NOTES

Items that appear in the “Select Bibliography,” works of general importance, are cited here only by name of author; other items are referenced fully when they first appear in these notes.

CHAPTER ONE. FAITH AND DOUBT IN THE MEDITERRANEAN

Epigraph. AHN Inq, lib. 733, f. 352.

1. Cited in Castro, p. 221.

2. Not least in the twentieth century, when a study by the philologist Ramón Menéndez Pidal, La España del Cid (1929), created a nationalist myth about him.

3. He is the theme of the study by Natalie Z. Davis, Trickster Travels: A Sixteenth-Century Muslim between Worlds, New York, 2006.

4. Cf. Sosa, pp. 8–11.

5. Any such statement depends on the time scale; it is obvious, for example, that the Danes in the ninth century imposed their way of life on the English, Scots and Irish.

6. Cf. Nirenberg, p. 249.

7. The “normality” was by no means blissful, despite one optimistic view that “the constant friction of shared village life . . . kindled mutual understanding and accommodation born of countless daily interactions”: Chris Lowney, A Vanished World: Medieval Spain’s Golden Age of Enlightenment, New York, 2005, p. 206.

8. Greene, p. 105.

9. The literary tradition inspired by Américo Castro in a 1948 work, issued in English as The Structure of Spanish History, Princeton, 1954, and later as The Spaniards: An Introduction to Their History, Berkeley, 1971, insisted that coexistence in medieval Spain was a convivencia (“living together”) between faiths. The idea of convivencia has since become trivialized and politically manipulated, and few scholars now accept it as an adequate label. Some specialists in literature, however, continue to accept a romantic and virtually fictitious view of life in medieval Spain, e.g., Maria Rosa Menocal, The Ornament of the World: How Muslims, Jews, and Christians Created a Culture of Tolerance in Medieval Spain, New York, 2002.

10. An excellent discussion of weaknesses in the idea of convivencia is given by Maya Soifer, “Beyond Convivencia: Critical Reflections on the Historiography of Interfaith Relations in Christian Spain,” Journal of Medieval Iberian Studies 1, 1 (Jan. 2009), pp. 19–35.

11. Rosa Salicrú, “Crossing Boundaries in Late Medieval Mediterranean Iberia: Historical Glimpses of Christian-Islamic Intercultural Dialogue,” International Journal of Euro-Mediterranean Studies 1, 1 (2008), pp. 42–43.

12. Denis Menjot, “Les minorités juives et musulmanes dans l’économie murcienne au bas Moyen-Age,” in Minorités et marginaux.

13. Adeline Rucquoi, “Juifs et Musulmanes dans une ville de la Castille septentrionale,” in Minorités et marginaux.

14. Salicrú, p. 42.

15. Carlos Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 201.

16. Cited by Carlos Carrete Parrondo, El judaismo español y la Inquisición, Madrid, 1992, p. 103.

17. Baer, I, chaps. 5–6.

18. Shlomo D. Goitein, A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed in the Documents of the Cairo Geniza, 5 vols., Berkeley, 1967–88.

19. Mercedes García-Arenal and Gerard Wiegers, A Man of Three Worlds, Baltimore, 2003. “Jews from Fez,” the authors say, “invented a wide range of strategies for survival, often resorting to conversion to another religion” (p. xxii).

20. Cf. Reinkowski, p. 409.

21. David Nirenberg, “What Can Medieval Spain Teach Us about Muslim-Jewish Relations?” CCAR Journal: A Reform Jewish Quarterly, Spring/Summer 2002, pp. 26–27.

22. Quoted in Reinkowski, p. 422.

23. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 36.

24. Carrete Parrondo 1991, p. 33.

25. The ritual continued into the twentieth century. My wife recalls how during Holy Week the pupils in her class were encouraged by the nuns to run around hitting desks and creating an uproar in a reenactment of the “killing of Jews.”

26. Nirenberg, “Muslim-Jewish,” pp. 25, 30.

27. Felipe de Meneses, Luz del alma cristiana (1554), Madrid, 1978, pp. 317, 321.

28. See the exposition in Kamen, Phoenix, passim.

29. The practice in the diocese of Toledo may be gauged by the prohibitions issued by the provincial council of Aranda in 1473: J. Tejada y Ramiro, Colección de cánones y de todos los concilios, 6 vols., Madrid, 1859, V, 24.

30. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 37, 79.

31. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 125. The identical affirmation was made by a tobacco dealer in 1707, two centuries later, in the town of Valdemoro: “there is no hell, it was invented only to frighten children,” AHN Inq, lib. 221/13.

32. Cited in Julio Caro Baroja, Las formas complejas de la vida religiosa, Madrid, 1978, p. 197.

33. IMH Consellers C.XVIII, vol. 8, f. 95; AHN Inq, lib. 731, f. 172.

34. Cited in D’Abrera, p. 177.

35. A balanced discussion on the subject can be found in the chapter by Nicholas Griffiths, “Popular Religious Scepticism in Post-Tridentine Cuenca,” in Twomey, pp. 95–123.

36. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 120.

37. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 122.

38. Carlos Carrete Parrondo, “‘Duelos os dé Dios, e avrá Christiandad’: Nueva página sobre el criptojudaísmo castellano,” Sefarad 52 (1992), p. 369.

39. Simon Barton, “Traitors to the Faith? Christian Mercenaries in al-Andalus and the Maghreb, c. 1100–1300,” in Collins and Goodman.

40. Monter 1990, p. 24.

41. M. A. Fernández García, Inquisición, comportamiento y mentalidad en el reino de Granada (1600–1700), Granada, 1989, p. 110, 246.

42. Carlo Ginzburg, The Cheese and the Worms: The Cosmos of a Sixteenth-Century Miller, trans. John Tedeschi and Anne Tedeschi, Baltimore, 1992, p. 49.

43. The principal argument in the study by Stuart B. Schwartz (see bibliography) is that the attitudes showed liberality and toleration.

44. Carrete Parrondo 1991, p. 37. The “cope” is a vestment worn by the priest when saying mass.

45. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 58.

46. Cited by Janusz Tazbir, A State without Stakes: Polish Religious Toleration in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, Warsaw, 1973, p. 35.

47. I develop this point in “Toleration and the Law in the West, 1500–1700,” Ratio Juris 10, 1 (Mar. 1997), pp. 36–44.

48. AHN Inq, lib. 731, f. 172.

49. Alonso Virués, Philippicae disputationes, Antwerp, 1542, p. 157.

50. Luis de Granada, Introduction del symbolo de la fe, Barcelona, 1597, part IV, trat. 1, p. 493.

51. Mariana, book 26, chap. 13.

52. Alfonso de Castro, De iuxta haereticorum punitione libri tres, Venice, 1549, book II, chap. 14, 202. The book was first published at Salamanca in 1547. For the context of tolerant attitudes in Spain, see Kamen, “Toleration and Dissent,” pp. 3–23.

53. John Edwards, “Religious Faith and Doubt in Late Medieval Spain: Soria c. 1480–1500,” P&P 120 (1988).

54. Lucien Febvre, Le problème de l’incroyance au XVIe siècle. La religion de Rabelais, Paris, 1947. Some later scholars found the parameters of Febvre’s discussion too narrow and preferred a wide-ranging definition of “atheism,” as in Michael Hunter and David Wootton, eds., Atheism from the Reformation to the Enlightenment, Oxford, 1992.

55. Schwartz, p. 7.

CHAPTER TWO. THE GREAT DISPERSION

Epigraph. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 153.

1. “La Biblia de Mosé Arragel de Guadalfajara,” cited in Castro, p. 489.

2. Cf. Angus Mackay, “The Jews in Spain during the Middle Ages,” in Kedourie, p. 33.

3. Mackay, in Kedourie, p. 34.

4. See chapter 1 above for comments about the inappropriateness of the concept “convivencia” for inter-community relations in medieval Spain.

5. Jonathan Ray, “Beyond Tolerance and Persecution: Reassessing Our Approach to Medieval Convivencia,” Jewish Social Studies 11, 2 (Winter 2005).

6. Neuman, II, 184.

7. Cited by Pilar Pérez Viñuales in Destierros aragoneses, p. 131.

8. Jonathan Ray, The Sephardic Frontier: The Reconquista and the Jewish Community in Medieval Iberia, Ithaca, 2006, p. 152.

9. Baer, II, 95–134; P. Wolff, “The 1391 Pogrom in Spain: Social Crisis or Not?” P&P 50 (1971); A. Mackay, “Popular Movements and Pogroms in 15th-Century Castile,” P&P 55 (1972).

10. Cited in Roth, p. 34.

11. Cited in Gutwirth, “Towards expulsion: 1391–1492,” in Kedourie, p. 54.

12. I here accept, in part, Roth, pp. 34–35.

13. Some writers equate the word with “pig,” but this is etymologically undocumented. By contrast there are several examples of the word being used to refer to one who “mars,” i.e., spoils, the Christian faith. Thus Carrete Parrondo in Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 53, cites a converso of 1497 saying: “Bien me llaman a mí marrano, pues que marré en volverme de la buena ley a la mala.”

14. Cf. David Romano, “Rasgos de la minoría judía en la Corona de Aragón,” in Xudeus e Conversos, II, 229–30.

15. Neuman, II, 217; Castro, pp. 491–6; Caro Baroja, II, 162–90.

16. M. A. González and P. de Forteza, “Los médicos madrileños a fines del siglo XV,” Torre de los Lujanes 31 (1996), p. 225.

17. Monsalvo Antón, pp. 70–84.

18. Castro, p. 499.

19. Neuman, II, 187.

20. M. A. Ladero Quesada, “Los judíos en el arrendamiento de impuestos,” Cuadernos de historia, anexos de Hispania 6 (1975).

21. Carlos Alvarez García, “Los judíos y la hacienda real bajo el reinado de los Reyes Católicos,” in Tres culturas, p. 88.

22. This is the argument followed by Baer.

23. Mark D. Meyerson, A Jewish Renaissance in Fifteenth-Century Spain, Princeton, 2004, pp. 30–31. The town, known as Murviedro in Castilian and Morvedre in Valencian, changed its name officially to Sagunto in the later nineteenth century.

24. Bernáldez, chap. 43, p. 98.

25. Asunción Blasco, “Los judíos en Aragón durante la baja Edad Media,” in Destierros aragoneses, p. 57.

26. Pilar León Tello, Judíos de Toledo, 2 vols. Madrid, 1979, II, 549–607.

27. F. Cantera Burgos and C. Carrete Parrondo, “La judería de Buitrago,” Sefarad 32 (1972).

28. F. Cantera Burgos and C. Carrete Parrondo, “La judería de Hita,” Sefarad 32 (1972).

29. A. A. Bel Bravo, Los Reyes Católicos y los judíos andaluces (1474–1492), Granada, 1989, p. 128.

30. David Romano, “Judíos hispánicos y mundo rural,” Sefarad 51 (1991), p. 364.

31. J. Cabezudo Astraín, “La judería de Sos del Rey Católico,” Sefarad 32 (1972).

32. P. León Tello, “La judería de Avila durante el reinado de los Reyes Católicos,” Sefarad 23 (1963).

33. M. F. Ladero Quesada, “Judíos y cristianos en la Zamora bajomedieval,” in Proyección histórica de España en sus tres culturas, Valladolid, 1993, I, 159–64.

34. Roth, p. 66.

35. For arguments against a decline, see E. Gutwirth, in Kedourie, pp. 54–68.

36. M. A. Motis Dolader, “La expulsión de los judíos aragoneses,” in Destierros aragoneses, p. 84.

37. Carlos Alvarez García, “Los judíos y la hacienda real bajo el reinado de los Reyes Católicos,” in Tres culturas, pp. 94–95.

38. Baer, II, 70–243.

39. Riera Sans, pp. 76–77.

40. Riera Sans, p. 77.

41. Cited in Roth, p. 66.

42. E. Cantera Montenegro, “El apartamento de judíos y mudéjares en las diócesis de Osma y Sigüenza a fines del siglo XV,” AEM 17 (1987).

43. Carlos Barros, “La tolerancia hacia los judíos en la Edad Media gallega,” in Xudeus e Conversos, I, 103.

44. Motis Dolader, “Los judíos zaragozanos,” pp. 394–95.

45. Riera Sans, p. 79.

46. A possible total of seventy people, since not every taxpayer represented a full family.

47. Sources cited in J. Valdeón, “Motivaciones socioeconómicas de las fricciones entre viejocristianos, judíos y conversos,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 75.

48. Suárez Fernández, p. 16.

49. Suárez Fernández, p. 15.

50. Suárez Fernández, p. 33.

51. Motis Dolader, “Los judíos zaragozanos,” p. 397.

52. Cf. the details in Monsalvo Antón, pp. 148–80.

53. Cited by Angeles Navarro, “La literatura y pensamiento de los hispanohebreos en el siglo XV,” in La expulsión de los judíos de España. II Curso de Cultura hispano-judía y sefardí, Toledo, 1993, p. 57.

54. Cited by Valdeón, p. 76, in Alcalá 1995.

55. Cf. Roth, pp. 74–78. Also Kriegel, in Xudeus e Conversos, I, 185: “la plus grosse partie de la documentation témoigne indiscutablement d’une solidarité des Juifs avec les conversos.”

56. “The majority of Jews had no love for the conversos:” Roth, p. 215.

57. E. Marín, “Inventario de bienes muebles de judíos en 1492,” Sefarad 48 (1988), n. 65.

58. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 77. The statement is of 1502.

59. Cited in Roth, p. 241.

60. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 23.

61. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 198.

62. Cited in Roth, p. 214.

63. D’Abrera, pp. 62–65.

64. Fidel Fita, “Nuevos datos para escribir la historia de los judíos españoles: La Inquisición en Jérez de la Frontera,” BRAH 15 (1889).

65. Roth, pp. 283–84.

66. Motis Dolader, “Los judíos zaragozanos,” p. 405.

67. Suárez Fernández, p. 41.

68. For England, see the excellent study by Robin R. Mundill, England’s Jewish Solution: Experiment and Expulsion, 1262–1290, Cambridge, 1998.

69. Suárez Fernández, p. 20.

70. W. H. Prescott, History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, 3rd edn., London, 1841, p. 269, n. 1.

71. J. Meseguer Fernández, “La Inquisición en Granada,” in Nueva visión, p. 386.

72. Stephen Haliczer, “The Castilian Urban Patriciate and the Jewish Expulsions of 1480–92,” AHR 78 (Feb. 1973).

73. Cf. Maurice Kriegel, “La prise d’une décision: L’expulsion des juifs d’Espagne en 1492,” RH 260 (1978).

74. The text of the original decree of expulsion, from which these quotations are taken, has never been definitively established, and different scholars give different readings. See the short discussion by Carlos Carrete Parrondo, “Reflexiones sobre el decreto de expulsión”, in La expulsión de los judíos, pp. 111–17.

75. Netanyahu 1968, pp. 54–56.

76. Printed in R. Conde, La expulsión de los judíos de la Corona de Aragón, Saragossa, 1991, doc. 1; also in Alcalá 1995, p.,129.

77. León Tello, Judíos de Toledo, I, 347.

78. Motis Dolader, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 105.

79. Fontes Iudaeorum, I, 137.

80. I adopt the form used by Roth, p. 80. The sources refer to Seneor as chief “rab” or “rabbi,” but he was obviously a political rather than a religious figure.

81. Fidel Fita, “La verdad sobre el martirio del Santo Niño de La Guardia,” BRAH 11 (1887); H. C. Lea, “El Santo Niño de La Guardia,” in his Chapters from the Religious History of Spain, Philadelphia, 1890, pp. 437–68; Baer, II, 398–423.

82. Danièle Iancu, Les juifs de Provence, 1475–1501: De l’insertion à l’expulsion, Aix, 1986; Shlomo Simonsohn, The Jews in the Duchy of Milan, 2 vols., Jerusalem, 1982, I, xxiv.

83. Bernard Dov Weinryb, The Jews of Poland: A Social and Economic History of the Jewish Community in Poland from 1100 to 1800, Philadelphia, 1972.

84. Yitzhak Baer, Die Juden im christlichen Spanien (Urkunden und Regesten II), Berlin, 1936, pp. 411–13.

85. Motis Dolader, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 111.

86. Cited by Maurice Kriegel, “El edicto de expulsión: motivos, fines, contexto,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 142.

87. The theme of Jewish providentialism has attracted a multitude of learned commentaries, but is marginal to the theme of this chapter. An article with useful references is Claude B. Stuczynski, “Providentialism in Early Modern Catholic Iberia: Competing Influences of Hebrew Political Traditions,” Hebraic Political Studies 3, 4 (Fall 2008), pp. 377–95.

88. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Movimientos mesiánicos en las juderías de Castilla,” in Tres culturas, p. 68; J. N. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250–1516, vol.II, 1410–1516, Oxford, 1978, pp. 419, 451.

89. Alain Milhou, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica, Valladolid, 1983, p. 305.

90. Mariana, book 26, chap. 1.

91. Raphael, p. 53.

92. Henry Kamen, “The Mediterranean and the Expulsion of Spanish Jews in 1492,” P&P 119 (May 1988), pp. 34–45; M. A. Ladero Quesada, “Las juderías de Castilla según algunos ‘servicios’ fiscales,” Sefarad 31 (1971).

93. Riera Sans, p. 78.

94. Kamen, “The Mediterranean,” p. 37, suggests ten thousand. Riera Sans suggests a total of some nine thousand.

95. José Hinojosa Montalvo, “La demografía de la aljama judía de Sagunto,” Sefarad 55 (1995), p. 274. On the name Sagunto, see note 23 of this chapter.

96. Bernáldez, chaps. 110, 112.

97. Solomon Ibn Verga, in Raphael, p. 97.

98. Joseph Ha Cohen and Rabbi Capsali, in Raphael, pp. 17, 106.

99. For Aragon, A. Blasco, “Los judíos del reino de Aragón. Balance de los estudios,” Actes del primer col. loqui d’història dels jueus a la Corona d’Aragó, Lleida, 1991.

100. C. Carrete Parrondo 1991, p. 35.

101. Cf. Motis Dolader, “Las comunidades judías en la corona de Aragón,” in Alcalá 1995, pp. 32–54.

102. Raphael, p. 120.

103. Zeldes, passim. For the Jews of Sicily, see also Shlomo Simonsohn, The Jews of Sicily, 3 vols., Leiden, 1997–2001.

104. Zeldes, p. 24.

105. Francesca Trivellato, The Familiarity of Strangers: The Sephardic Diaspora, Livorno, and Cross-Cultural Trade in the Early Modern Period, New Haven, 2009, p. 5.

106. Rabbi Capsali, for instance (Raphael, p. 18), does not list Turkey as one of the immediate destinations of the exiles. Only later, he says (Raphael, pp. 20, 26), did some Jews from Naples go there.

107. Cited Robert Bonfil, “Italia: Un triste epílogo,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 249.

108. Rabbi Ha Levi, in Raphael, p. 87.

109. Fontes Iudaeorum, I, 133, order of 25 June 1492.

110. Gampel, p. 107.

111. Ladero 1988, p. 255.

112. Ladero 1988, p. 253.

113. Fontes Iudaeorum, I, 75.

114. Cf. Raphael, p. 43.

115. The point, well known to specialists in the period, is reaffirmed by Roth, p. 313.

116. Cantera Burgos and Carrete Parrondo, “La judería de Buitrago.”

117. J. Gómez-Menor, “Un judío converso de 1498. Diego Gómez de Toledo (Semuel Abolafia) y su proceso inquisitorial,” Sefarad 33 (1973).

118. Fontes Iudaeorum, I, 75.

119. González and de Forteza, “Los médicos madrileños a fines del siglo XV,” p. 223.

120. My conclusion, affirmed long ago, is supported by Roth, p. 315: “The truth is that the monarchs had no master plan for unification of the faith”; and by Kriegel, in Xudeus e Conversos, I, 188: “aucun document rédigé à l’inspiration des souverains ne fait reférence à la notion de la désirabilité d’une liquidation du pluralisme religieux.”

121. The point, made thirty years ago by Domínguez Ortiz and by myself, has been re-affirmed by a Jewish scholar: Roth, pp. 272–75.

122. The central argument of Netanyahu’s 1995 study, that the expulsion was just one element in a general drive to eliminate all Jews, and therefore racist rather than religious in motive, is not generally accepted by scholars.

