Revue des Études Juives 54 (1907): p. 145, quoted in Danièle Sansy, “Marquer la différence: L’imposition de la rouelle aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles,” Médiévales: Langue, textes, histoire 41 (2001): 22.

176. Ravid, “The Venetian Government,” p. 9.

177. Ariel Toaff, Il Vino e la carne. Una communità ebraica nel Medioevo (Bologna, 1989), p. 220; Barbara Wisch, “Violent Passions: Plays, Pawnbrokers, and the Jews of Rome,” in Beholding Violence in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. Allie Terry-Fritsch and Erin Felicia Labbie (Burlington, Vt., 2012), pp. 203–04; Foa, The Jews of Europe after the Black Death, pp. 45–46, 87–89.

178. Verbal touchstones as well: the fear of “becoming Jewish” that we saw expressed as early as the twelfth century remained alive and well in the fifteenth. In 1425, e.g., Bernardino of Siena scolded a Florentine audience: “You have given [the Jews] so much arrogance in your territory, and nowadays you’re becoming just like them” (Mormando, The Preacher’s Demons, p. 181). Florentine ambassadors not greeted with appropriate courtesy complained that they had been made to feel “like Jews” (Trexler, Public Life in Renaissance Florence, p. 296).

179. Mormando, The Preacher’s Demons, pp. 181–82.

180. See ch. 2.

181. Klemettilä, Epitomes of Evil, p. 75. She explains this with reference to the hats forced upon convicted heretics, including Joan of Arc; these were, of course, inspired by the hats associated with Jews. On Joan of Arc’s cap, which was inscribed with the words “Heretica, Relapsa, Apostata, Idolater,” see Susan Schibanoff, “True Lies: Transvestism and Idolatry in the Trial of Joan of Arc,” inFresh Verdicts on Joan of Arc, ed. Bonnie Wheeler and Charles T. Wood (New York, 1996), pp. 31–60.

182. On the subjection of Christian criminals to punishments previously reserved for Jews, see Rudolf Glanz, “The ‘Jewish Execution’ in Medieval Germany,” Jewish Social Studies 5 (1943): 23–26.

183. Edgerton, Pictures and Punishment, p. 65. Lauro Martines, “Ritual Language in Renaissance Italy,” Riti e rituali, p. 61, notes that the insult traditore (traitor), a common term of opprobrium in trecento and quattrocento Italy, is “often associated with Judas, Jews, and Christ’s betrayal.”

184. Joëlle Rollo-Koster, “The Politics of Body Parts: Contested Topographies in Late-Medieval Avignon,” Speculum 78 (2003): 92, and Zorzi, “Rituali e Ceremoniali penali,” p. 143. The practice was enshrined in canon law by the Fifth Lateran Council (1514), which instructed that repeat offenders be made to wear the mitra infamiae: Connell and Constable, “Sacrilege and Redemption,” p. 75.

185. Mormando, The Preacher’s Demons, p. 72. The iconography of witchcraft was deeply indebted to both anti-Jewish iconography (the pointed hat and the hooked nose, dark complexion, and pointy chin) and antiheretical iconography (the association with the cat).

186. Rubin, Images and Identity, pp. 118, 285n64.

187. ADV B 3334 fol. 33v, April 2, 1487 (Fisc. c. Arboris), transcribed, cited, and discussed in Elizabeth Hardman, “Justice, Jurisdiction, and Choice: The Fifteenth-Century Church Courts of Carpentras,” PhD diss., Fordham University, 2010. See her appendix 3, part 3. I am grateful to Dr. Hardman for generously responding to my queries and sending me this section of her dissertation.

188. Canon law mandated curfews for Jews during Holy Week as early as the Synod of Macon in 581: Sacrorum Conciliorum Nova et Amplissima Collection, ed. Johannes Dominicus Mansi (Graz, 1960–61), vol. 9, p. 934; repeated in canon 68 of the Fourth Lateran Council. These laws were invoked by Bernardino of Siena in a sermon delivered in Padua in 1424: Mormando, The Preacher’s Demons, p. 170. See Nirenberg, Communities of Violence, pp. 205–24, for Holy Week violence.

189. Rubin, Images and Identity, pp. 236–38, on the insertion of sacred events into civic space and time.

190. See M. J. Wenninger, Man bedarf keiner Juden mehr: Ursachen und Hintergründe ihrer Vertreibung aus den deutschen Reichstädten im 15. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1981).

191. On former Jewish spaces and buildings, see Bynum, Wondrous Blood; Kathleen Biddick, “Paper Jews: Inscription/Ethnicity/Ethnography,” Art Bulletin 78 (1996): 594–99; and Mitchell B. Merback, “Cleansing the Temple: The Munich Gruftkirche as Converted Synagogue,” in Beyond the Yellow Badge: Anti-Judaism and Antisemitism in Medieval and Early Modern Visual Culture, ed. Merback (Leiden and Boston, 2007), pp. 305–45. Marleen Hein-Dunne, “Jews in the Cathedral,” German Quarterly 74 (2001): 80–82, discusses images of Jews in Cologne Cathedral that were created shortly after the expulsion of Jews from Cologne in 1423. See also Miri Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (New Haven, 1999).

CONCLUSION

1. When the visual attributes associated with Jewish men—hooked nose, dark hair, pointed hats, even beards and cats—appeared on or with women in postmedieval art, the women were as liable to be witches as Jewish. See, e.g., The Witch Runs Away with Wildrose, an illustration by H. J. Ford for The Crimson Fairy Book, ed. Andrew Lang (New York, 1903), p. 106.

2. See Horst Bredekamp, “Bild-Akt-Geschichte,” in Geschichtsbilder, 46. Deutscher Historikertag vom 19.–22. September 2006 in Konstanz. Berichtsband, ed. Clemens Wischermann et al. (Constance, 2007), pp. 289–309: “the visual can produce what it represents.”

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