123. Suárez Fernández, p. 41.

124. There is a useful summary of some post-exile attitudes among Jews in J. N. Hillgarth, The Mirror of Spain, 1500–1700, Ann Arbor, 2000, pp. 162–78.

125. Raphael, p. 42.

126. Raphael, p. 54.

127. Netanyahu 1968, pp. 201–4.

128. Netanyahu 1968, p. 249.

129. Eric Lawee, Isaac Abarbanel’s Stance toward Tradition, New York, 2001, p. 162.

130. E. Gutwirth, “Reacciones ante la expulsión,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 207.

131. George K. Anderson, The Legend of the Wandering Jew, Providence, 1965.

132. Joseph E. Gillet, “Traces of the Wandering Jew in Spain,” Romanic Review 22 (1931), pp. 16–27.

133. Raphael, pp. 17, 43.

134. Jerónimo de Zurita, Historia del rey Don Hernando el Catholico, 6 vols., Saragossa, 1610, I, 9.

135. Luis de Páramo, De origine et progressu Officii Sanctae Inquisitionis, Madrid, 1598, book II, título 2, chap. 6, p. 165.

136. One hundred years after the expulsion of Jews from Spain, there was a small Jewish community in Oran, numbering seventy persons. At the end of the reign of Philip II, moves were made to expel them from Oran as well as from Milan. In the event nothing happened, and Jews continued to be tolerated there until the end of the seventeenth century. For the expulsions from Oran in 1669, see Kamen 1980, pp. 306–7; Jonathan Israel, “The Jews of Spanish Orán and Their Expulsion in 1669,” in Conflicts of Empires. Spain, the Low Countries and the Struggle for World Supremacy, 1585–1713, London, 1997; and J.-F. Schaub, Les juifs du roi d’Espagne: Oran, 1509–1669, Paris, 1999.

137. There is a vast literature on conversos and the Inquisition in the New World. Apart from the classic works by Henry Charles Lea, several recent scholars have produced excellent studies. For a modern survey, see Ricardo Escobar Quevedo, Inquisición y judaizantes en América española (siglos XVI-XVII), prologue by Charles Amiel, Bogotá, 2008. More popular in approach is Aviva Ben-Ur, Sephardic Jews in America: A Diasporic History, New York, 2009.

138. Bernáldez, chap. 112, p. 262.

CHAPTER THREE. THE COMING OF THE INQUISITION

Epigraph. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 56.

1. There is a vast, and often polemical, literature on the subject. This chapter offers a brief introduction related to the coming of the Inquisition. Some scholars prefer the term “crypto-Jew” to “converso”; this presupposes (incorrectly) that the person was always a secret Jew, and its use is avoided here.

2. The “crown” of Aragon was made up of three principal regions: the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia, and the principality of Catalonia.

3. F. Márquez Villanueva, “Conversos y cargos concejiles en el siglo XV,” RABM 63, 2 (1957).

4. Cited by J. Valdeón, “Fricciones entre viejocristianos, judíos y conversos,” p. 83, in Alcalá 1995.

5. P. L. Lorenzo Cadarso, “Oligarquías conversas de Cuenca y Guadalajara (siglos XV y XVI),” Hispania 186 (1994), p. 59.

6. Lorenzo Cadarso, “Oligarquías conversas,” p. 58.

7. Outline of the family in Roth, pp. 136–50. Also L. Serrano, Los conversos D. Pablo de Santa María y D. Alfonso de Cartagena, Madrid, 1942, pp. 23–24.

8. By contrast, there is no reason whatever for supposing—as is often done—that the first archbishop of Granada, Hernando de Talavera, was of converso origin.

9. Ladero 1984, p. 47.

10. “Copia de los sanvenitos que corresponden a la villa de Aguilar de la Frontera,” BL Add. 21447, ff. 137–39.

11. Cantera Burgos and León Tello, pp. xi–xii.

12. A. Rodríguez Moñino, “Les Judaisants à Badajoz de 1493 à 1599,” REJ (1956).

13. Blázquez Miguel, p. 40.

14. M. A. Ladero Quesada, “Sevilla y los conversos: Los ‘habilitados’ en 1495,” Sefarad 52 (1992), pp. 438–39.

15. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, p. 217–19.

16. For Quevedo, the Jewish conspiracy and Olivares, cf. J. H. Elliott, The Count Duke of Olivares, London and New Haven, 1986, pp. 11, 556, 558.

17. Caro Baroja, II, 162–244.

18. Inquisitors to Suprema, 28 Apr. 1579, AHN Inq, leg. 2704.

19. Published by R. Amador de los Ríos in the Revista de España 105–6 (1885).

20. Printed in Caro Baroja, III, 287–99.

21. Caro Baroja, II, 264.

22. Good details in Roth, chap. 6. Another approach to converso intellectuals is Claude B. Stuczynski, “Pro-Converso Apologetics and Biblical Exegesis,” in Jonathan Dexter, Arturo Prats, eds., The Hebrew Bible in Fifteenth-Century Spain, Leiden, 2012.

23. B. Netanyahu, “Fray Alonso de Espina: Was He a New Christian?” PAAJR 43 (1976).

24. Beinart 1981, p. 20.

25. E. Benito Ruano, Toledo en el siglo XV, Madrid, 1961, appendices 16, 18, 19, 22, 44.

26. L. Delgado Merchán, Historia documentada de Ciudad Real, Ciudad Real, 1907, p. 419.

27. Caro Baroja, III, 279–81.

28. Ladero 1984, p. 30.

29. Ladero 1984, p. 31.

30. For tensions in Córdoba, cf. John Edwards, “The Judeoconversos in the Urban Life of Córdoba, 1450–1520,” in Villes et sociétés urbaines au moyen age, Paris, 1994.

31. Stephen Haliczer, “The Castilian Urban Patriciate and the Jewish Expulsions of 1480–92,” AHR 78 (Feb. 1973).

32. A survey of the central issues is given in Gitlitz, chap. 20, “Conversion.”

33. Netanyahu 1995, pp. 208–9; Roth, p. 32.

34. Roth, p. 40.

35. I follow the discussion in Netanyahu 1995, pp. 848ff, though I do not accept his dating the document to 1467.

36. Baer, II, 424.

37. Beinart 1981, p. 242.

38. Benzion Netanyahu, most notably, refuses to use Inquisition documents in his many influential studies. See also Ellis Rivkin, “How Jewish were the New Christians?” in Hispania Judaica. I: History, Barcelona, 1980.

39. For a critical analysis of Netanyahu’s exposition, for example, see Martha G. Krow-Lucal, “Marginalizing History: Observations on the Origins of the Inquisition in Fifteenth-Century Spain,” Judaism 46, 1 (Winter 1997).

40. A good summary of texts on this point can be found in chap. 21, “The Social Contexts of Crypto-Judaism,” in Gitlitz, pp. 587 onwards.

41. Cf. Reinkowski, pp. 426–27.

42. I take the categories from Gitlitz, pp. 82–90, but they can also be found in other books.

43. Cited in Netanyahu 1995, p. 410.

44. Cited in Gitlitz, p. 533. See chap. 19 in Gitlitz for details about food practices among the conversos.

45. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 58.

46. One must add that the official Church in later centuries prohibited the syncretic practices of the Malabar and Chinese Christians.

47. E. Gutwirth, “Elementos étnicos e históricos en las relaciones judeo-conversos en Segovia,” in Kaplan, p. 97.

48. D’Abrera, p. 129.

49. A fair summary of such doubts is in Roth, pp. 216–21.

50. Netanyahu 1995, p. 853.

51. Beinart 1974, I, 339. Beinart’s edition of these documents is invaluable; however, his own commentary on them is open to dispute.

52. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 197.

53. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 37, 137.

54. Cf. John Edwards, “Religious Faith and Doubt in Late Medieval Spain,” P&P 120 (Aug. 1988), p. 13. See also my chapter 13 below.

55. Both cited from Carrete Parrondo 1991, pp. 37–38.

56. Beinart 1974, I, 371.

57. Beinart 1974, I, 311, 330.

58. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 27, 45.

59. See especially the analysis of the thought of Isaac Abravanel, in Netanyahu 1968, pp. 202, 236–42. Also Carlos Carrete Parrondo, “Movimientos mesiánicos en las juderías de Castilla,” in Tres culturas, p. 68.

60. Alain Milhou, Colón y su mentalidad mesiánica, Valladolid, 1983.

61. Cf. Edwards, “Religious Faith,” p. 24.

62. Beinart 1974, I, 481.

63. E. Gutwirth, “Relaciones judeo-conversos en Segovia,” in Kaplan, p. 101.

64. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 130, 98, 108.

65. Francesc Carreres i Candi, “L’Inquisició barcelonina, substituïda per l’Inquisició castellana (1446–1487),” Institut d’estudis Catalans (1909–10), p. 163.

66. Beinart 1974, I, 82.

67. Cf. Netanyahu 1995, p. 1047.

68. Summarized in Netanyahu 1995, pp. 995–96, from whom I take the examples that follow.

69. Riera Sans, p. 84.

70. Riera Sans, p. 85.

71. Alonso de Palencia, Crónica de Enrique IV, 4 vols., Madrid, 1904–8; Bernáldez, p. 599.

72. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los conversos jerónimos,” p. 101.

73. Azcona, p. 252.

74. Roth, p. 203, mistakenly dates the foundation of the Inquisition to 1179. No such body existed at that time.

75. Cf. Given, pp. 5–6. In particular, R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250, Oxford, 1987.

76. Cf. Monter 1990, p. 4, n. 3.

77. Lea, I, 153.

78. Roth, p. 229, identifies Hojeda as “head inquisitor” of Seville in 1478. I have found no evidence for this.

79. A good sketch of their measures is given in Tomás y Valiente, pp. 28–42.

80. Cf. Tomás y Valiente, pp. 157–60. The inquiries were known as “inquisitio” in Latin, “pesquisa” in Castilian.

81. The bulls of the early years were printed (with some errors) in Bernardino Llorca, SJ, Bulario pontificio de la Inquisición española en su período constitucional (1478–1525), vol. 15, Miscellanea historiae pontificae, Rome, 1949. A modern, corrected edition is that of Gonzalo Martínez Díez, SJ, Bulario de la Inquisición española, hasta la muerte de Fernando el Católico, Madrid, 1997.

82. Azcona p. 268.

83. Jennifer Kolpacoff Deane, A History of Medieval Heresy and Inquisition, Lanham, 2011, p. 244.

84. Philip Hughes, The Reformation in England, 3 vols., London, 1963, I, 128–29.

85. Lea, I, 154.

86. Cited in Netanyahu 1995, p. 853.

87. Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1041–43, 1052, lays stress on “racialism,” whereas I tend to see community tension as the relevant factor.

88. The central thesis of Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1005–40, without citing appropriate evidence, is that Ferdinand’s motives were anti-Jewish and racist.

89. Cf. A. Cascales Ramos, La Inquisición en Andalucia. Resistencia de los conversos a su implantación, Seville, 1986, pp. 57–69. A study of the same years is Béatrice Pérez, Inquisition, pouvoir, société. La province de Séville et ses judéoconvers sous les Rois Catholiques, Paris, 2007.

90. Relación histórica de la Judería de Sevilla, Seville, 1849, p. 24.

91. Bernáldez, chap. 44, p. 99.

92. Cf. Roth, pp. 244–46; Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1149–54.

93. Pulgar, V, 337.

94. I follow the arguments in Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1155–64.

95. Lea, I, 231.

96. Lea, I, 587.

97. Lea, I, 233.

98. Lea, I, 590, appendix 11.

99. Lea, I, 244–45. In a previous edition of this book I suggested that the autos took place not in 1484 but the year after; I now see no reason to reject the date 1484.

100. Quoted in Llorente 1812, p. 90.

101. Lea, I, 247.

102. Antonio C. Floriano, “El Tribunal del Santo Oficio en Aragón. Establecimiento de la Inquisición en Teruel,” BRAH 86–87 (1925) and 88 (1926). Floriano’s basic documentation, as well as other original sources, are published in the excellent compilation by Sesma Muñoz.

103. Sesma Muñoz, pp. 97–100.

104. Sesma Muñoz, p. 20.

105. Carreres i Candi, “L’Inquisició barcelonina,” pp. 134–37.

106. This was not the same Alonso de Espina as the Franciscan who was active in Andalucia twenty years before.

107. Sesma Muñoz, p. 23.

108. Figures are from the basic source for the early years of the Catalan Inquisition: Pere Miquel Carbonell, in Colección de documentos inéditos del Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Barcelona, 1864–65, vols. 27–8.

109. García-Cárcel 1976, p. 50.

110. García-Cárcel 1976, p. 60.

111. Previous murders of inquisitors, notably by the Cathars in France in 1243, had always provoked a severe reaction. Other assassinated inquisitors included Conrad of Marburg (Germany) in 1233 and Peter of Verona (Italy) in 1252.

112. He was popularly venerated as “el Santo martyr,” and assigned a feast day in Spain in the sixteenth century, but not beatified by Rome until 1662, and canonized only in 1867.

113. Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1164–72, has some interesting but unsubstantiated arguments in this respect.

114. Jordi Ventura, “A l’entorn del judaisme de les famílies Santangel i Sanchez,” in XIII Congrés d’Història de la Corona d’Aragó, Palma, 1990, III, 47.

115. Jordi Ventura, “Els inicis de la Inquisició espanyola a Mallorca,” Randa 5 (1977).

116. Lea, I, 167, 183, 267.

117. “Papel de Don Pedro Borja,” undated but around 1650, in ACA:CA, leg. 929.

118. Figures for Barcelona from Carbonell, for Valencia from García-Cárcel 1976, p. 195.

119. Lea, I, 169.

120. This is my translation of a particularly difficult phrase.

121. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 197.

122. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 196.

123. There were always exceptions: cf. Historia de la Inquisición, II, 347–57.

124. Lea, I, 169–70.

125. Cantera Burgos and León Tello, Judaizantes, pp. xi–xxii.

126. Ladero 1984, p 41, suggests that most conversos did not reappear before the Inquisition, a conclusion I accept.

127. D’Abrera.

128. Pulgar, chap. 96, p. 336.

129. Bernáldez, chap. 44, p. 101.

130. Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga, Anales de Sevilla, Madrid, 1677, p. 482. It has been suggested more plausibly that deaths did not exceed 248: Klaus Wagner, “La Inquisición en Sevilla (1481–1524),” in Homenaje al Profesor Carriazo, Seville, 1973, vol. III.

131. Dedieu, p. 242.

132. Monter 1990, pp. 15, 21. The diagram of cases in Aragon in M. A. Motis Dolader, “Los judíos zaragozanos,” p. 402, suggests even fewer executions, but his data are evidently incomplete.

133. The figures given in García-Cárcel 1976, p. 174, according to which some seven hundred people were executed, are unproven. Monter 1990, p. 21, n. 36, concludes that García-Cárcel’s figures are “inaccurate.”

134. Monter 1990, p. 21. This figure is supported by the painstaking work of Blázquez Miguel, who suggests fourteen executions of conversos up to 1499, and around twenty in the subsequent period: Blázquez Miguel, pp. 38, 51.

135. Fidel Fita, “La Inquisición toledana”; Fita also suggests that five hundred were burnt in effigy.

136. Monter 1990, p. 53, makes a lower estimate of fifteen hundred executions.

137. Carrete Parrondo 1991, p. 40.

138. Carreres i Candi, “L’Inquisició barcelonina,” p. 160.

139. IMH Consellers C.XVIII-6.

140. García-Cárcel 1976, p. 171.

141. Roth p. 222: “the desire to totally eradicate the converso class and also to enrich by the confiscation of as much property as possible.”

142. Text published by Azcona, in Nueva visión, p. 127.

143. Samuel Usque, in Raphael, p. 137.

144. And that many historians appear to have accepted unquestioningly.

145. Cf. J. Jiménez Lozano, “The Persistence of Judaic and Islamic Cultemas in Spanish Society,” in Alcalá 1987, who also cites Llorente in this respect, p. 407.

146. Beinart 1974, I, 16–21.

147. Beinart 1974, I, 163–80. Even Beinart is forced to comment that the “Jewish” practices of Chinchilla seem “unimpressive.”

148. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 19, 21.

149. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 32.

150. Beinart 1974, I, 193.

151. Beinart 1974, I, 116.

152. Beinart 1974, I, 92.

153. To this extent, at least, the evidence supports Netanyahu’s view that accused conversos were in large measure Christians.

154. Beinart 1974, I, 404.

155. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 24. The testimony was given by a Jew in 1490.

156. Reading through the case histories now, this point appears quite obvious to me. It was the reading of Netanyahu’s forceful Origins (1995)–whose central argument I happen not to accept–that obliged me to rethink the whole question through the available evidence. See also, on this question, Roth, pp. 217–20, 268.

157. Anonymous chronicler, c. 1495, in Raphael, p. 133.

158. Netanyahu 1995, p. 928.

159. Netanyahu 1995, p. 929.

160. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 107, 149.

161. There would, obviously, be almost no written sources to throw light on what one of the experts on the period, Tarsicio de Azcona, refers to as the post-1492 years of “la supresión de los conversos” (in Nueva visión, p. 120).

162. All quotations that follow come from Carrete Parrondo 1991. Carrete, however, does not distinguish between pre-1480 and post-1492 conversos.

163. Rabbi Capsali, in Raphael, p. 44.

164. Stephen Sharot, Comparative Perspectives on Judaisms and Jewish Identities, Detroit, 2011, pp. 105–6.

CHAPTER FOUR. AN ENDURING CRISIS

Epigraph. Inquisitors to Suprema, 1618, AHN Inq, lib. 743, f. 95.

1. “What we cannot doubt, is that in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the immense majority of the Spanish people, with their kings, magistrates and bishops leading them, gave their decisive support to the proceedings of the Inquisition:” Bernardino Llorca, SJ, La Inquisición en España, Barcelona, 1936, p. 166.

2. Llorente 1812, p. 37.

3. For pre-Inquisition trials in one city, see Beinart 1981, p. 78.

4. Both Américo Castro, in various writings, and Claudio Sánchez Albornoz (the latter in España, un enigma histórico, 2 vols., 2nd edn., Buenos Aires, 1956, chap. I, n. 4) argue that the Inquisition was patently non-Spanish and therefore of Jewish origin.

5. And not, as some writers suggest, the Inquisition itself.

6. Mariana, vol. 31, p. 202.

7. J. Vicens Vives, Ferran II i la ciutat de Barcelona, 1479–1516, 2 vols., Barcelona, 1936, I, 376.

8. Miguel Avilés, “Motivos de crítica a la Inquisición en tiempos de Carlos V,” in Nueva Visión, p. 187.

9. Mariana, vol. 31, p. 202.

10. Vicens Vives, Ferran II, I, 382.

11. BN MS.1517. For Pulgar’s general position, see F. Cantera Burgos, “Fernando de Pulgar y los conversos,” Sefarad 4 (1944).

12. Cited in Márquez, Literatura, p. 25; cf. Azcona p. 263.

13. “Baptizati invite non recipiunt Sacramentum nec characterem baptismalem, sed remanent infideles occulti:” Páramo, De origine, p. 165.

14. Bernáldez, chap. 44.

15. H. Graetz, “La police de l’Inquisition d’Espagne à ses débuts,” BRAH 23 (1893).

16. D’Abrera, pp. 63–64.

17. Beinart 1981, p. 134.

18. Cf. J. Edwards, “Trial of an Inquisitor: The Dismissal of Diego Rodríguez Lucero, Inquisitor of Córdoba, in 1508,” JEH 37, 2 (Apr. 1986).

19. Tarsicio de Azcona, in Nueva Visión, p. 144.

20. Luis Ramírez y Las Casas Deza, Anales de Córdoba, in CODOIN, vol. 112, p. 279.

21. R. Gracia Boix, Colección de documentos para la historia de la Inquisición de Córdoba, Córdoba, 1982, pp. 86, 96, 103. Tarsicio de Azcona, in Nueva Visión, p. 145.

22. T. Herrero del Collado, “El proceso inquisitorial por delito de herejía contra Hernando de Talavera,” Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español (1969).

23. Text (of May 1507) published by Azcona in Nueva visión, p. 130.

24. José de Sigüenza, Historia de la Orden de San Jerónimo, 2 vols., Madrid, 1907 (Nueva Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, vols. 8, 12) II, 306. The numerous episodes of resistance to the Inquisition on the part of clergy, based on principles of conscience, are surveyed in Stefania Pastore, Il Vangelo e la Spada. She commences her study specifically with the writings of Sigüenza.

25. Católica impugnación, ed. F. Martín, introd. by F. Márquez Villanueva, Barcelona, 1961, p.,68.

26. Márquez, Literatura, p. 233.

27. C. Fernández Duro, “Vida y obras de Gonzalo de Ayora,” BRAH 17 (1890).

28. AGS:PR Inq, leg. 28, f. 39.

29. Lea, I, 211.

30. Lea, I, 211.

31. AGS:PR Inq, leg. 28, f. 16.

32. AHN Inq, leg. 47242, no. 8.

33. P. Gayangos and Vicente de la Fuente, Cartas del Cardenal Don Fray Francisco Jiménez de Cisneros, Madrid, 1867, p. 261.

34. Lea, I, 215.

35. Details in the next few pages come from Llorente 1812, pp. 119–31.

36. AGS:PR Inq, leg. 28, f. 45.

37. Llorente 1812, p. 156.

38. Joseph Pérez, La révolution des “Comunidades” de Castille (1520–1521), Bordeaux, 1970, p. 509.

39. For all this, J. I. Gutiérrez Nieto, “Los conversos y el movimiento comunero,” Hispania 94 (1964); and Pérez, La révolution, pp. 507–14, 549–52.

40. BL Eg.1832, ff. 37–40.

41. Aline Goosens, Les Inquisitions modernes dans les Pays-Bas méridionaux, 1520–1633, 2 vols. Brussels 1997–1998.

42. Colas Latorre and Salas Auséns, p. 505.

43. Pérez, La révolution, p. 551, n. 117.

44. Monter 1990, p. 324.

45. Being a foreigner did not have the connotation it has today. At that time “foreigner” meant that you were not native-born, and consequently did not enjoy certain local civic rights such as eligibility for public office.

46. Reguera, p. 121.

47. Comisario to inquisitors, 14 Sept. 1574, AHN Inq, lib. 738, f. 5.

48. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 260.

49. Monter 1990, p. 322.

50. Carrasco Urgoiti, p. 156.

51. AHN Inq, lib. 731, f. 4.

52. This fascinating inactivity also has its interest for the social historian.

CHAPTER FIVE. EXCLUDING THE REFORMATION

Epigraph. Bataillon, p. 490.

1. Bataillon, pp. 110, 454. For an overview of the impact of the Reformation on Spain, see H. Kamen, “Spain,” in B. Scribner, R. Porter and M. Teich, eds., The Reformation in National Context, Cambridge, 1994.

2. “The record of Spanish humanism was on the whole depressing”: Jeremy Lawrance, “Humanism in the Iberian Peninsula,” in A. Goodman and A. MacKay, eds., The Impact of Humanism on Western Europe, London, 1990.

3. Bataillon, p. 280.

4. Like England at the same period, Spain had two autonomous Church entities, the Church in the crown of Castile, and the Church in the crown of Aragon (the latter usually had its council meetings in Tarragona).

5. Bataillon, p. 240. The basic document in the debate has been printed by M. Avilés, Erasmo y la Inquisición, Madrid, 1980.

6. Bataillon, p. 277.

7. Helen Nader, The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renaissance, New Brunswick, 1979.

8. For a comment on the state of Spanish humanism, see Lawrance, “Humanism in the Iberian Peninsula,” pp. 248–54.

9. On the state of spoken Latin, Gil Fernández, pp. 30–35.

10. Cardinal Mendoza to king, 20 Sept. 1561, AGS:E, leg. 142.

11. See Alastair Hamilton, “The Alumbrados: Dejamiento and Its Practitioners,” in Kallendorf, pp. 103–24. The converso roots of illuminism are emphasized by Stefania Pastore, Un’eresia spagnola: Spiritualità conversa, alumbradismo e Inquisizione (1449–1559), Florence, 2004.

12. Márquez, Alumbrados, prints the edict, pp. 229–38.

13. There is a splendid study by Angela Selke, El Santo Oficio de la Inquisición. Proceso de Fr. Francisco Ortiz (1529–1532), Madrid, 1968.

14. John E. Longhurst, Luther and the Spanish Inquisition: The Case of Diego de Uceda, 1528–1529, Albuquerque, 1953.

15. Nicodemism is the practice of concealing one’s true religious convictions while conforming outwardly to an official religion. For a historical discussion, see Carlo Ginzburg, Il nicodemismo: Simulazione e dissimulazione religiosa nell’ Europa del 1500, Turin, 1971.

16. Baer, II, 275.

17. Baer, II, 350–56.

18. Cf. the comments of J. L. Novalín, discussing the views of Márquez, in García-Villoslada, III, ii, 153–54.

19. M. Ortega Costa, Proceso de la Inquisición contra María de Cazalla, Madrid, 1978.

20. A good summary of the principal trials is by Melquiades Andrés in Historia, I, 488–520.

21. Isabel was released in December 1538, Alcaraz in February 1539. A late casualty of the alumbrado trials was the Old Christian Rodrigo de Bivar, chaplain to the duke of Infantado, arrested in 1539 but released: see Alastair Hamilton, El proceso de Rodrigo de Bivar (1539), Madrid, 1979.

22. Juan de Avila, Avisos y reglas cristianas sobre aquel verso de David: Audi, Filia, ed. L. Sala Balust, Barcelona, 1963, p. 32.

23. Angela Selke, in BH 62 (1960).

24. Bataillon, pp. 438–70.

25. Description of his death made to Francisco Borja: ARSI, Epist. Hisp., 103, f. 231.

26. J. E. Longhurst, Erasmus and the Spanish Inquisition: The Case of Juan de Valdés, Albuquerque, 1950; José C. Nieto, Juan de Valdes and the Origins of the Spanish and Italian Reformation, Geneva, 1970; Bataillon, Erasmo y el Erasmismo, Barcelona, 1977, pp. 245–85; Carlos Gilly, “Juan de Valdés: Übersetzer und Bearbeiter von Luthers Schriften in seinem Diálogo de Doctrina,” AR 74 (1983).

27. Bataillon, pp. 476–77.

28. J. Goñi Gaztámbide, “El impresor Miguel de Eguía procesado por la Inquisición,” HS 1 (1948).

29. Lea, III, 419.

30. Bataillon, p. 490.

31. Bataillon, p. 545.

32. Schäfer identifies only thirty-two cases; but several more (cf. M. Jiménez Monteserín, “Los luteranos ante el tribunal de la Inquisición de Cuenca 1525–1600,” Nueva visión, p. 695) can be found.

33. The Netherlands had a new Inquisition from 1520, and the Roman or Italian Inquisition (studied by Christopher F. Black, The Italian Inquisition, New Haven, 2009) came into existence in 1542, but most countries had ways of looking out for heresy.

34. Details and references in Kamen, “Toleration and Dissent,” pp. 12–13.

35. Kamen, “Toleration and Dissent,” p. 10.

36. J. I. Tellechea, “Biblias secuestradas por la Inquisición española en 1552,” BH 64 (1962).

37. Clive Griffin, Journeymen-Printers, Heresy and the Inquisition in Sixteenth-Century Spain, Oxford, 2005.

38. The authoritative study is Novalín.

39. Soto to emperor, 25 Aug. 1552, AGS:E, leg. 89, f. 68.

40. For Egidio and other “Protestants,” see Boehmer.

41. Cf. Alvaro Huerga, Predicadores, alumbrados e Inquisición en el siglo XVI, Madrid, 1973. Robert C. Spach, “Juan Gil and Sixteenth-Century Spanish Protestantism,” SCJ 26, 4 (1995), inclines to the view that Egidio was neo-Protestant; but I am not convinced of this.

42. A. Gordon Kinder, “Cipriano de Valera, Spanish Reformer,” in BHS 46 (1969); and his Cassiodoro de Reina, London, 1975. For the Seville community, Schäfer, I, 345–67; II, 271–426.

43. Schäfer, I, 233–48; III, 1–813.

44. Leonor de Vivero was the wife of Pedro de Cazalla of Valladolid. Both had been patrons in 1520 of Francisca Hernández, and were related to María de Cazalla, the alumbrada of Guadalajara. Of the ten children of Leonor and Pedro, four were burnt by the Inquisition (the three priests Agustín de Cazalla, Francisco de Vivero and Pedro de Cazalla). Leonor’s bones were exhumed, and the family house razed to the ground.

45. On Rojas and Seso, see Tellechea 1977; and “El clima religioso español en 1550,” in Tellechea 1968, I, 105–239.

46. J. E. Longhurst, “Julian Hernández,” and E. Droz, “Note sur les impressions gene-voises transportées par Hernández,” BHR 22 (1960).

47. Tellechea 1968, II, 241, n. 21.

48. AGS:PR Inq, leg. 28, f. 37.

49. Lea, III, 571, appendix VIII.

50. Tellechea 1968, I, 147.

51. “Were our father a heretic we would carry the wood to burn him,” CSPV, VI, ii, no. 1067.

52. Diego Suárez to Laínez, Seville, 23 Aug. 1559, ARSI, Epist. Hisp., 96, f. 398.

53. Schäfer, II, 286–88.

54. Dead and absent accused were represented at autos by figures or effigies which were burnt in their stead: hence the need to talk of others being burnt in person.

55. BN MS.9175, ff. 258–60.

56. Schäfer, II, 107.

57. Huerga 1958, p. 9.

58. Both cases cited in Jiménez Monteserín, “Los luteranos,” Nueva visión, pp. 724–27.

59. He died in 1568, aged eighty-five.

60. Valdés to Philip, AGS:E, leg. 129, f. 128.

61. Cf. Monter 1990, p. 43; Jerónimo García Servet, El humanista Cascales y la Inquisición murciana, Madrid, 1978; J. Contreras, Sotos contra Riquelmes, Madrid, 1992.

62. “Lo que parece convernia proveerse,” AGS:E, leg. 129, f. 112.

63. Cf. Monter 1990, p. 50: “after 1570 great autos were rarely held in Castile.” He sees “an increase in pomp and solemnity around 1570,” p. 51. For further discussion of autos, see chapter 10 below.

64. The exact number is uncertain. The figures I give are those of Werner Thomas, La represión, p. 264. For slightly different figures, see Monter 1996.

65. The figures come from Alastair Duke, Reformation and Revolt in the Low Countries, London, 1990, pp. 152–74. See also Judith Pollman, Catholic Identity and the Revolt of the Netherlands, 1520–1635, Oxford, 2011, p. 45.

66. Philip to Valdés, 23 Aug. 1560, Favre, vol. 29, f. 4.

67. A. Gordon Kinder, “A Hitherto Unknown Group of Protestants in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” Cuadernos de historia de Jerónimo Zurita 51–52 (1985), pp. 140–41.

68. Christine Wagner, “Los Luteranos ante la Inquisición de Toledo en el siglo XVI,” HS 46, 94 (1994), p. 480.

69. Cf. Bataillon, p. 728; Monter 1990, p. 130.

70. Eugenio Asensio, “Pedro de Orellana, minorita luterano,” in Nueva visión, pp. 785–95.

71. Quadra to king, London, 11 Oct. 1561, AE:CP, MD, vol. 234, f. 105.

72. Guzmán de Silva to king, London, 26 Apr. 1565, CODOIN, vol. 26, p. 540.

73. Canto’s detailed memorandum of 1563, in AGS:CJH, leg. 55, f. 174, gives a good sketch of Spanish heretics in Europe.

74. Canto to Eraso, Brussels, 12 May 1564, AGS:E, leg. 526, f. 125.

75. Reguera, p. 145.

76. Klaus Wagner, “La Inquisición en Sevilla (1481–1524),” in Homenaje al Profesor Carriazo, Seville, 1973, III, 490.

77. Werner Thomas, Een spel van kat en muis. Zuidnederlanders voor de Inquisitie in Spanje 1530–1750, Brussels, 1991, p. 151. See also the same author’s La represión del protestantismo.

78. Letter to Suprema, 23 Oct. 1560, AHN Inq, lib. 730, f. 23.

79. Schäfer, II, 1–106.

80. Reguera, p. 70.

81. Monter 1990, p. 236. Figures are rounded off.

82. I can recall sitting through a sermon in Valladolid in the 1960s, when the preacher denounced all foreign Catholics for their liberal tendencies (he also denounced women who wore pants).

83. Thomas Werner, La represión, p. viii.

84. Reguera, p. 163.

85. For details, see Kamen, Phoenix, chap. 8.

86. The standard and still the best introduction to Servet’s life is Roland Bainton, Hunted Heretic, Boston, 1953.

87. Cf. Jerome Friedman, Michael Servetus: A Case Study in Total Heresy, Geneva, 1978, pp. 17, 133.

88. Contra libellum Calvini (1612), cited in Lecler, I, 355.

89. Philip to Requesens, Jan. 1569, cited in Serrano, III, cii.

90. Álava to Philip II, AGS:E/K, 1502, ff. 9, 15; 1503, f. 22.

91. Álava to Philip II, Feb. 1565, AGS:E/K, 1503, f. 37.

92. Álava to Philip II, June 1565, AGS:E/K, 1504, f. 6.

93. AGS:E/K, 1503, f. 76.

94. The quotation comes from the epilogue to the last volume of Marcelino Menéndez y Pelayo’s multi-volume opus, Historia de los heterodóxos españoles, Madrid, 1880.

95. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 220.

96. Jehovah’s Witnesses and Seventh-Day Adventists are the two most numerous sects in a Protestant population (2012) estimated to total over three hundred thousand persons.

97. Cf. Bataillon, pp. 552–55.

98. Laurie Kaplis-Hohwald, Translation of the Biblical Psalms in Golden Age Spain, Lampeter, 2003, p. 3.

99. Jorge A. González, Casiodoro de Reina, Mexico City, 1969.

100. Cf. Bataillon, p. 514.

101. Nicolas Castrillo, El “Reginaldo Montano”: Primer libro polémico contra la Inquisición española, Madrid, 1991, p. 31.

102. See Kamen, 2007, chap. 3.

CHAPTER SIX. THE IMPACT ON LITERATURE AND SCIENCE

Epigraph. Father Antonio Araoz to Diego Laínez, ARSI, Epist. Hisp., 96, f. 430.

1. Text in Bujanda, V, 121–22.

2. Cf. Pettegree, chap. 10, “The Literature of Conflict.” A recent symposium discussing some issues is Reading and Censorship in Early Modern Europe, Barcelona, 2010.

3. Cf. Bujanda, V, 44.

4. The law is printed in Bujanda, V, 122–27; also in Fermín de los Reyes Gómez, El libro en España y América. Legislación y censura (siglos XV–XVIII), 2 vols., Madrid, 2000.

5. Cf. J. H. Elliott, “The measures administered a drastic shock to Spanish intellectual life. By cutting off the supply of foreign books, they undermined the confidence of Spanish men of letters,” Imperial Spain, Harmondsworth, 1970, p. 226. These inaccurate statements are unfortunately repeated in many books.

6. I owe this information to an unpublished paper by R. W. Truman on “Censorship in Spain: 1558–1631.”

7. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 396.

8. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 397.

9. Bujanda, V, 125; Kamen, Phoenix, p. 397.

10. Bujanda, V, 124.

11. Kamen, Phoenix, chap. 8.

12. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 411.

13. García Oro and Portela, p. 85.

14. Most of what follows is drawn from Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 388ff.

15. G. Antolín, “La librería de Felipe II,” BRAH 90 (1927), p. 341.

16. Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 388ff.

17. Pettegree, pp. 87–88.

18. García Oro and Portela, p. 101.

19. AHN Inq, leg. 21551.

20. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 398. There were theoretical controls on some reprints, e.g., in 1569 the royal council claimed the sole right to relicense Church publications.

21. T. S. Beardsley Jr., “Spanish Printers and the Classics, 1482–1599,” HR, 47 (1979), p. 30.

22. Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 389–95. The Spanish tongue was in common use in the Netherlands, Italy and America, so Spanish books were regularly published there.

23. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 393.

24. Jaime Moll, “Problemas bibliográficas del libro del Siglo de Oro,” BRAE 59 (1979); also his “Valoración de la industria editorial española del siglo XVI,” in Livre et lecture en Espagne et en France sous l’Ancien Régime, Paris, 1981.

25. Cited in Kamen, Phoenix, p. 398.

26. Tellechea 1968, II, 241, 255.

27. Lopez Piñero, pp. 141–44.

28. Francés de Álava to king, from Montpellier, 18 Dec. 1564, AGS:E/K, leg. 1505, f. 28; from Toulouse, 18 Jan. 1565, AGS:E/K, leg. 1503, f. 20.

29. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 396.

30. BZ, 130, f. 12.

31. Report of Jan. 1585, BZ, 130, f. 12.

32. For the Indexes in general, see Heinrich Reusch, Der Index der verbotenen Bücher, 2 vols. Bonn, 1883–85.

33. Tres indices expurgatorios de la Inquisición española en el siglo XVI, Madrid, 1952.

34. Cf. Bujanda, V, 63–76.

35. J. I. Tellechea, “Biblias publicadas fuera de España secuestradas por la Inquisición española en 1552,” BH 64 (1962).

36. Monter 1990, p. 238.

37. Bujanda, V, 77–90, 148–62.

38. Bujanda, V, 162, sees the 1554 censorship of Bibles as still “fruit d’un certain oecuménisme.”

39. Cf. Bujanda, V, 110.

40. Valdés’s biographer, Novalín, emphasizes “la rápidez con que fue compuesto este Indice”: Novalin, I, 280.

41. Calculated from the analysis in Bujanda, V, 164–91.

42. Kamen 1997, chap. 2.

43. Mario Scaduto, SJ, “Laínez e l’Indice del 1559,” AHSI 24 (1955).

44. Cf. Otis H. Green, Spain and the Western Tradition, 4 vols., Madison, 1963–66, IV, 140.

45. Cf. Bataillon, pp. 734–36.

46. Cf. Márquez, Literatura, pp. 151–52, 233–35.

47. Justo Cuervo, “Fray Luis de Granada y la Inquisición,” in Homenaje a Menéndez Pelayo, 2 vols., Madrid, 1899, I, 733–43.

48. For the book and its context see, for example, José C. Nieto, El renacimiento y la otra España, Geneva, 1997, pp. 301–3.

49. Cándido de Dalmases, SJ, “San Francisco de Borja y la Inquisición española, 1559–61,” AHSI 41 (1972).

50. Juan Suárez to Laínez, 20 Oct. 1559, ARSI, Epist. Hisp., 96, f. 444.

51. Huerga 1958, passim.

52. Quoted in Rodríguez, p. 145.

53. Rodríguez, pp. 107–19.

54. Rodríguez, chap. III.

55. For England, see David Cressy, “Book Burning in Tudor and Stuart England,” SCJ 36, 2 (Summer 2005).

56. Cited C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 194.

57. Cf. Bujanda, V, 74.

58. Pinto Crespo, pp. 166–69, shows that not all the books were in fact burnt.

59. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 223.

60. V. Pinto Crispo, “Nuevas perspectivas sobre el contenido de los Indices inquisitoriales hispanos del siglo XVI,” HS 33 (1981), p. 616.

61. Pinto Crespo, p. 182.

62. Philip II to Alba, 24 Dec. 1569, AGS:E, leg. 542, f. 4.

63. Bujanda, VI, 38–39, offers this valuable suggestion to explain the delay in the Index.

64. Felix Asensio, SJ, “Juan de Mariana ante el Indice quiroguiano de 1583–4,” Estudios bíblicos 31 (1972).

65. Bujanda, VI, 76.

66. Bujanda, VI, 76–82.

67. Bujanda, VI, 100–8.

68. Text in RABM 8 (1903), pp. 218–21. On the authorship, P. E. Russell, “Secular Literature and the Censors: A Sixteenth-Century Document Re-examined,” BHS 69 (1982).

69. Cf. the memoir printed in Bujanda, VI, 55–63.

70. We have no adequate study of the censors who worked in the Spanish system. A study on America that illuminates aspects of the Spanish context is Martin Austin Nesvig, Ideology and Inquisition: The World of the Censors in Early Mexico, New Haven, 2009.

71. Pinto Crespo, p. 56.

72. Cf. Perfiles jurídicos, p. 390.

73. Miguel Avilés, “La censura inquisitorial de ‘Los seis libros de la República’ de Jean Bodin,” HS 37, 76 (1985).

74. See the sharp protest by the seventeenth-century inquisitorial censor Murcia de la Llana when Rome banned a book by a Jesuit friend: “it is incredible that a book should be totally banned by Rome after circulating for many years among Spaniards without causing any offence”: AHN Inq, lib. 1231, ff. 672–73.

75. J. Pérez Villanueva, “Baronio y la Inquisición española,” in Baronio storico e la Controriforma: Atti de convegno di studi, Sora 1979, Sora, 1982.

76. Kamen, Phoenix, p .228.

77. Sources for this paragraph in Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 225–26.

78. Cited in Pinto Crespo, p. 104. Marcus Pérez, a Calvinist, was of Spanish converso origin.

79. “Sobre visitas de navios,” AHN Inq, lib. 1275, f. 123.

80. A. Redondo, “Luther et l’Espagne de 1520 à 1536,” MCV 1 (1965).

81. Pardo Tomás, p. 30.

82. Reguera, pp. 140–42.

83. AHN Inq, lib. 737, f. 343.

84. AHN Inq, lib. 1233, f. 209.

85. AHN Inq, lib. 743.

86. See Nesvig, “Cordon Sanitaire: Efforts and Failures of Book Censorship,” in Ideology and Inquisition, for a good assessment of how the system of controls worked in colonial Mexico.

87. AHN Inq, leg. 21551.

88. Order of Mar. 1606, AHN Inq, lib. 743.

89. AHN Inq, lib. 737, f. 73.

90. AHN Inq, leg. 44701, no. 3.

91. Pinto Crespo, p. 128.

92. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 224.

93. AHN Inq, lib. 731, f. 166.

94. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 223.

95. AHN Inq, leg. 44701, no. 3.

96. C. Péligry, “Les difficultés de l’édition castillane au XVIIe siècle,” MCV 13 (1977).

97. Pinto Crespo, p. 641.

98. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 223.

99. Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 228.

100. AHN Inq, leg. 45171, no. 1.

101. AHN Inq, leg. 44701, no. 4; leg. 45171, no. 1. Cf. also Pardo Tomás, pp. 289–91.

102. M. Agulló y Cobo, “La Inquisición y los libreros españoles en el siglo XVII,” Cuadernos bibliográficos 28 (1972).

103. See Bujanda, V, 127–31.

104. Fidel Fita, SJ, “Los tres procesos de San Ignacio de Loyola en Alcalá de Henares,” BRAH 33 (1898).

105. Cf. Hamilton, pp. 91–97.

106. Hamilton, p. 97. Loyola continued to be looked upon as an illuminist by his critics both in Paris and even in papal Rome: see Enrique García Hernán, Ignacio de Loyola, Madrid, 2013.

107. Llorente 1817–18, I, 343–45; Márquez, Literatura, pp. 40–42; Bataillon, p. 164.

108. Dalmases, “Francisco de Borja,”, p. 64.

109. Gil Fernández, p. 447.

110. For a presentation of Fray Luis’s experience with the Inquisition, see Colin P. Thompson, The Strife of Tongues: Fray Luis de Leon and the Golden Age of Spain, Cambridge, 1988, pp. 51–75.

111. Fernando Domínguez Reboiras, Gaspar de Grajal (1530–1575). Frühneuzeitliche Bibelwissenschaft im Streit mit Universität und Inquisition, Münster, 1998.

112. Lea, III, 149–62; Luis Alonso Getino, OP, “La causa de Fr Luis de León,” RABM 9 (1903) and 11 (1904); CODOIN, vols. 10–11.

113. Miguel de la Pinta Llorente, OP, Proceso contra el hebraista Martín Martínez de Cantalapiedra, Madrid, 1946, p. 392.

114. B. Rekers, Benito Arias Montano, London, 1972, chap. 3. Rekers’s study has several important slips, including the claim that “the whole of Montano’s work was prohibited” by the Inquisition (p. 68); on this point see J. A. Jones, “Pedro de Valencia’s Defence of Arias Montano: The Expurgatory Indexes of 1607 (Rome) and 1612 (Madrid),”BHR 40 (1978). Rekers also accepts the unproven claim by A. Sicroff (Sicroff, p. 269) that Montano was of converso origin.

115. CODOIN, vol. 41, pp. 316, 387.

116. Gregorio de Andrés, Proceso inquisitorial del Padre Sigüenza, Madrid, 1975.

117. A. Tovar and M. de la Pinta Llorente, Procesos inquisitoriales contra Francisco Sánchez de las Brozas, Madrid, 1941, p. xliv.

118. “Por ser Grajal y Fray Luis notorios conversos, pienso que no quieren mas que oscurecer a nuestra fe catolica y bolver a su ley”: quoted in Thompson, The Strife of Tongues, p. 57.

119. Américo Castro, “Erasmo en tiempo de Cervantes,” RFE 18 (1931), p. 364.

120. Cf. the intriguing book by Arthur Versluis, The New Inquisitions: Heretic-Hunting and the Intellectual Origins of Modern Totalitarianism, Oxford. 2006.

121. Américo Castro, “Erasmo en tiempo de Cervantes,” p. 366.

122. Juan de Mal Lara, Filosofia vulgar, ed. A. Vilanova, 3 vols., Barcelona, 1958–59, I, 29.

123. Miguel de la Pinta Llorente, La Inquisición española y los problemas de la cultura y de la intolerancia, Madrid, 1953, p. 152.

124. Cited in Márquez, Literatura, p. 83.

125. Cited in part in Bataillon, p. 727.

126. Enrique Llamas, Santa Teresa de Jesús y la Inquisición española, Madrid, 1972, p. 99. See also F. Márquez Villanueva, Espiritualidad y literatura en el siglo XVI, Madrid, 1968, pp. 145–52, 179–86. A study by Carole Slade, St Teresa of Avila: Author of a Heroic Life, Berkeley, 1995, suggests that Teresa’s Inquisition experiences influenced all her writing.

127. Alvaro Huerga, Predicadores, alumbrados e Inquisición en el siglo XVI, Madrid, 1973; Los alumbrados de Baeza, Jaén, 1978; Historia de los alumbrados (1570–1630), 2 vols., Madrid, 1978.

128. For a brief critique, see Kamen, 1996.

129. Cf the entertaining essay by Nicholas Round, “La ‘peculiaridad’ literaria de los conversos. ¿Unicornio o snark?” in Alcalá 1995, p. 557.

130. The observations by Márquez, Literatura, pp. 46–48, to the effect that Rojas has never been firmly identified as a converso, have not to my knowledge been refuted.

131. A partial list of possible conversos in J.-C. Gómez-Menor, “Linaje judío de escritores religiosos y místicos españoles del siglo XVI,” in Alcalá 1995, p. 587.

132. A caustic critique of Castro’s views is given by Eugenio Asensio, “Notas sobre la historiografía de Américo Castro,” AEM 8 (1972–73). The fundamental divide occurred between Castro and his colleague Claudio Sánchez-Albornoz.

133. The circumstances of this invitation are explained in my The Duke of Alba, New Haven and London. 2004, chap. 2.

134. Miguel de la Pinta Llorente and J. M. de Palacio, Procesos inquisitoriales contra la familia judía de Juan Luis Vives, Madrid, 1964.

135. Cited by Gregorio Marañón, Españoles fuera de España, Buenos Aires, 1947, p. 145.

136. See Kamen, Phoenix, p. 271, and sources there cited.

137. Lea, IV, 528.

138. Lord Acton, Essays on Church and State, London, 1952, p. 393.

139. Américo Castro, España en su historia. Cristianos, moros y judíos, Buenos Aires, 1948, p. 598.

140. Menéndez y Pelayo, V, 482.

141. Bujanda, VI, 76.

142. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 418, 421.

143. Maxime Chevalier, Lectura y lectores en la España del siglo XVI y XVII, Madrid, 1976.

144. López Piñero, pp. 147–48.

145. Jan Lechner, Repertorio de obras de autores españoles en bibliotecas holandesas hasta comienzos del siglo XVIII, Utrecht, 2001, p. 309. I am grateful to Dr. Lechner for making this very useful work available to me.

146. José Manuel Losada Goya, Bibliographie critique de la littérature espagnole en France au XVIIe siècle, Geneva, 1999.

147. M.-C. Rodríguez and B. Bennassar, “Signatures et niveau culturel,” Caravelle 31 (1978); where the criterion adopted for writing was the ability to make a signature. Cf. Manuel Peña, “El espejo de los libros: Lecturas y lectores en la España del siglo de oro,” La cultura del libro en la edad moderna: Andalucía y América, Córdoba, 2001.

148. Even today, in the second decade of the twenty-first century, the official statistic is that one of every two Spanish adults never opens a book.

149. Cf. Andrew Pettegree, “Centre and Periphery in the European Book World,” Transactions of the Royal Historical Society (2008), p. 127.

150. See the appendix on foreign vernacular books at the fair, by Andrew Pettegree, “French books at the Frankfurt Fair,” in Heal and Grell, p. 266.

151. “The mechanisms of censorship were of limited significance in altering intellectual development”: R. A. Houston, Literacy in Early Modern Europe. Culture and Education, 1500–1800, London. 1988, p. 165.

152. Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 401.

153. Marquis of Almazán to Philip II, 23 Mar. 1585, BZ, 130, f. 12.

154. Márquez, Literatura, pp. 189–200.

155. A. Paz y Meliá, Papeles de Inquisición, 2nd edn, Madrid, 1947, pp. 23, 69, 71.

156. “Las obras de caridad que se hazen tibia y flojamente no tienen mérito ni valen nada”: Quijote, part 2, chap. 36. See A. Castro, “Cervantes y la Inquisición,” MP 27 (1929–30).

157. Márquez, Literatura, pp. 168–69.

158. See Rosario Villari, Elogio della dissimulazione, Bari, 1987, p. 19. Another recent survey, by Jon R. Snyder, Dissimulation and the Culture of Secrecy in Early Modern Europe, Berkeley, 2009, focuses mainly on Italy.

159. On this writer, cf. the opinion of Manning, p. 11.

160. Paul F. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press, 1540–1605, Princeton, 1977, p. 162.

161. Alfred Soman, “Press, Pulpit and Censorship in France before Richelieu,” PAPS 120 (1976), p. 454.

162. Debora K. Shuger, Censorship and Cultural Sensibility: The Regulation of Language in Tudor-Stuart England, Philadelphia, 2006, p. 236.

163. Pardo Tomás feels (p. 269) that “la eficacia de los sistemas de control fue elevada” up to the seventeenth century. His view is based exclusively on the Inquisition’s own papers, which were obviously optimistic about the success achieved.

164. Angel Alcalá, in “Inquisitorial Control of Writers,” in Alcalá 1987, p. 321, places emphasis on the word “control.” Elsewhere (same volume, p. 617) he states his opinion that “the inquisitorial system kept Spain in chains for three hundred and fifty years.”

165. The view of Pinto Crespo, “Thought Control in Spain,” in Haliczer 1987, p. 185. See also Haliczer’s recent view: “the increasing weight of censorship created a chilling effect on Spanish intellectual life. This repressive atmosphere was greatly reinforced by inquisitorial activity against intellectual or academic discourse”: Stephen Haliczer,Between Exaltation and Infamy: Female Mystics in the Golden Age of Spain, Oxford, 2002, p. 10.

166. Pardo Tomás, p. 87, expresses this opinion because a report of the Inquisition in 1632 stated that “de los libros que salen de herejes son muy pocos los que llegan a España.” The report, full of self-satisfaction, needs to be contrasted with the reality that foreign books were readily available to those who sought them.

167. Cf. John Gascoigne, “A Reappraisal of the Role of the Universities in the Scientific Revolution,” in David Lindberg and Robert Westman, eds., Reappraisals of the Scientific Revolution, Cambridge, 1990, p. 250.

168. Cf. Antonio Barrera-Osorio, Experiencing Nature: The Spanish American Empire and the Early Scientific Revolution, Austin, 2006, pp. 28–134.

169. For these themes, see in particular Daniela Bleichmar, Science in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires, 1500–1800, Stanford, 2009, and the reference to the Inquisition at p. 321.

170. Pardo Tomás, pp. 220–27.

171. Pardo Tomás, pp. 151–83.

172. Useful texts showing how some Spaniards had contact with scientific principles are set out in J. M. López Piñero, V. Navarro Brotons and E. Portela Marco, Materiales para la historia de las ciencias en España: s.XVI-XVII, Valencia, 1976.

173. For the context of this, see Kamen 1980, p. 324.

174. Unfamiliar with the languages of northern Europe, educated Spaniards accessed works in English and Dutch through the relevant French translation.

175. AHN Inq, leg. 4695/2.

176. Ramón Ceñal, “Cartesianismo en España. Notas para su historia (1650–1750),” Revista de la Universidad de Oviedo (1945), special number, p. 30.

177. Cited in Gil Fernández, p. 476.

178. Cf. the opinion of R. O. Jones in 1971: “La España de Felipe II quedó cerrada a las nuevas corrientes de ideas del otro lado de sus fronteras,” in Historia de la literatura española. Siglo de oro: Prosa y poesía, Barcelona, 1974, p. 124.

179. In sixteenth-century England Hakluyt edited many Spanish travel accounts; for the Low Countries, see Jan Lechner, Repertorio de obras de autores españoles.

180. David E. Vassberg, The Village and the Outside World in Golden Age Castile, Cambridge, 1996, p. 129.

181. Cf. Pettegree, pp. 87–88.

182. Cited by L. Hanke, “Free Speech in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America,” HAHR 26 (1946).

183. Diego Saavedra Fajardo, Empresas, cited in José Antonio Maravall, Culture of the Baroque: Analysis of a Historical Structure, Manchester, 1986, p. 275.

184. David C. Goodman, Power and Penury: Government, Technology and Science in Philip II’s Spain, Cambridge, 1988, passim.

185. Pettegree, p. 114.

186. The view of D. W. Cruikshank, “‘Literature’ and the Book Trade in Golden Age Spain,” MLR 73 (1978). Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 389–93 and authorities cited there.

187. A notable exception was the Mendoza family. For a perspective of the nobles as a whole, see Gil Fernández, pp. 299–327; Friedrich Edelmayer, “Aspectos del trabajo de los embajadores de la casa de Austria en la segunda mitad del siglo XVI,” Pedralbes 9 (1989), p. 47.

188. Quoted in Ramón Menéndez Pidal, The Spaniards in Their History, trans. Walter Starkie, London, 1950, p. 204.

189. Antonio Lafuente and Antonio Mazuecos, Los caballeros del punto fijo. Ciencia, política y aventura en la expedición geodésica hispanofrancesa al virreinato del Perú en el siglo XVIII, Madrid, 1987. See also Henry Kamen, Empire: How Spain Became a World Power, New York, 2003, chap. 10.

190. Cf. the presentations by François Lopez and Francisco Sánchez-Blanco in Dieciocho: Hispanic Enlightenment, Charlottesville, Va. (spring 1997).

191. Macanaz, cited in Kamen, Phoenix, p. 313.

192. Cited in Kamen 1980, p. 313.

193. James Boswell, The Life of Samuel Johnson, 2 vols., London, 1949, I, 226.

CHAPTER SEVEN. THE END OF MORISCO SPAIN

Epigraph. Cited by Luce López-Baralt, in her chapter in Legacy of Muslim Spain, p. 551.

1. See the fine account by Steven Runciman, A History of the Crusades, 3 vols., Cambridge, 1954, I, 107.

2. By now, Christian savagery in holy wars was habitual, the obvious example being the brutal massacre of all the inhabitants of Jerusalem—men, women and children, Muslims and Jews alike—when the Crusaders captured the city in 1099: Runciman, Crusades, I, 286–87.

3. For Cisneros’s conquests, see Kamen, Empire, pp. 30–31.

4. Cisneros to the chapter of Toledo cathedral, 3 Feb. 1500, in Ladero 1988, p. 427.

5. Cited in Ladero 1988, p. 305, n.66.

6. Royal letter of 12 Oct. 1501, in Ladero 1988, p. 478.

7. Quoted by L. P. Harvey, in his chapter in Legacy of Muslim Spain, p. 219.

8. My view, repeated over the years, is now reinforced by the work of Mark D. Meyerson, “Religious Change, Regionalism, and Royal Power in the Spain of Fernando and Isabel,” in L. J. Simon, ed., Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages, vol. I, Leiden, 1995, pp. 101–2.

9. On this, cf. B. Vincent, “Los moriscos y la circuncisión,” in Vincent.

10. H. C. Lea, The Moriscos of Spain: Their Conversion and Expulsion, London, 1901, pp. 409–14. Lea’s book is still the best general study.

11. A. Redondo, Antonio de Guevara (1480?-1545) et l’Espagne de son temps, Geneva, 1976.

12. M. A. Ladero Quesada, Los Mudéjares del reino de Castilla en tiempo de Isabel I, Valladolid, 1969.

13. Jacqueline Fournel, “Le livre et la civilisation écrite dans la communauté morisque aragonaise (1540–1620),” MCV 15 (1979).

14. Monter 1990, p. 212.

15. G. Colás Latorre, “Los moriscos aragoneses y su expulsión,” in Destierros aragoneses, pp. 203–5.

16. M. C. Anson Calvo, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 309.

17. Cf. Mikel de Epalza, “Les Morisques,” in Les Morisques et leur temps, Paris, 1983, pp. 38–39.

18. Cf. Mikel de Epalza, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 225.

19. See Kamen 2007, chap. 2. Gayangos’s discovery was reported in a letter to a friend: “About a year ago I was turning over hundreds of Spanish manuscripts in the library of the British Museum, when I chanced across some aljamiado poems. Then in Madrid I was examining some so-called Arabic manuscripts in the National Library, and discovered that most of them even though written in Arabic characters really contained accounts in Castilian and in Catalan, more or less mixed up with Arab words, depending on the education or calling of the writer. I mentioned this discovery to my late master the Baron Silvestre de Sacy [in Paris], who encouraged me to try and decipher some of the documents. I did so, and though it was very hard work at first, because of the corrupt language, the progress I made soon repaid my efforts fully.”

20. G. Colás Latorre, in Destierros aragoneses, p. 199.

21. The cases happened in 1637: see Eric Dursteler, “Muslim Renegade Women: Conversion and Agency in the Early Modern Mediterranean,” Journal of Mediterranean Studies 16, 1–2 (2006), pp. 103–12.

22. BL, Egerton 1832, ff. 37–38, gives a long list of the complaints of the Cortes against the Inquisition in every sphere of its activity.

23. Leila Sabbagh, “La religion des Moriscos entre deux fatwas,” in Les Morisques et leur temps, p. 49.

24. In reality, taqiyya was a principle of long standing in Islam, a form of mental reservation that was officially permitted to Shia Muslims who suffered persecution from states controlled by Sunni Muslims. See Etan Kohlberg, “Taqiyya in Shi’i Islam,” in Hans G. Kippenberg and Guy G. Strournsa, eds., Secrecy and Concealment: Studies in the History of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Religions, Leiden, 1995, pp. 345–80.

25. Reinkowski, pp. 422–23.

26. “The theory of a sharply divided Christian and Muslim world is not tenable”: Ciappara, p. 225.

27. Raphael Carrasco, p. 198.

28. G. Colás Latorre, “Cristianos y moriscos en Aragón,” MCV 29, 2 (1993).

29. Peter Dressendörfer, Islam unter der Inquisition. Die Morisco-Prozesse in Toledo 1575–1610, Wiesbaden, 1971, p. 64, n. 171.

30. “Sexualization transformed Moriscos into a dangerous deviant group, and provided imagery to justify Christian oppression. Moriscos represented the impure, the lewd, and the nefarious. . . . Christians saw sexual menace”: Mary Elizabeth Perry, The Handless Maiden: Moriscos and the Politics of Religion in Early Modern Spain, Princeton, 2005, pp. 54–56.

31. R. Carrasco, “Le refus d’assimilation des Morisques: Aspects politiques et culturels d’après les sources inquisitoriales,” in Les Morisques et leur temps.

32. A. Fernández de Madrid, Vida de Fray Fernando de Talavera, Granada, 1992, p. lix.

33. Quoted in Nader, The Mendoza Family in the Spanish Renaissance, p. 187.

34. Cardaillac, passim. A good survey also is Anwar G. Chejne, Islam and the West: The Moriscos, Albany, 1983.

35. Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent, chap. 5; R. Benítez and E. Ciscar, “La Iglesia ante la conversión y la expulsión de los Moriscos,” in García-Villoslada, IV, 255–307.

36. Ehlers, pp. 84–90.

37. Carrasco Urgoiti, p. 149.

38. Cf. Monter 1990, p. 133.

39. J. Contreras, “La Inquisición de Aragón: Estructura y oposición (1550–1700),” Estudios de historia social 1 (1977). “Life” sentences in Spain never amounted to more than a few months.

40. García-Arenal 1978, p. 84.

41. J.-P. Dedieu, “Les Morisques de Daimiel et l’Inquisition,” in Les Morisques et leur temps.

42. Archbishop of Valencia to Philip II, 9 Aug. 1567, BL, Egerton, 1510, f. 115.

43. J. Aranda Doncel, “La esclavitud en Córdoba,” in Córdoba, apuntes para su historia, Córdoba, 1981.

44. Carrasco, p. 205.

45. Cf. Monter 1990, chap. 9, with useful new perspectives.

46. Vincent, p. 125.

47. García-Arenal 1978, pp. 11, 23, 39.

48. Monter 1990, p. 189.

49. García-Arenal 1978, p. 39; García Fuentes, p. xxxiii.

50. Bishop of Tortosa to Cardinal Espinosa, 28 July 1568, AHN Inq, leg. 21551.

51. Carrasco Urgoiti, p. 148.

52. L. García Ballester, Medicina, ciencia y minorías marginadas: Los moriscos, Granada, 1977.

53. Cardaillac, p. 100.

54. J. M. Magán García and R. Sánchez González, Moriscos granadinos en La Sagra de Toledo 1570–1610, Toledo, 1993, p. 82.

55. García-Arenal 1978, p. 117.

56. Monter 1990, pp. 224–26.

57. A thorough study of the matter can be found in Manuel Barrios Aguilera and Mercedes García-Arenal, eds., Los plomos del Sacromonte: Invención y tesoro, Valencia, 2006; and by the same authors, ¿La historia inventada? Los libros plúmbeos y el legado sacromontano, Granada, 2008. There is a good discussion in David Coleman,Creating Christian Granada: Society and Religious Culture in an Old-World Frontier City, 1492–1600, Ithaca, 2003, pp. 189–201; and in A. K. Harris, From Muslim to Christian Granada: Inventing a City’s Past in Early Modern Spain. Baltimore, 2007.

58. B. Vincent, “Los moriscos del reino de Granada después de 1570,” NRFH 30 (1981).

59. T. Halperin Donghi, “Les Morisques du royaume de Valence au XVIe siècle,” Annales (1956); T. Halperin Donghi, “Un conflicto nacional en el siglo de oro,” CHE 23–24 (1955), and 25–26 (1957).

60. A. Hess, “The Moriscos: An Ottoman Fifth Column,” AHR 74 (1968–69).

61. J. Aranda Doncel, “Cristianos y moriscos en Córdoba,” in Les Morisques et leur temps, p. 263.

62. Braudel, I, 591. The phrase may appear exaggerated, but problems of multi-cultural coexistence are still an issue in Europe, for example, in England and the Netherlands.

63. BN, MS.721, ff. 39–46.

64. Ehlers, p. 111.

65. This conclusion, drawn from research by James Casey, is summarized in Henry Kamen, Spain, 1469–1714: A Society of Conflict, London, 1991, p. 221.

66. In reality, in Valencia at least, Morisco growth was already falling off: James Casey, “Moriscos and the Depopulation of Valencia,” P&P 50 (1971).

67. Cf. James B. Tueller, Good and Fruitful Christians. Moriscos and Catholicism in Early Modern Spain, New Orleans, 2002, pp. 161–72.

68. The following details are drawn from the authoritative study by Henri Lapeyre, Géographie de l’Espagne morisque, Paris, 1959.

69. Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent, chap. 9.

70. BL, Eg.MS.1151, ff. 323, 336. Cf. Pascual Boronat, Los moriscos españoles y su expulsión, 2 vols., Valencia, 1901, II, 657–61 .

71. AHN Inq, leg. 46711.

72. Carr, chaps. 18–20, gives an excellent survey of the expulsion.

73. On Cervantes’ views, cf. F. Márquez Villanueva, Personajes y temas del Quijote, Madrid, 1975.

74. Boronat, Los moriscos españoles, II, 196–97; F. Janer, La condición social de los moriscos de España, Madrid, 1857, pp. 114, 116.

75. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 102.

76. Boronat, Los moriscos españoles, II, 68–93.

77. Kamen 1980, p. 304.

78. The best survey of the emigration is Henri Lapeyre, La géographie de l’Espagne morisque, Paris, 1959.

79. For Ricote, see Tueller, Good and Fruitful Christians, pp. 180–89.

80. For some cases, Rosa Blasco, “Los moriscos que permanecieron en el obispado de Orihuela después de 1609,” Sharq al-Andalus 6 (1989).

81. Alcalá 1987, p. 83.

82. Martine Ravillard, Bibliographie commentée des Morisques, Algiers, 1979.

83. Cited in G. Gozalbes Busto, Los moriscos en Marruecos, Granada, 1992, p. 115.

84. Quoted in Kagan and Dyer, p. 126.

85. Trevor Dadson, Los moriscos de Villarubia de los Ojos (siglos XV-XVIII), Madrid, 2007, cited in Carr, p. 269.

86. Figures (probably insecure) as given by Contreras, in Henningsen and Tedeschi, p. 119.

87. AHN Inq, leg. 51261. This case is completely unstudied.

88. Wiegers, p. 12.

89. Wiegers, pp. 13–14, puts forward the idea of Luna as the possible author. However, he also says in another essay: “It seems most likely that the author was a European convert to Islam who wrote in Istanbul and was in close contact with Moriscos in Tunis, Spain and Morocco” (Wiegers, “European Converts to Islam in the Maghrib and the Polemical Writings of the Moriscos,” in Mercedes García-Arenal, ed., Conversions islamiques. Identités religieuses en Islam méditerranéen, Paris, 2001, p. 212).

90. Available in several published editions, and also as an e-document on the Internet.

91. The best summary of research on the Gospel of Barnabas is by Jan Slomp, “The Gospel of Barnabas in Recent Research,” Islamochristiana, Rome, 23 (1997). Basic contributions to the idea of a Morisco origin came from M. de Epalza, “Le milieu hispano-moresque de l’Evangile islamisant de Barnabé (XVI-XVIIe s.),” Islamochristiana, Rome, 8 (1982), and more recently from Luis Bernabé, “Los mecanismos de una resistencia: Los libros plúmbeos del Sacromonte y el Evangelio de Bernabé,” al-Qantara, Madrid, 23, 2 (2002).

92. Our information on Alonso de Luna comes from his statements to the Inquisition in AHN Inq, leg. 1953, reproduced, for example, in Bernard Vincent, “Et quelques voix de plus: De Francisco Núñez Muley à Fatima Ratal,” Sharq al-Andalus 12 (1995), pp. 142–44.

93. Beebe Bahrami, “Al-Andalus and Memory: The Past and Being Present among Hispano-Moroccan Andalucians from Rabat,” in Beckwith, pp. 127, 137.

94. For aspects of the continuing Hispanic memory among exiles, see Míkel de Epalza and Ramon Petit, eds., Recueil d’études sur les moriscos andalous en Tunisie, Madrid and Tunis, 1973. I am grateful to Luce López-Baralt for this reference.

95. Susan T. Rivers, “Exiles from Andalucia,” Aramco World 42, 4 (July–Aug. 1991).

96. Castro, chap. VIII, “Islamic Tradition and Spanish Life.”

97. Bennassar 1988, pp. 1349–66.

98. Anita González, “La Inquisición en las fronteras del Mediterráneo. Historia de los renegados, 1540–1694,” Areas 9 (1988), pp. 51–74. The phenomenon of renegades could also be found among Christian Italians.

99. Some figures for the case of Malta are in Ciappara, pp. 250–60.

100. Bennassar 1988, p. 1349.

101. Antonio de Sosa’s Topography of Algiers (1612), ed. and introd. by María Antonia Garcés, trans. Diana de Armas Wilson, Notre Dame, 2011, p. 8.

102. Tijana Krstić, Contested Conversions to Islam: Narratives of Religious Change in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire, Stanford, 2011, p. 2.

103. Ronald Hilton, La légende noire au 18e siècle: Le monde hispanique vu du dehors, 2002 (online).

104. Henry Swinburne, Travels through Spain, in the Years 1775 and 1776, 2nd edn., 2 vols., London, 1787, I, 261.

105. For Orientalism in Spain, see Kamen 2007, chap. 2.

CHAPTER EIGHT. THE POLITICS OF HERESY

Epigraph. Inquisitors to Suprema, 1623, AHN Inq, lib. 744, f. 146.

1. Leopold von Ranke, The Ottoman and Spanish Empires, Philadelphia, 1945, translated from the German version of 1827.

2. For example, Bennassar 1979, p. 373, on the tribunal as “arme absolue de la monarchie”; A. Domínguez Ortiz, “Regalismo y relaciones Iglesia-Estado,” in García-Villoslada, IV, 113–21; and Perry and Cruz, p. 110: “historians may be wrong in concluding that the Holy Office did not serve as an instrument of royal absolutism.”

3. Bethencourt, p. 1. The idea of the Inquisition as an instrument for building the modern state is proposed by some students of institutional history, e.g., Irene Silverblatt, Modern Inquisitions, Durham, 2004, who presents the Spanish tribunal as “the most modern of Spain’s bureaucracies” (p. 6), creator of “modern power” and bureaucracy, a contributor to “state building in the name of truth” (p. 120). For a corrective to this view, see Alejandro Cañeque, “On Modernity, Colonialism and the Spanish Inquisition: Reflections on the Spanish Empire in the New World,” 2011 paper delivered at Boston, accessible online.

4. Netanyahu 1995, p. 1051. Netanyahu denies that the king wished to achieve absolutism through political means (p. 1024); rather, he states, the king’s objective was to consolidate his power by playing the religious card against the Jews.

5. The best and only survey of royal absolutism in Spain is I. A. A. Thompson, “Absolutism, Legalism and the Law in Castile, 1500–1700,” in R. G. Asch and H. Duchhardt, eds., Der Absolutismus—Ein Mythos? Cologne, 1996. Spanish “legists,” writes Thompson, “rejected the concept of absolute as illegitimate and abhorrent.”

6. For a balanced view of the role of clerical elites in state building, see Hélène Millet and Peter Moraw, “Clerics in the State,” in Wolfgang Reinhard, ed., Power Elites and State Building, Oxford, 1996, chap. 9.

7. Sesma Muñoz, p. 229.

8. This date, suggested by José Antonio Escudero (“The Origin of the Suprema,” in Alcalá 1987), revises the date 1483 given by Lea.

9. Lea, I, 174.

10. Quoted in Galván Rodríguez, p. 37.

11. Quoted in Poole, p. 81.

12. Fontes Iudaeorum, II, 23: “el más perro hombre del mundo, hereje cruel.”

13. García-Cárcel 1976, p. 135; García-Cárcel 1980, p. 127.

14. AHN Inq, lib. 1275, f. 169.

15. See Galván Rodríguez, p. 567.

16. Galván Rodríguez, p. 676.

17. Cited by R. López Vela, in Historia, II, 105.

18. In fact, for Aragon, Italy, Navarre and America.

19. Historia, II, 112–16.

20. Lea, II, 168–78. The case has been studied recently in a Madrid thesis by Chicha Gómez.

21. Nicolau Eimeric and Francisco Peña, Le manual des inquisiteurs, ed. L. Sala-Molins, Paris, 1973.

22. Given, p. 215.

23. Lea, II, passim.

24. “‘Inquisition’ was what the inquisitors did when carrying out their functions”: Novalín, in Historia, I, 635.

25. For one view of the Instructions, see J. L. González Novalín, “Reforma de las leyes del Santo Oficio,” in Nueva visión, pp. 211–17.

26. AHN Inq, lib. 497.

27. I here follow J. Contreras and J. P. Dedieu, “Geografía de la Inquisición española: La formación de los distritos, 1470–1820,” Hispania 40 (1980); but their information should be balanced against the exhaustive listing in Lea, I, 541–55.

28. Report to Suprema, Apr. 1582, AHN Inq, lib. 739, f. 176.

29. It is possible to offer alternative dates, depending on what one means by “establishment.”

30. Toledo had four: see R. Pérez-Bustamante, “Nóminas de inquisidores,” in Nueva visión, p. 261.

31. Cf. J. Caro Baroja, El señor inquisidor y otras vidas por oficio, Madrid, 1970, pp. 20, 31.

32. J.-P. Dedieu, in Bennassar 1979, p. 84.

33. Some theoretical aspects of criminal law, however, were being explored by sixteenth-century Spanish writers such as Alfonso de Castro.

34. The relevance of medieval inquisitors such as Gui and Eimeric to the subsequent development of the phenomenon of Inquisition is one of the themes in Karen Sullivan, The Inner Lives of Medieval Inquisitors, Chicago, 2011, especially chap. 7.

35. With prominent exceptions such as Fernando de Valdés, inquisitors have been little studied. A pioneering work was Caro Baroja’s El Señor Inquisidor y otras vidas por oficio, Madrid, 2006 edn, first publ. 1968. I have been unable to consult the forthcoming study by Kimberly Lynn, Between Court and Confessional: The Politics of Spanish Inquisitors, Cambridge, 2013.

36. Rules of 1560 and 1573 required that they be married, peaceable and of non-converso origin, with a minimum age of twenty-five: Lea, II, 275, 279.

37. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 217.

38. Letter of 25 Aug, 1615, AHN Inq, lib. 742, f. 254.

39. Contreras, pp. 90–92.

40. R. García-Cárcel, “Número y sociología de los familiares de la Inquisición valenciana,” in Nueva visión, p. 277.

41. Philip II to Quiroga, 16 July 1574, BL, Eg.1506, f .21v.

42. Lea, I, 447.

43. Report of 13 May 1628, AHN Inq, leg. 21551.

44. Letter of 7 May 1609, AHN Inq, lib. 741, f. 325.

45. Letter of 8 Oct. 1622, AHN Inq, lib. 744, f. 7.

46. The familars were Narcis Portell and Salvador Feliu: see Kamen, Phoenix, p. 268. As merchants, they were not interested in holding administrative posts.

47. García-Cárcel, “Número y sociología,” p. 279. In Valencia and Granada the Inquisition also appointed Moriscos as familiars.

48. The conclusion in Jaime Contreras, “The Social Infrastructure of the Inquisition: Familiars and Commissioners,” in Alcalá 1987, pp. 133–58, that familiars in Aragon were from “the middle class and wealthy bourgeoisie,” is incorrect.

49. For familiars in Catalonia, see Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 265–70, a picture that corrects the presentation given by Contreras, “The Social Infrastructure,” p. 151, of Catalan familiars as having “a predominance of the middle classes.”

50. Inquisitors to Suprema, 24 June 1597, AHN Inq, leg. 27071.

51. Contreras, “The Social Infrastructure,” pp. 90–92, 129–30.

52. Libro histórico politico. Sólo Madrid es Corte, Madrid, 1675.

53. AHN Inq, leg. 5025/1.

54. An analysis of comisarios in the diocese of Cuenca is given by Sara Nalle, “Inquisitors, Priests and People during the Catholic Reformation in Spain,” SCJ 18, 4 (1987). She gives an unlikely image of an Inquisition “with the ability to correct the religious beliefs and activities of the most humble shepherd or lofty lord.” Her later study on the same area, God in La Mancha, modifies this position somewhat.

55. Cf. Given, pp. 198–99.

56. Nalle, “Inquisitors,” p. 584.

57. Reguera, p. 57.

58. The rest of this chapter contains some references to cash and coinage. The Inquisition papers tend to calculate coinage in the form of the maravedi, a minute copper coin. To avoid absurd figures running into millions, I have converted all maravedis into ducats (375 maravedis equalled 1 ducat), a coin used in the sixteenth century in Castile. On confiscations, see Henry Kamen, “Confiscations in the Economy of the Spanish Inquisition,” EconHR 18, 3 (1965).

59. Hernando del Pulgar, Los claros varones de España, Madrid, 1747, p. 252.

60. Diego Ortiz de Zúñiga, Annales de Sevilla, Madrid, 1677, p. 389.

61. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los judaizantes castellanos,” in Inquisición y conversos, p. 196.

62. Cited by Amando Represa, “El miedo y la huida ante la Inquisición,” in Proyección histórica de España en sus tres culturas, Valladolid, 1993, I, 259–64.

63. Beinart 1974, I, 391.

64. Copy of petition by consellers to king, IMH, Consellers C.XVIII-6.

65. Thomas, La represión, p. 25.

66. Fidel Fita, “La Inquisición en Guadalupe,” BRAH 23 (1893), pp. 283–88.

67. Cf. Pilar Huerga, “La Hacienda de la Inquisición aragonesa durante el reinado de Fernando el Católico,” Jerónimo Zurita 63–64 (1991; publ. 1994).

68. Cf. Lea, II, 367, 371.

69. García Ivars, p. 221.

70. A total arrived at after consulting the voluminous papers in AHN Inq, legs. 4776–79.

71. Pedro Sanahuja, OFM, Lérida en sus luchas por la fe, Lleida, 1946, p. 162.

72. Azcona, p. 274.

73. Lea, II, 403.

74. Ladero 1984, p .40.

75. Ladero 1984, p. 41.

76. Historia, II, 909.

77. Lea, I, 329.

78. A “prebend” (from the late Latin praebenda) was a salary deriving from a church or cathedral; similarly, a canonry, mentioned below, was the income a member of the cathedral body drew from the cathedral.

79. Lea, I, 330.

80. To emperor, 25 Jan. 1547: AGS:E, leg. 75, f. 302.

81. M. Avilés, “Motivos de crítica,” in Nueva visión, p. 191.

82. AHN Inq, leg. 2700.

83. AHN Inq, leg. 2702.

84. AHN Inq, leg. 47601.

85. AHN Inq, leg. 47233.

86. Cited in J. Fernández Nieva, La Inquisición y los moriscos extremeños (1585–1610), Badajoz, 1979, p. 87.

87. For 1618, from García-Cárcel 1980, p. 177; for 1671–78, from AHN Inq, leg. 49941; for 1705, from AGS: Gracia y Justicia, leg. 622.

88. AHN Inq, leg. 47233.

89. AHN Inq, leg. 47233; Fernández Nieva, La Inquisición, p. 16.

90. “Memoria de los salarios que tienen,” AHN Inq, lib. 1232 ff. 205–9.

91. AHN Inq, leg. 47241, exped. 1.

92. Kamen, “Confiscations.”

93. AHN Inq, leg. 45972.

94. Lea, II, 433.

95. AHN Inq, leg. 47601; also M. I. Pérez de Colosia and J. Gil, Málaga y la Inquisición (1550–1600), no. 38 of Jábega, 1982, p. 13.

96. Fernández Nieva, La Inquisición,p. 87.

97. Lea, II, 438.

98. Kamen, Spain, p. 360.

99. G. Cerrillo, “Los familiares de la Inquisición en la época borbónica,” RI 4 (1995).

100. Historia, II, 1059.

101. Cf. Valentin Groebner, Who Are You? Identification, Deception and Surveillance in Early Modern Europe, New York, 2007.

102. Lea, II, 110.

103. In BN, MS.718, ff. 108–10, “Remisiones de causas hechas por los sumos Pontifices a la Inquisición de España,” there are examples of twenty-one such appeals referred back between 1569 and 1608.

104. Lea, II, 8.

105. A. Astraín, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la asistencia de España, 7 vols., Madrid, 1902–25, vols. I–III.

106. A prosecution paper is published by Carlos Carrete Parrondo as Fontes Iudaeorum, vol. III.

107. This brief account, virtually unchanged from the first edition of this book, is based on Menéndez Pelayo, V, 9–82; G. Marañón, “El proceso del arzobispo Carranza,” BRAH 127 (1950), pp. 135–78; Lea, II, 48–86; and Tellechea 1969, I, 23–26. The various studies by Tellechea on Carranza are definitive; but there is still no adequate biography.

108. John Edwards, Mary I, England’s Catholic Queen, New Haven and London, 2011, p. 264. See also John Edwards and R. W. Truman, Reforming Catholicism in the England of Mary Tudor: The Achievement of Friar Bartolomé Carranza, Aldershot, 2005.

109. The definitive life of Valdés, by J. L. González Novalín, El inquisidor general Fernando de Valdés, throws considerable light on the case.

110. Cf. Tellechea, in Historia, I, 566 (a useful summary of the case, published 1984).

111. Marañón, “El proceso,” p. 145.

112. Lea, I, 567–69, appendix I.

113. A point made by R. López Vela in Historia, II, 88, 100.

114. AHN Inq, lib. 1262, ff. 138–47.

115. AHN Inq, lib. 1275, f. 232.

116. “Justicias reales castigados por el Sancto Oficio,” AHN Inq, lib. 1275, ff. 1–8.

117. Cited in Carrasco Urgoiti, p. 151; my italics.

118. AHN Inq, leg. 15921, no. 2.

119. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 218.

120. Cited in Carrasco Urgoiti, p. 142.

121. AHN Inq, leg. 21551.

122. Consulta of Aragon, 22 Aug. 1587, ACA:CA, leg. 262, f. 4.

123. “Exemplares de haverse mandado borrar de libros de Audiencias y Consejos cedulas dadas contra el estilo de la Inquisición,” AHN Inq, lib. 1275, f. 203, is taken up almost wholly with conflicts with Barcelona.

124. To Suprema, 7 Sept. 1618, AHN Inq, lib. 743, ff. 95–99.

125. Quoted in Kamen, Phoenix, p. 211.

126. To Suprema, 12 Jan. 1613, AHN Inq, lib. 742, ff. 128–129. See the extended discussion of this in Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 268–70.

127. Menéndez y Pelayo, VI, 56.

128. Junta on Aragon to Philip II, 14 July 1591, BZ, 186, f. 15.

129. Cited by Gregorio Marañón, Antonio Pérez (El hombre, el drama, la época). 2 vols., Madrid, 1947, II, 605.

130. In a letter of Philip III, 14. Aug 1599, ACA:CA, leg. 264, f. 108.

131. AGS:E/K, 1505, nos. 46–77.

132. What follows is drawn from Henry Kamen, La España de Carlos II, Barcelona, 1981, pp. 364–69. This study contains a chapter 8, on the Church (and the Inquisition), that does not appear in the previously published English version, which is cited in my present bibliography as “Kamen 1980.”

133. This quotation, and the Sanz case, are detailed in Kamen 1980.

134. “Consulta que hizo la Junta que mandó formar el Señor Rey Don Carlos 2º a Su Magd para reformar abusos de Inquisición,” Real Academia de la Historia, MS. Est.23.gr.5.a.B, no. 129, ff. 308–52.

135. The mistaken idea of the Inquisition as a unique political body in Spain exercising jurisdiction that cut across frontiers is repeated frequently by nonhistorians. A recent example is Georgina Dopico-Black, Perfect Wives, Other Women: Adultery and Inquisition in Early Modern Spain, Durham, 2001, p. 10: “The Spanish Inquisition served as an instrument of national centralization. The Supreme Council of the Inquisition was the only formal institution with jurisdiction over all the kingdoms of Spain.” Neither of these statements is correct.

136. Cf. R. López Vela in Historia, II, 117.

137. Lea, II, 133–57.

138. Serrano, III, lxx.

139. E.g., by Lea, in general; also by Monter 1990, p. 27.

140. Cf. Lea, IV, 514.

141. See, for example, Kamen 1997; also Patrick Williams, Philip II, New York, 2001.

142. BN, MS.2569. No denunciation or prosecution ever took place.

143. Galván Rodríguez, p. 448.

144. In the 1650s, for example, the council of State agreed to grant toleration to English Protestant sailors in Spanish ports, but the Inquisition blocked the measure.

145. Quoted thus in Claudio Sánchez Albornoz, España, un enigma histórico, 2 vols., 2nd edn., Buenos Aires, 1956, II, 563. Lea, IV, 250, quotes it as four clerics. The origin of the quote is unknown.

146. Cited J. Contreras, “La Inquisición aragonesa,” HS 36, 76 (1985), pp. 516–17.

147. Contreras, “La Inquisición aragonesa,” pp. 516–17.

148. Here I use quotations from the one-volume English edition of Gregorio Marañón, Antonio Pérez: “Spanish Traitor,” London, 1954, pp. 11, 13.

149. Marañón, Antonio Pérez: “Spanish Traitor,” p. 53.

150. Marañón, Antonio Pérez: “Spanish Traitor,” p. 276. The word “liberty” here meant expressly “the laws of Aragon,” and not the general concept of liberty.

151. The names of the dead are given in CODOIN, XII, 418–20.

152. This version of his death, given by the count of Luna (Francisco de Gurrea y Aragón, conde de Luna, Comentarios de los sucesos de Aragon en los años 1591 y 1592. Madrid, 1888, pp. 251–53), who was present in the city and knew all those participating in the execution, must be accepted over the highly dramatic version offered by many historians.

153. Ungerer, I, 84. “Old, weary and worn out from persecution.”

154. Ungerer, I, 212.

155. Ungerer, I, 304.

156. Marcelin Defourneaux, Pablo de Olavide ou l’Afrancesado (1725–1803), Paris, 1959, pp. 476–91.

157. Defourneaux, Pablo de Olavide, p. 327.

158. I take the details that follow from Manuela Moreno, “Breve biografía de Olavide,” Inquisición española. Nuevas aproximaciones, Madrid, 1987.

159. Jean Sarrailh, L’Espagne éclairée de la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1954, p. 622, who cites also the opinion of the French scholar Morel-Fatio.

160. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 437.

161. Gonzalo Correas, Vocabulario de refranes, Madrid, 1924, p. 124.

CHAPTER NINE. CRIME AND PUNISHMENT

1. E.g., Beinart 1974.

2. This is the case, notably, of Netanyahu 1995.

3. AHN Inq, leg. 1867, no. 36.

4. Susan Dwyer Amussen, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England, Oxford, 1988, pp. 98–101.

5. The material that follows is drawn from Kamen, Phoenix. The history of the Inquisition in Catalonia can be followed in three main studies: the references in Lea’s volumes, my chapter 5 in Phoenix, and the volume by Juan Blázquez Miguel, La Inquisición en Cataluña. El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de Barcelona (1487–1820), Toledo, 1990.

6. AHN Inq, lib. 732, f. 30v.

7. AHN Inq, lib. 733, f. 367v.

8. López-Lázaro, p. 21.

9. AHN Inq, lib. 733, f. 385.

10. Amando Represa, “El miedo y la huida ante la Inquisición,” in Proyección histórica de España en sus tres culturas, Valladolid, 1993, I, 254–64.

11. Tomás y Valiente, pp. 167–70.

12. Mariana, vol. 31, p. 202.

13. Cited by Represa, “El miedo,” pp. 259–64.

14. Huerga 1958, p. 13.

15. Records of the Spanish Inquisition, Translated from the Original Manuscripts, Boston, 1828, p. 27.

16. Birch, I, 103, 112.

17. Lea, II, 99.

18. AHN Inq, leg. 218, no. 20, case of 1674.

19. García Ivars, p. 231.

20. This useful point is made by Dedieu, p. 108.

21. Records of the Spanish Inquisition, pp. 78–113.

22. Lea, III, 552, analyzing a manuscript from the University of Halle.

23. Lea, II, 572.

24. For example, in the United States the taking of evidence by a grand jury involves applying the rule of secrecy to “the identities of witnesses or jurors, the substance of testimony” as well as actual transcripts, “the strategy or direction of the investigation, the deliberations or questions of jurors, and the like”: Federal Rules for Criminal Proceedings 6(e).

25. AGS:PR Inq, leg. 28; cf. Lea, I, 585.

26. I am now unable to locate my source for this. Cf. Caro Baroja, II, 187.

27. Miguel Avilés, “Motivos de crítica a la Inquisición en tiempos de Carlos V,” in Nueva Visión, p. 190.

28. Cited by Vincent, p. 142.

29. “La orden que ha de guardar el inquisidor que huviera de salir a visitar de la Inquisición de Llerena,” AHN Inq, lib. 1229, ff. 168–79.

30. Baer, II, 343; Lea, I, 169. Since not all parishes figure in this total, the real number of penitents may have been much higher.

31. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 192.

32. Carrasco, pp. 203–5.

33. The edict of faith for the year 1624, printed in Miguel Jiménez Monteserín, Introducción a la Inquisición española, Madrid, 1980, runs to thirty-two pages (pp. 503–35).

34. Contreras, in Historia, I, 755, makes this claim on the terror caused in Galicia by edicts.

35. Cf. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 247. One should add that all edicts were read in Castilian, a language incomprehensible to the population in many parts of Spain, especially Catalonia.

36. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 471, n. 220.

37. CODOIN, 112, pp. 264–65, 270.

38. AHN Inq, leg. 2701.

39. Iñaki Reguera, “Las cárceles de la Inquisición de Logroño,” in Perfiles, p. 437.

40. “Extracts from a Narrative of the Persecution of Hippolyto Joseph da Costa Pereira,” in the English version of Philipp van Limborch’s classic The History of the Inquisition, London, 1816, pp. 521–30.

41. Escamilla-Colin, I, 678.

42. M. de la Pinta Llorente, Las cárceles inquisitoriales españolas, Madrid, 1949, p. 115.

43. Birch, I, 367–68.

44. Pinta Llorente, Las cárceles, p. 102.

45. B. Vincent, “La prison inquisitoriale au XVIe siècle,” in A. Redondo, Les problèmes de l’exclusion en Espagne (XVIe–XVIIe siècles), Paris, 1983, p. 117.

46. In some prisons in Brazil today, twenty-five inmates have to fit into cells constructed for four people. Prison systems in Europe are supposed to provide at least five square meters of living space for each detainee; in practice many countries provide only two square meters. According to official statistics, three-quarters of the prisons in France, England, Italy and Spain suffer from this overcrowding. Details in Prison Overcrowding and Prison Population Inflation, the Council of Europe, Strasbourg, 2000.

47. Birch, I, 235.

48. Lea, II, 534.

49. Escamilla-Colin, I, 696.

50. In what follows, I draw on the fine sketch given in Murphy, pp. 47–53.

51. Given, p. 217.

52. Lea, III, 11.

53. AHN Inq, lib. 497, f. 45.

54. A study that looks at the Inquisition’s use of torture in a European perspective is Ariel Glucklich, Sacred Pain: Hurting the Body for the Sake of the Soul, Oxford, 2001, chap. 7.

55. Beinart 1981, p. 120.

56. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 199.

57. Bennassar 1979, pp. 115–16.

58. Lea, III, 33.

59. Escamilla-Colin, I, 599.

60. Escamilla-Colin, I, 593.

61. Some historians, on the other hand, maintain that the inquisitors had sophisticated Communist-style methods. For example, Dedieu, pp. 80–82, believes that inquisitors and Chinese Communists “appliquaient des techniques semblables.” Similarly, Joseph Perez, The Spanish Inquisition, New Haven and London, 2004, pp. 222–24, claims to see “similarities between an inquisitorial trial and a Stalinist one.” He also views the tribunal as “an anticipation of modern totalitarianism” (p. 175).

62. The rack was virtually the only torture used by the tribunal in the seventeenth century. A detailed account of torture methods at that epoch is given in AHN Inq, lib. 1226, ff. 605–9: “La forma que se tiene en executar los tormentos en Castilla,” dated 24 May 1662.

63. Inquisitors to Suprema, 1 Apr. 1579, AHN Inq, leg. 2704.

64. Cases of the 1660s cited by Escamilla-Colin, I, 593–97.

65. For a case of 1648 in a secular court, cf. Tomás y Valiente, p. 414.

66. Lea, III, 25.

67. Birch, I, 381.

68. Murphy, p. 90. The water torture, in particular, or “waterboarding” as it is now known, has gained a grim notoriety through its regular use by agents of the United States government in Guantánamo.

69. AHN Inq, lib. 998, f. 212.

70. Lea, III, 46.

71. Lea, III, 68.

72. AHN Inq, leg. 1679, no. 3.

73. AHN Inq, leg. 37, no. 1.

74. J.-P. Dedieu, “L’Inquisition et le droit. Analyse formelle de la procédure inquisitoriale en cause de foi,” MCV 23 (1987), gives a schematic explanation of trial procedure.

75. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 255.

76. IMH, Barcelona, Consellers C.XVIII, vol. 8, f. 65.

77. To Suprema, 2 May 1590, AHN Inq, leg. 27061, no. 33. The Morisco was Gonzalo Bejarano, a convicted thief, whose vengeful revelations began the last great prosecution against the Moriscos of Hornachos.

78. Lea, III, 79.

79. Casey, chap. 8, “Obedience to the Law,” gives an excellent outline; but the history of crime in pre-modern Spain has barely begun to be studied.

80. T. A. Mantecón, “Meaning and Social Context of Crime in Preindustrial Times: Rural Society in the North of Spain, 17th and 18th centuries,” Crime, histoire & sociétés/Crime, History & Societies 2, 1 (1998), offers a useful bibliography relating particularly to Spain.

81. López-Lázaro, p. 76.

82. The most ambitious were the figures offered by G. Henningsen and J. Contreras, “Forty-four Thousand Cases of the Spanish Inquisition (1540–1700),” in Henningsen and Tedeschi, pp. 100–29.

83. In the tribunal of Murcia, where the Contreras figures offered a total of 1735 cases between 1562 and 1682, the real total of cases was 2726, or over 50 percent more: J. Blázquez Miguel, El tribunal de la Inquisición en Murcia, Murcia, 1986, p. 274. In the tribunal of Granada, where the Contreras figures offered 538 cases for the period 1550–1700, the real total was 1,187 persons tried, or over 100 percent more: Blázquez Miguel, “Algunas precisiones sobre estadística inquisitorial,” HS 40 (1988), p. 137. For the tribunal of Barcelona, there are major disparities between the Contreras figures and the real number of cases.

84. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 259.

85. Bethencourt, pp. 31, 444.

86. Dedieu, pp. 240–41, tables 34, 35.

87. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 212. A closer look at these cases (and those from Galicia) may well produce a different analysis, but the figures can serve to give an idea of the balance between different penalties.

88. Contreras, p. 550.

89. Birch, I, xxiv.

90. Beinart 1974, I, 607.

91. Cf. Lea, III, 162.

92. The incorrect form sambenito grew up because Castilians pronounced “m” instead of “n” in the word.

93. Escamilla-Colin, I, 830.

94. A large literature on this topic was launched with the influential work of Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, first published in Paris in French in 1975.

95. Cf. Dedieu, “L’Inquisition et le droit,” p. 247.

96. B. Vincent, “La prison inquisitoriale au XVIe siècle,” in Augustin Redondo, Les problèmes de l’exclusion en Espagne (Xve–XVIIe siècles, Paris, 1983, p. 120.

97. Lea, III, 156.

98. Monter 1990, p. 32. Monter has the best available study of this punishment.

99. Jan Glete, War and the State in Early Modern Europe: Spain, the Dutch Republic and Sweden as Fiscal-Military States, 1500–1660, London, 2002, pp. 68–69.

100. In reality, even in state tribunals “life” meant a maximum of ten years, according to a declaration issued by the Council of War in 1690: report of 19 Aug. 1690, AGS:E, leg. 4138.

101. Vincent, p. 141.

102. Monter 1990, p. 35.

103. BN, MS.9475.

104. The essential study is R. I. Moore, The Formation of a Persecuting Society, Oxford, 1987; the most extensive treatment is Henry C. Lea, A History of the Inquisition of the Middle Ages, 3 vols., New York, 1887, available in many editions and online; a useful summary may be found in Peters, pp. 56–64.

105. Monter 1996, p. 50. See also the figures cited above in chapter 5.

106. Cf. Bennassar 1979, p. 118.

107. Letter of 11 May 1573, AHN Inq, leg. 2703.

108. Fita, “La Inquisición toledana.”

109. J. Simón Díaz, “La Inquisición de Logroño (1570–1580),” Berceo 1 (1946).

110. AHN Inq, leg. 46962.

111. AHN Inq, leg. 50473.

112. AHN Inq, leg. 47241, no. 1.

113. A full account exists, by M. V. Caballero, “El auto de fe de 1680,” RI 3 (1994), pp. 69–140.

114. Rizzi, a colleague of Claudio Coello and other Castilian painters, seems to have been born in 1614 and died in 1685.

115. An Authentick Narrative of the Origin, Establishment and Progress of the Inquisition, London, 1748, pp. 35–39. The original account is Joseph del Olmo, Relación histórica del auto general de fe que se celebró en Madrid este año de 1680, Madrid, 1680. I have consulted the text in Bodleian Library Vet.G.3.e.6.

116. Spierenburg studies the case of Amsterdam but also has a wider perspective.

117. Fidel Fita, “La Inquisición de Logroño y un judaizante quemado en 1719,” BRAH 45 (1904).

CHAPTER TEN. THE IMAGE AND REALITY OF POWER

Epigraph. Inquisitors of Barcelona to Suprema, AHN Inq, leg. 15921.

1. The quotation from Peña was rendered into French with the verb “terroriser” by a scholar (Bennassar 1979), seemingly in order to present the tribunal as an instrument of terror.

2. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 257.

3. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 256, 260.

4. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 260.

5. “One of the duties of the good citizen, as constituted in modern Europe, was to inform the authorities in order to hinder the commission of crimes, or uphold the existing order. The surveillance societies that emerged over the past two centuries can be distinguished . . . particularly because of the role envisaged for citizens, whose duty became to watch, listen and inform. . . . ‘Panopticism’ was established: the all-seeing society in which no one ever felt beyond surveillance”: Robert Gellately, “Denunciations in Twentieth-Century Germany: Aspects of Self-Policing in the Third Reich and the German Democratic Republic,” in Sheila Fitzpatrick and Robert Gellately, eds.,Accusatory Practices: Denunciation in Modern European History, 1789–1989, Chicago, 1997, p. 185.

6. Cf. Ciappara, pp. 343–45, explaining the example of Malta.

7. Eugenio Alberi, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, Florence, 1839–40, series I, vol. 5, p. 22.

8. The definitive biography is by J. L. González Novalín, who has also published other valuable studies on Valdés as inquisitor general.

9. Cf. Novalín, in Historia, I, 637–41.

10. Memorials and letters of Valdés to king, AGS:E, leg. 129, ff. 110–12, 128.

11. AGS:E, leg. 137, ff. 12, 15.

12. Manual de novells ardits vulgarment appelat Dietari de l’Antich Consell Barceloní, Barcelona, 1892–1975, IV, pp. 390–97.

13. Lynn Avery Hunt, Margaret C. Jacob, and W. W. Mijnhardt, eds., Bernard Picart and the First Global Vision of Religion, Los Angeles, 2010.

14. Emile van der Vekené, “L’Inquisition dans la caricature,” RI, no. 12 (2006).

15. James Given, “The Inquisitors of Languedoc and the Medieval Technology of Power,” American Historical Review 94, 2 (Apr. 1989); and at greater length in his book, noted in the bibliography.

16. At one stage, in 1308, the inquisitor arrested the entire population of the village of Montaillou in the county of Foix. This was only possible with the help of the local lord, something that never happened in Spain.

17. In what follows, the evidence for Llerena comes from AHN Inq, leg. 2700; for Toledo from J. P. Dedieu, “Les inquisiteurs de Tolède et la visite du district. La sédentarisation d’un tribunal (1550–1630),” MCV 13 (1977); for Galicia from Contreras, pp. 476–511.

18. AHN Inq, leg. 27061, no. 33.

19. AHN Inq, lib. 730, f. 108.

20. Contreras, p. 488.

21. Cf. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 190: “la respuesta al edicto fue casi siempre silenciosa.” He shows that visitations in Valencia in 1589 and 1590 brought in only sixteen and thirty-eight denunciations respectively: p. 189.

22. “Memoria de las villas y lugares que visitó el Dr Juan Alvarez de Caldas,” AHN Inq, leg. 21551.

23. AHN Inq, leg. 1592/1, nos. 6, 8.

24. AHN Inq, lib. 731, ff. 10, 23.

25. Inquisitors to Suprema, 15 July 1623, AHN Inq, leg. 21552.

26. Dedieu, p. 253. High figures for arrests normally meant a find of heretics: e.g., the Llerena tribunal arrested 130 “judaizers” in Badajoz in 1567.

27. Lea, I, v.

28. A broad study is Consuelo Maqueda Abreu, El auto de fe; there is also a short paper by Miguel Avilés, “The Auto de Fe and the Social Model of Counter Reformation Spain,” in Alcalá 1987, pp. 249–64. The analysis in Bethencourt, chap. 7, based principally on evidence from Portugal, offers conclusions that (I suggest below) cannot be sustained.

29. Jean de Vandenesse, Journal des voyages de Philippe II, in L. P. Gachard, Collection des voyages des souverains des Pays-Bas, vols. II, IV, Brussels, 1882, IV, 68.

30. Jean Lhermite, Le Passetemps, 2 vols., Antwerp, 1890–96, I, 113.

31. Inquisitors to Suprema, 23 Oct. and 21 Nov. 1560, AHN Inq, lib. 730, ff. 23, 26.

32. To Suprema, 13 Aug. 1622, AHN Inq, leg. 21552.

33. Decree of 8 Apr. 1650, Arxiu Diocesà de Barcelona: C, vol. 80, ff. 66–68.

34. “Discussion of the ceremony was never public in the sixteenth century,” comments Bethencourt, p. 293. His suggestion, which is that the Inquisition wanted to keep the auto under wraps, goes clean against all its efforts to make the auto as public as possible.

35. María Victoria González de Caldas, “New Images of the Holy Office in Seville: The Auto de Fe,” in Alcalá 1987, p. 273.

36. In a previous version of this book I stated that Philip “previously attended only one, a humble affair in Toledo on February 25, 1550.” The source I used was mistaken; Philip at that date was in Brussels.

37. Maqueda, p. 20.

38. Maqueda, p. 53: “en general constatamos una escasa asistencia de autoridades.”

39. Maqueda, p. 45.

40. A typical but baseless claim about the auto de fe is that “in the centralization of the state, this potent symbolic demonstration of authority was an effective means of control, as the spectacle worked as a threat through spreading fear of retribution”: Heather Rae, State Identities and the Homogenisation of Peoples, Cambridge, 2002, p. 71.

41. Cf., for example, Alejandro Caneque, The King’s Living Image: The Culture and Politics of Viceregal Power in Colonial Mexico, New York, 2004, referring to the auto de fe in its Mexican context.

42. The autos were those of 8 October 1559 in Valladolid, 5 March 1564 in Barcelona, and 25 February 1591 in Toledo. Philip also attended one in Lisbon on 1 April 1582. Bethencourt, p. 251, forgets to include the auto of 1591 in the list of those that Philip attended.

43. King to Catalina, Toledo, 10 June 1591, in Erika Spivakovsky, Felipe II. Epistolario familiar. Cartas a su hija, la infanta doña Catalina (1585–1596), Madrid, 1975, p. 127.

44. Inquisitors to the Suprema, 21 Nov. 1560, AHN Inq, lib. 710, f. 26; and 20 May 1569, at f. 91.

45. Marquis de Villars, Mémoires, Paris, 1893, p. 189.

46. Kamen, Spain, p. 304.

47. Bethencourt, pp. 265, 267.

48. Maqueda, p. 129.

49. Spierenburg, p. 84.

50. Henningsen, p. 184.

51. Dedieu sees a decline in autos after 1580: p. 276.

52. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 45.

53. Monter 1990, pp. 50, 52.

54. Lea, III, 225.

55. By way of example, the Church council of Tarragona in 1565 decreed that communities of the crown of Aragon might have thirty-three feast days other than Sundays: Kamen, Phoenix, p. 174. A century later, the number actually celebrated was double this.

56. Summarized by Henningsen, p. 188.

57. The prints reproduced in Limborch’s Inquisition show few sightseers.

58. Victoria González de Caldas, “The Auto de Fe,” in Alcalá 1987, p. 288.

59. It is interesting to note that the Spanish relations of autos in the collection of the University of Notre Dame refer for the most part to the exceptional years of religious persecution 1721–24.

60. The words are of Edward Peters, in Inquisition, p. 241.

61. Dietari de Jeroni Pujades, ed. J. M. Casas Homs, 4 vols., Barcelona, 1975–76, I, 199; IV, 93.

62. Victoria González de Caldas, El poder y su imagen. La Inquisición Real, Seville, 2001, p. 234.

63. Charles-Auguste d’Allonville, marquis de Louville, Mémoires secrets sur l’établissement de la maison de Bourbon en Espagne, 2 vols., Paris, 1818, I, 124.

64. Crónica festiva de dos reinados en la Gaceta de Madrid (1700–1759), Madrid, 1996, p. 100.

CHAPTER ELEVEN. GENDER, SEXUALITY AND WITCHCRAFT

1. García-Cárcel 1976, p. 167. The precise dates were between 1484 and 1530.

2. The figures stretch across different periods, different offenses and different social contexts, offering no firm basis for analysis.

3. Blázquez Miguel, p. 345.

4. Some writers believe there was a deliberate repression of women “perpetuated by the patriarchy during Spain’s sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to justify the silencing of the inferior sex and women’s exclusion from the public sphere”: the opinion of Joan F. Cammarata, ed., Women in the Discourse of Early Modern Spain, Gainesville, 2003, p. 2. There is of course little basis for this sweeping judgment, whether applied to Spain or any other country in early modern Europe.

5. Cf. the conclusion of Mary Giles that “enclosure extended throughout society, sealing women in their homes, nuns in convents, and even prostitutes in brothels,” a terrifying panorama “in a society carefully tended by the Holy Office.” This dramatic presentation continues: “there is in the experience of women an element suggestive of unspeakable terror and shame entirely absent in the men’s ordeals.” She concludes that women were raped by the Inquisition. See Giles, pp. 10, 14–15. Some other scholars share this view, for example: “Inquisition trial records are filled with the suspicious activities of women whose spirituality and perceived powers of speech merited prosecution because men could no longer control and police them. From the inquisitors’ perspective, women tended to be either fools or dangerously mischievous”: Israel Burshatin, “Written on the Body: Slave or Hermaphrodite in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” in Josiah Blackmore and Gregory S. Hutcheson, eds., Queer Iberia: Sexualities, Cultures, and Crossings from the Middle Ages to the Renaissance, Durham, 1999, p. 432. For a more balanced outline of women and convent enclosure, see Barbara B. Diefendorf, “Rethinking the Catholic Reformation: The Role of Women,” in Lisa Vollendorf and Daniella Kostroun, eds., Women, Religion and the Atlantic World (1600–1800), Los Angeles, 2009.

6. Both cited in Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 297, 330.

7. Cf. Martin King Whyte, The Status of Women in Preindustrial Societies, Princeton, 1978, pp. 167–73.

8. For example, Merry Wiesner, Women and Gender in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, 2000, chap. 3, “Women’s Economic Role.” She states: “restrictions did not mean that women had no impact on economic development,” p. 134. See also the valuable bibliography at the end of her chapter.

9. David E. Vassberg, The Village and the Outside World in Golden Age Castile, Cambridge, 1996, pp. 53, 71–72, 92, 131, 136, 151.

10. A recent study on the well-known case of Galician women is by Allyson M. Poska, Women and Authority in Early Modern Spain: The Peasants of Galicia, Oxford, 2006.

11. Susan Dwyer Amussen, An Ordered Society: Gender and Class in Early Modern England, Oxford, 1988, p. 3.

12. José Antonio Maravall, La literatura picaresca desde la historia social, Madrid, 1986, p. 695.

13. Cf. Marjorie McIntosh, Controlling Misbehavior in England, 1370–1600, Cambridge, 1998, p. 74.

14. Martine Segalen, Love and Power in the Peasant Family, Oxford, 1983, p. 9.

15. Casey, pp. 212–13.

16. In food, for example, see the analysis in D’Abrera.

17. Renée Levine Melammed, “Crypto-Jewish Women Facing the Spanish Inquisition: Transmitting Religious Practices, Beliefs, and Attitudes,” in Mark D. Meyerson and Edward D. English, eds., Christians, Muslims and Jews in Medieval and Early Modern Spain, Notre Dame, 1999.

18. Geraldine McKendrick and Angus MacKay, “Visionaries and Affective Spirituality during the First Half of the Sixteenth Century,” in Perry and Cruz, p. 93.

19. An extraordinarily rich perspective of Hispanic spirituality is given in Kallendorf.

20. The order most chosen seems to have been the Franciscan. It was also obligatory to have a male religious for purposes of advice and confession.

21. For Catalonia see Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 330–39.

22. Perhaps the most prominent case is María de Jesús de Agreda, a native of Aragon and spiritual adviser to king Philip IV. Her only brush with the Inquisition is summarized by Clark Colahan, “María de Jesús de Agreda,” in Giles, pp. 155–70.

23. A fascinating case, which may merit study, is that of the soldier-prophet Miguel de Piedrola, commented on by Kamen 1997, pp. 158, 281, and also by Kagan and Dyer, pp. 60–86.

24. “In Counter-Reformation Spain, with the Inquisition serving as the religious arm of the law, women’s spirituality in particular was seen as increasingly threatening”: Vollendorf, p. 119. The Inquisition was not a religious police, and it would be interesting to know who—apart from some chauvinist clergy—saw spiritual women as a threat.

25. Allyson M. Poska and Elizabeth A. Lehfeldt, “Redefining Expectations: Women and the Church in Early Modern Spain,” in Dinan and Meyers, p. 23.

26. AHN Inq, leg. 69, no. 4. The case concerned Catalina de Almagro of the village of Villatobos.

27. On the persecution of hermits in Spain, Alain Saint-Saëns, Valets de Dieu, suppôts du Diable, New Orleans, 1999.

28. Pedro de Ribadeneira, quoted in Llamas, Santa Teresa, p. 20.

29. Cf. Ronald Cueto, “The Problem of the Female Visionary in the Catholic Monarchy,” in Twomey, p. 10.

30. Richard Kagan, Lucrecia’s Dreams: Politics and Prophecy in Sixteenth-Century Spain, Berkeley, 1990, p. 127.

31. “Sueños desde fin de Março de 1588 hasta 18 de abril 1590,” AHN Inq, leg. 37122, exped. 2, pieza 4, ff. 25, 27, 33, 38.

32. William of Orange’s Apology was written as propaganda against the Spanish presence in the Netherlands.

33. “Women were excluded from power. . . . The requirement of chastity kept women at home, silenced them, isolated them, left them in ignorance. It was the source of all other impediments”: Gillian T. Ahlgren, The Inquisition of Francisca: A Sixteenth-Century Visionary on Trial, Chicago, 2005, pp. xxiii–xxiv. The judgment is excessive.

34. See Kamen, Phoenix, p. 325.

35. M. F. Graham, The Uses of Reform: “Godly Discipline” and Popular Behaviour in Scotland, 1560–1610, Leiden, 1996.

36. Eva Österberg and Dag Lindström, Crime and Social Control in Medieval and Early Modern Swedish Towns, Uppsala, 1988, pp. 54, 138.

37. More often than not, “betrothal” meant the traditional practice of plighting troth, or giving one’s word (verba de futuro), generally taken to be equivalent to marriage.

38. For sexual practice in England, see Martin Ingram, Church Courts, Sex, and Marriage in England, 1570–1640, Cambridge, 1987, pp. 267–74.

39. Any other sort of intercourse implied an offense. Involuntary intercourse was rape, and between married adults (i.e., married to another) voluntary intercourse was adultery.

40. Dedieu, in Bennassar 1979, p. 327.

41. Contreras, pp. 628–30.

42. For this and the cited case, see Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 320–21.

43. Francisco Farfán, Tres libros contra el pecado de la simple fornicación, Salamanca, 1585.

44. AHN Inq, leg. 21551.

45. Cited in Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Bibliografía de las controversías sobre la licitud del teatro en España, Madrid, 1904, p. 217.

46. AHN Inq, lib. 733 ff. 251, 266.

47. Cf. Thomas N. Tentler, Sin and Confession on the Eve of Reformation, Princeton, 1977, chap. 4.

48. Francisco Arias, Aprovechamiento espiritual, Madrid, 1603, p. 697.

49. A useful short essay is Allyson M. Poska, “When Bigamy is the Charge,” in Giles, pp. 189–205.

50. AHN Inq, leg. 24, no. 7.

51. For the scandalous life of the clergy in Coria in 1591, see A. Rodríguez Sánchez, “Inmoralidad y represión,” in Historia Moderna. Actas, Cáceres, 1983, pp. 451–62.

52. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 324.

53. Vollendorf, chap. 1, discusses a relevant case.

54. The best survey of this development is Monter 1990, chap. 13.

55. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 255.

56. Monter 1990, pp. 134–37.

57. Monter 1990, p. 288. There are comparable figures in Cristian Berco, “Social Control and Its Limits: Sodomy, Local Sexual Encounters, and Inquisitors during Spain’s Golden Age,” SCJ 36, 2 (summer 2005).

58. Monter 1990, pp. 289–90.

59. E.g., Israel Burshatin, “Interrogating Hermaphroditism in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” in Sylvia Molloy and Robert McKee Irwin, eds., Hispanisms and Homosexualities, Durham, 1998.

60. Cf. Berco, “Social Control and Its Limits,” p. 340.

61. Nor, it is almost superfluous to say, does police efficiency today have much impact on crime figures.

62. The view that there was a “construction of a new authoritarian moral order,” argued in James R. Farr, Authority and Sexuality in Early Modern Burgundy (1550–1730), Oxford, 1995, p. 8, cannot be proved.

63. Allyson Poska, “How Women’s History Has Transformed the Study of Early Modern Spain,” Bulletin of the Association for Spanish and Portuguese Historical Studies (2011).

64. Morisco sorcery was a dimension of belief in relevant areas. See Julio Caro Baroja, Vidas mágicas e Inquisición, 2 vols., Madrid, 1967, I, 49–52.

65. Among surveys of the literature, see Thomas A. Fudge, “Traditions and Trajectories in the Historiography of European Witch Hunting,” History Compass 4, 3, (May 2006).

66. Brian P. Levack, The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, London, 1987, p. 124.

67. See, for example, Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic, London, 1971; also, recently, Jonathan Seitz, Witchcraft and Inquisition in Early Modern Venice, Cambridge, 2011.

68. The alleged “connection between the witch accusation and hatred of women” (affirmed by Ahlgren, The Inquisition of Francisca, p. xxi) is an unacceptable simplification, made also by Vollendorf, p. 149: “Inquisition trials for witchcraft disproportionately involved women,” which appears to mean that the inquisitors picked on women. See the balanced comments of Wolfgang Behringer, pp. 37–40.

69. Stuart Clark, Thinking with Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe, Oxford, 1997, p. 110.

70. Cf. Seitz, Witchcraft and Inquisition, pp. 79, 83, for cases in Venice.

71. The interesting cases examined by Helena Sánchez Ortega, in La Inquisición y los Gitanos, Madrid, 1988, and in “Sorcery and Eroticism in Love Magic,” in Perry and Cruz, pp. 58–92, unfortunately omit any analysis of a vital factor: how cases ended up being examined by the Inquisition.

72. Levack, The Witch-Hunt, p. 124.

73. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 241–42.

74. Lyndal Roper, “Witchcraft and Fantasy in Early Modern Germany,” in J. Barry, M. Hester and G. Roberts, eds., Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, 1997, p. 211.

75. Lea, IV, 183.

76. Cf. Monter 1990, p. 255.

77. S. Cirac Estopañán, Los procesos de hechicerías en la Inquisición de Castilla la Nueva, Madrid, 1942, p. 196.

78. F. Idoate, Un documento de la Inquisición sobre brujería, Pamplona, 1972, p. 13.

79. Not, as Novalín has it (1980, p. 63), in 1525; nor, as Caro Baroja (Vidas mágicas, II, 60) claims, in 1529. The notes of the meeting are in AHN Inq, lib. 1231, ff. 634–37, “Dubia quae in causa praesenti videntur.” I have also consulted the copy in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, MS. Arch.Σ.130. Cf. Lea, IV, 212–14.

80. Reguera, pp. 197–98.

81. The Basque cases emboldened Fray Martín de Castañega, Treatise of Superstitions, to explain that women were more likely than men to be witches because they were, among other things, “more talkative and cannot keep secrets.”

82. Monter 1990, p. 262.

83. See Monter 1990, p. 264.

84. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 237–38.

85. Lea, IV, 223.

86. Monter 1990, pp. 268–69.

87. On the Navarre context, Gustav Henningsen, The Witches’ Advocate: Basque Witchcraft and the Spanish Inquisition, Reno, 1980; and J. Caro Baroja, Inquisición, brujería y criptojudaismo, Barcelona, 1974, pp. 183–315.

88. BN, MS.718, f. 271. It is notable that of the accused twelve were aged over seventy, eleven over eighty and four over ninety.

89. Henningsen, Witches’ Advocate; Lea, IV, 231–34.

90. “Acerca de los cuentos de las bruxas. Discurso de Pedro de Valencia,” AHN Inq, lib. 1231, ff. 608–29.

91. AHN Inq, lib. 735.

92. Angel Gari, Brujería e Inquisición en el Alto Aragón en la primera mitad del siglo XVII, Saragossa, 1991, pp. 240–41. The Inquisition in Upper Aragon tried 121 cases in that period (mostly men), and the secular courts 64 (mostly women). In addition, cases were tried by the episcopal courts, a subject studied by María Tausiet, Ponzoña en los ojos. Brujería y superstición en Aragón en el siglo XVI, Saragossa, 2000.

93. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 243.

94. On all this, Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 239–45.

95. Behringer, “Weather, Hunger and Fear: Origins of the European Witch-Hunts,” German History 13, 1 (1995), p. 6, comments on cases in Trier and in the Saarland where villagers were responsible for persecution.

96. Cf. Rainer Walz, Hexenglaube und magische Kommunikation im Dorf der frühen Neuzeit, Paderborn, 1993, pp. 422–57.

97. AHN Inq, lib. 998, ff. 189, 212.

98. In southwest Germany between 1560 and 1670 some 2,953 people were executed for witchcraft, four-fifths of them between 1570 and 1630. The German lands are examined by Wolfgang Behringer, Witchcraft Persecutions in Bavaria: Popular Magic, Religious Zealotry and Reason of State in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge, 2003, p. 357.

CHAPTER TWELVE. RACE PURITY AND ITS CRITICS

1. Arlette Jouanna, L’idée de race en France au XVIe et au début du XVIIe siècle (1498–1614), 3 vols., Paris, 1976; also André Devyver, Le sang épuré: Les préjugés de race chez les gentilshommes français de l’ancien régime, 1560–1720, Brussels, 1973.

2. The concept of honor in preindustrial Spain and the Mediterranean is a central theme in many literary and sociological studies; a starting point is J. G. Peristiany, ed., Honor and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society, London, 1966.

3. The stated view is analyzed and questioned in Scott K. Taylor, Honor and Violence in Golden Age Spain, New Haven, 2008, p. 4.

4. Patricia M. Rodriguez Mosquera, Antony S. R. Manstead and Agneta H. Fischer, “Honor in the Mediterranean and Northern Europe,” Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology (2002). The problem with this piece of research is that it looks for differences of values in a twenty-first-century world where most of us share common values.

5. This was the view of Américo Castro, contradicted firmly by B. Netanyahu, “Américo Castro and His View on the Origins of pureza de sangre,” PAAJR 46–47 (1979–80).

6. All cases cited in Riera Sans, p. 87.

7. Riera Sans, p. 89.

8. See the chapter titled “The Great Debate” in Netanyahu 1995, pp. 351–661.

9. Nicholas Round, “Politics, Style and Group Attitudes in the Instrucción del Relator,” BHS 46 (1969), pp. 289–319.

10. Cf. Roth, p. 92.

11. Juan de Torquemada, Tractatus contra Madianitas et Ismaelitas, ed. N. López Martínez, Burgos, 1957.

12. Alonso de Oropesa, Luz para conocimiento de los Gentiles, ed. Luis A. Díaz y Díaz, Madrid, 1979.

13. David Nirenberg, “Mass Conversion and Genealogical Mentalities: Jews and Christians in Fifteenth-Century Spain,” P&P 174 (Feb. 2002).

14. B. Cuart Moner, “Los estatutos del Colegio de San Clemente,” in E. Verdera y Tüells, ed., El Cardenal Albornoz y el Colegio de España, 6 vols., Bologna, 1979, IV, 602. This corrects the common error which dates the statute to 1414.

15. Cuart Moner, p. 11.

16. Cuart Moner, p. 17.

17. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, p. 58.

18. AHN Inq, lib. 497, f. 22.

19. Cuart Moner, p. 32.

20. All details in a copy of letter from Charles V, 26 Nov. 1523, enclosed with a document of 1586: BZ, 140, f. 278.

21. Cf. Starr-LeBeau, pp. 117–21.

22. Cf. discussion in Roth, pp. 233–36.

23. Starr-LeBeau, pp. 214–17.

24. C. Carrete Parrondo, “Los conversos jerónimos,” pp. 97–116.

25. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, pp. 67–70, gives some details of the contradictory regulations adopted in the orders.

26. Netanyahu 1995 states (p. 1063): “The limpieza movement progressed until it dominated all Spanish ecclesiastical organizations and a major part of Spain’s public opinion.” The affirmation is incorrect, but similar statements can be found in innumerable books, e.g., Yirmiyahu Yovel, Spinoza and Other Heretics: The Marrano of Reason, Princeton, 1989, claims that the statutes of blood purity “triumphed and became the law of the realm in Spain” (p. 17). “The monarchy,” write other scholars with reference to Philip II, “abetted the spread of blood purity statutes designed to keep conversos out of cathedral chapters, religious orders, universities and public office” (Kagan and Dyer, p. 106). The reality is that Philip II blocked the 1547 purity statute, had conversos as private secretaries (Gonzalo Perez) and spiritual advisers (St. Teresa), appointed them to bishoprics and to the highest military commands, and in his older years encouraged the Inquisition to abolish all systems of blood discrimination against them.

27. I offer a brief comment in Kamen 1996.

28. A recent study by John M. Nieto-Phillips, The Language of Blood: The Making of Spanish-American Identity in New Mexico, 1880s-1930s, Albuquerque, 2004, argues that “the fixation with purity of blood permeated all levels of Spanish society” (p. 20), a statement without foundation. He also states (more plausibly, since racial discrimination in colonial societies is a commonplace of all empires) that “blood remained the axis round which social identities were fashioned” in America (p. 25).

29. María Elena Martínez, Genealogical Fictions: Limpieza de Sangre, Religion, and Gender in Colonial Mexico, Stanford, 2008, argues (p. 1) that “the ideology of purity of blood produced a Spanish society obsessed with genealogy.” Her chap. 2, however, offers no evidence for this. A similar lack of evidence occurs in a work by Annie Molinié-Bertrand, Raphael Carrasco and Béatrice Pérez, La pureté de sang en Espagne: Du lignage à la race, Paris, 2011, which argues that “toutes les strates de la société espagnole se trouvent ébranlées par ce préjugé du sang.”

30. For some sensible comments, see John H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World. Britain and Spain in America, 1492–1830, New Haven and London, 2006, pp. 82–83, who feels the idea of purity was “diluted by the Atlantic crossing.” See also pp. 171, 323 of the same work.

31. Cf. Sophie Gilmartin, Ancestry and Narrative in Nineteenth-Century British Literature: Blood Relations from Edgeworth to Hardy, Cambridge, 1998, p. 17: “Many felt that it was necessary to increase the strength, both in numbers and in purity of blood, of Anglo-Saxons, so that they would be able to populate and secure the new lands of the Empire.”

32. Guillaume Aubert, “The Blood of France: Race and Purity of Blood in the French Atlantic World,” William and Mary Quarterly 61, 3 (2004), pp. 439–78.

33. Cuart Moner, p. 30.

34. The pioneering study (1960) on this statute by Sicroff failed to consult crucial historical documentation, and arrived at a series of erroneous conclusions.

35. “Sobre el Estatuto de limpieza de la Sancta Iglesia de Toledo,” BN, MS.13267, f. 278. Nearly all statements made by the archbishop in the document are either untrue or a distortion, but I have preferred to let them stand without comment.

36. “La contradicion hecha por algunas dignidades,” BN, MS. 1703, ff. 1–17.

37. The president of Castile was Hernando Niño de Guevara. All documents here are in AGS, Cámara de Castilla, leg. 291, f. 1.

38. Sicroff, p. 137.

39. The passage is erroneously cited as being Philip’s by Sicroff, p. 138. It is by Siliceo, and may be found in his memoir to Philip in BN, MS.13,267, f. 281.

40. L. Cabrera de Córdoba, Filipe Segundo, rey de España, 4 vols., Madrid, 1876–77, I, 47.

41. A particularly notable error is the following: “in 1555 a statute was passed confirming purity of blood as essential for entry to any office in Spain.” The spurious claim is made in Toby Green, Inquisition: The Reign of Fear, London, 2007, p. 197.

42. Martínez refers to “the continuing spread of limpieza statues in the second half of the sixteenth century” (Genealogical Fictions, p. 45), when, as far as the available facts tell us, they did not spread.

43. Richard Kagan, Students and Society in Early Modern Spain, Baltimore, 1974, p. 94.

44. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 271.

45. Kamen, Crisis and Change, VII, 7.

46. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, p. 65.

47. BL. Add.28263, ff. 491–92.

48. Cf. cases cited in Kamen, Crisis and Change, VII, 24, n. 27.

49. Arxiu Diocesà de Barcelona, Inquisició, years 1623–1629, documents an application to become a familiar from the resident of a Catalan village containing twelve households. To comply with rules, the inquisitors in 1623 sent out a comisario, a notary and an assistant, who interviewed fifty-three witnesses from the surrounding area, and spent eleven days drawing up a file of ninety-six closely written pages. Because of defects in their work, they were sent back five years later to repeat the whole inquiry and interview twenty-four more witnesses. The issue of limpieza as such did not arise, because Jews had never lived in that part of Catalonia. The inquisitors were more worried about intermarriage between local residents and people who came from France.

50. Ruy Gómez to Francisco de Eraso, 25 Nov. 1552, AGS:E, leg. 89, f. 123.

51. The captain was Julián Romero, one of Philip II’s most famous commanders in Flanders: see Cabrera de Córdoba, Filipe Segundo, II, 429.

52. Linda Martz, “Pure Blood Statutes in Sixteenth-Century Toledo: Implementation as Opposed to Adoption,” Sefarad 54, 1 (1994), pp. 91–94.

53. P. L. Lorenzo Cadarso, “Oligarquías conversas de Cuenca y Guadalajara (siglos XV y XVI),” Hispania 186 (1994), p. 79.

54. Both cited in B. González Alonso, Sobre el estado y la administración de la corona de Castilla en el antiguo régimen, Madrid, 1981, p. 71.

55. Cited in Kamen, Crisis and Change, VII, 3.

56. Poole, p. 50.

57. Cf. my references in chapter 3 and chapter 10 of this book.

58. Cited in Sicroff, p. 94, n. 125.

59. Domínguez Nafría, p. 64.

60. C. Carrete Parrondo, El judaismo español y la Inquisición, Madrid, 1992, p. 155; Gil Fernández, p. 470.

61. For examples of all this, Lea, II, 300–306.

62. Summa nobilitatis, Salamanca, 1559, p. 186.

63. J. Edwards, “From Anti-Judaism to Anti-Semitism: Juan Escobar del Corro’s Tractatus,” Ninth World Congress of Jewish Studies (1986), division B, vol. 1, pp. 143–50.

64. Poole, p. 19.

65. AHN Inq, lib. 497, f. 50.

66. Inquisitors to Suprema, 9 May 1600, AHN Inq, lib. 740.

67. N. Hergueta, “La Inquisición de Logroño. Nuevos datos históricos,” BRAH 45 (1904).

68. AHN Inq, lib. 731, f. 499.

69. AHN Inq, leg. 1586, no. 8.

70. Joseph Blanco White, Letters from Spain, London, 1821.

71. M. Bataillon, “Honneur et Inquisition,” BH 27 (1925). Bataillon quoted the comment of the contemporary historian Sepúlveda to the effect that Díaz’s heresy “et familiae suae atque adeo patriae et totius Hispaniae infamiam pertinentibus occurreret.” Sepúlveda’s view seems highly subjective.

72. Tellechea 1968, II, 241, n. 21.

73. Rojas was the son of the marquis of Poza.

74. Tellechea 1977, p. 53.

75. R. Truman and A. G. Kinder, “The Pursuit of Spanish Heretics in the Low Countries: The Activities of Alonso del Canto, 1561–1564,” JEH 30 (1979).

76. Eusebio Rey, “San Ignacio de Loyola y el problema de los ‘Cristianos Nuevos,’” RF 153 (1956).

77. Cited in Sicroff, p. 272.

78. Father Baptista to Laínez, 31 Aug. 1564, ARSI, Epist. Hisp., 101, f. 286.

79. Eusebio Rey, “San Ignacio de Loyola,” p. 190.

80. Robert Aleksander Maryks, The Jesuit Order as a Synagogue of Jews: Jesuits of Jewish Ancestry and Purity-of-Blood Laws in the Early Society of Jesus, Leiden, 2010.

81. It has been argued that Ribadeneira was of converso origin; see J. Gómez-Menor, “La progenie hebrea del padre Pedro de Ribadeneira S.I.,” Sefarad 36 (1976).

82. Obras, Madrid, 1872, IV, 540.

83. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, p. 43.

84. The papers on his case are in AHN Inq, leg. 2393 and in libs. 578–79. See also J. M. Sánchez Gómez, “Un discípulo del P. Mro. Ávila en la Inquisición de Córdoba,” Hispania 9, 34 (1949); and J. M. Madurell i Marimón, “Diego Pérez de Valdivia en Barcelona,” Analecta Sacra Tarraconenses 30 (1957).

85. Sicroff offers an unsubstantiated image (chap. 3 of his book) of a limpieza “officially supported by Church and state.”

86. A fuller version of what follows is available in English as “A Crisis of Conscience in Golden Age Spain: the Inquisition against ‘Limpieza de Sangre,’” in Kamen, Crisis and Change, chap. 7.

87. Fray Agustín Salucio, Discurso sobre los estatutos de limpieza de sangre, Cieza, 1975.

88. BN, MS.17909/5.

89. “Papel que dio el Reyno de Castilla a uno de los Sres ministros de la Junta diputada para tratarse sobre el Memorial presentado por el Reyno a S.M. con el libro del Pe Mro Salucio,” BN MS.13043, ff. 116–27.

90. AHN Inq, leg. 21561.

91. I. S. Révah, “Le plaidoyer en faveur des ‘Nouveaux-Chrétiens’ portugais du licencié Martín González de Cellorigo (1619),” REJ 122 (1963).

92. “Discurso de un inquisidor sobre los estatutos de limpieza,” BN, MS.13043, ff. 132–71.

93. “Discurso politico del desempeño del Reyno,” in Caro Baroja, III, 318–20.

94. Conservación de monarquías, Madrid, 1626, discourse VII.

95. “El Inquisidor General y Real Consejo de la Suprema,” AHN Inq, lib. 1240, ff. 6–11.

96. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, appendix IVe, p. 233.

97. Kamen, Crisis and Change, VII, 18.

98. J. A. Martínez Bara, “Los actos positivos en las pruebas genealógicas en el siglo XVII,” in Nueva visión, p. 313.

99. The controversy refutes the claim by Sicroff (p. 265) that “it was forbidden in Spain to question the basis of the statutes.”

100. Libro de las cinco excelencias del Español, Pamplona, 1629, p. 100.

101. Cf. Kamen, Crisis and Change, VII, 20–21.

102. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, pp. 245–47.

103. The fact does not prevent one writer claiming: “The proliferating limpieza de sangre laws threatened all with loss of honor and status” (Kevin Ingram, The Conversos and Moriscos in Late Medieval Spain and Beyond, vol. 1, Leiden 2009, p. 17).

104. The undocumented image of “obsession” continues to survive among some literary scholars. For a comment, see my “Limpieza and the Ghost of Américo Castro.”

105. F. M. Burgos Esteban, “Los estatutos de limpieza y sus pruebas en el siglo XVII,” in Xudeus e Conversos, I, 370.

106. Xudeus e Conversos, I, 371.

107. Taylor, p. 118. Taylor gives further examples of racial insults on pp. 39–49, 55.

108. Kamen 1980, pp. 305, 307.

109. Braunstein, p. 123.

110. Cited in Lea, II, 314.

111. Carvajal to Joseph de Luyando, 28 Sept. 1751, BN, MS.13043, f. 130.

112. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, p. 129, n. 14.

113. Domínguez Ortiz 1955, p. 130.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN. THE RELIGION OF THE PEOPLE

Epigraph. “Memorial para el asiento de Perineos,” ACA:CA, leg. 78, f. 161.

1. For the opinion of foreigners, see J. N. Hillgarth, The Mirror of Spain, 1500–1700, Ann Arbor, 2000.

2. Philip II to Luis de Requeséns, Jan. 1569, in Serrano, III, cii.

3. Quoted in Kamen, Phoenix, p. 87.

4. Contreras, pp. 461, 463.

5. Clifford Geertz, “Religion as a Cultural System,” in Michael Banton, ed., Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, London, 1966.

6. Some scholars take a different view. “Ces espagnols sont profondément chrétiens,” says Dedieu, p. 43; “these people were all Christians,” Poska, p. 9. The debate may be over what “Christian” means.

7. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 431–32. See also William A. Christian Jr, Local Religion in Sixteenth-Century Spain, Princeton, 1981.

8. Curiously, no attempt has ever been made to study anticlericalism in Spain before the nineteenth century. Historians have examined it in other European countries, because of a presumed affinity with the Reformation; but have tended to play down its importance. For a recent overview on England, see Christopher Haigh, “The Clergy and Parish Discipline in England, 1570–1640,” in Heal and Grell, chap. 6.

9. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 208–10, gives some examples from Catalonia in the 1620s.

10. The cases cited here and in the previous paragraph come from Kamen 1980, pp. 297–303.

11. Reguera, p. 28.

12. M. Angeles Cristóbal, “La Inquisición de Logroño,” in Inquisición española: Nuevas aproximaciones, Madrid, 1987, p. 141.

13. J. Contreras, “La Inquisición aragonesa,” HS 38, 76 (1985), p. 522.

14. José Sánchez Herrero, Concilios provinciales y sínodos Toledanos de los siglos XIV y XV, La Laguna, 1976.

15. Borja to Ignatius Loyola, 7 June 1546, in Monumenta historica Societatis Jesu: S. Franciscus Borgia, 5 vols., Madrid, 1896–1908, II, 520.

16. Melquiades Andrés, in Historia, I, 505.

17. This sentence is, of course, a simplification. There was no movement known as “Counter-Reformation” (a term that did not come into existence until the late nineteenth century), and the decrees of Trent had in fact been trickling out for many years before.

18. A scholar refers to “the Inquisition’s function of shaping society to conform with Counter Reformation ideals” (Giles, p. 9), but the Inquisition never had such a function, nor would anyone have known what those “ideals” were.

19. J. L. González Novalín, “Religiosidad y reforma del pueblo cristiano,” in García-Villoslada, III-1, 351–84, gives a good summary of the missionary problem in Spain.

20. The exact figure is 996, rounded upwards; data are taken from Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 263–64.

21. As in rural England: see K. Wrightson in Journal of Peasant Studies 5 (1977).

22. Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, 2 vols., London, 1965, I, 109, 113.

23. Juan Antonio Alejandre and María Jesús Torquemada, Palabra de hereje. La Inquisición de Sevilla ante el delito de proposiciones, Seville, 1998; cited in Schwartz, p. 18.

24. Jean Delumeau, La peur en Occident XIVe à XVIIIe siècles: Une cité assiégée, Paris, 1978.

25. Kamen, Phoenix, pp. 263–64.

26. Schwartz, p. 22, refers to “the crime of propositions,” but of course there was no such crime; the term was a bureaucratic label meant to refer to a variety of “statements.”

27. Marina Torres Arce, Un tribunal de la fe en el reinado de Felipe V. Reos, delitos y procesos en el Santo Oficio de Logroño (1700–1746), Logroño, 2002, p. 107.

28. AHN Inq, leg. 41, no. 21.

29. A recent study on related aspects of this theme is Keitt.

30. An interesting discussion of blasphemy as an expression of anger rather than irreligion, based on cases tried by the Inquisition, is given in Maureen Flynn, “Blasphemy and the Play of Anger in Sixteenth-Century Spain,” P&P 149 (1995).

31. For the early years of the new confession box in Catalonia, see Kamen, Phoenix.

32. The most recent studies are by Adelina Sarrión Mora, Sexualidad y confesión: La solicitación ante el tribunal del Santo Oficio (siglos XVI-XIX), Madrid, 1994; and most notably Haliczer 1996.

33. AHN Inq, leg. 21551.

34. García-Cárcel 1980, p. 285.

35. Cf. Jodi Bilinkoff, Related Lives: Confessors and Their Female Penitents, 1450–1750, Ithaca, 2005, p. 112.

36. The striking essay by Wietse de Boer, “At Heresy’s Door: Borromeo, Penance and Confessional Boundaries in Early Modern Europe,” in Firey, pp. 343–76, touches on the problem of social and religious order. His study The Conquest of the Soul: Confession, Discipline, and Public Order in Counter-Reformation Milan, Leiden, 2001, discusses the role of the Roman Inquisition and other authorities.

37. An overview of aspects of the confessional is given by Gretchen Starr-Le Beau, “Lay Piety and Community Identity in the Early Modern World,” in Firey, pp. 395–418.

38. During the War of Succession (see chapter 8 above), the Inquisition formally ordered penitents to denounce confessors who supported the Habsburg pretender to the throne; nothing came of this order.

39. Contreras, pp. 561, 667.

40. García Fuentes, p. 445.

41. Cf. Kamen 1980, pp. 299–300.

42. It has been argued that an analysis of several hundred interrogations from the tribunal of Toledo (J. P. Dedieu, “‘Christianisation’ en Nouvelle Castille. Catéchisme, communion, messe et confirmation dans l’archvêché de Tolède, 1540–1650,” MCV 15 [1979]) indicates an improvement in knowledge of the essentials during the late sixteenth century. The conclusion is unsafe, since the analysis was not carried out on the same persons nor on compatible age groups nor in the same communities, so no credible comparison can be made.

43. AHN Inq, leg. 79, no. 24, f. 38. My conclusions for Toledo are based on cases in AHN Inq, legs. 24, 27, 41, 90.

44. V. Pinto Crespo, “La actitud de la Inquisición ante la iconografía religiosa,” HS 31 (1978). Unfortunately, the pages on Inquisition and art by Michael Scholz-Hänsel in Roodenburg and Spierenburg, chap. 6, are lamentably inaccurate. He states: “The considerable number of Inquisitional persecutions of individual artists show how much this social group must have learned to fear early modern discipline” (p. 126). This “considerable number” appears to be imaginary.

45. A good recent study on this complex subject is Palma Martínez-Burgos, Ídolos e imágenes. La controversia del arte religioso en el siglo XVI español, Valladolid, 1990. I am grateful to the author for sending me a copy.

46. AHN Inq, leg. 15921, no. 15.

47. Cf. William A. Christian Jr., Apparitions in Late Medieval and Renaissance Spain, Princeton, 1981.

48. R. María de Hornedo, “Teatro e iglesia,” in García-Villoslada, IV, 330.

49. Isabel Testón and Mercedes Santillana, “El clero cacereño durante los siglos XVI al XVIII,” Historia moderna. Actas de las II jornadas de metodología y didáctica, Cáceres, 1983, p. 466.

50. AHN Inq, lib. 735.

51. AHN Inq, leg. 217, f. 12; Contreras, p. 561.

52. AHN Inq, lib. 217, f. 12.

53. Cf. Kamen 2007, pp. 125–26; Historia, I, pp. 1113–23, a section written by J. I. Tell-echea. The story of Molinos is closely connected to Roman politics, and has little to do with Spain.

54. Schäfer.

55. Lea, III, 447.

56. Albert Loomie, SJ, “Religion and Elizabethan Commerce with Spain,” CHR (Apr. 1964).

57. Cf. Monter 1990, pp. 248–49.

58. Cited in Angeles Cristóbal, “La Inquisición de Logroño,” p. 145.

59. Consulta of State, 31 Mar. 1653, AGS:E, leg. 2528.

60. AHN Inq, lib. 735, f. 176.

61. L. de Alberti and A. B. Wallis Chapman, eds., English Merchants and the Spanish Inquisition in the Canaries, London, 1912, p. 80, n. 1.

62. F. Fajardo Spinola, Reducciones de protestantes al catolicismo en Canarias durante el siglo XVIII: 1700–1812, Gran Canaria, 1977, pp. 48, 51.

63. Alberti and Chapman, English Merchants, p. x.

64. AGS:E, leg. 2981.

65. For a discussion of relevant problems, see Roodenburg and Spierenburg, especially chap. 1 (by Heinz Schilling) and chap. 2 (by James A. Sharpe). I disagree with Spierenburg’s claim (p. 12): “the state backing that the Inquisition enjoyed made the activities of its tribunals akin to formal social control.” The statement makes little sense if the evidence for an exercise of control does not exist.

66. That is, Castile, Aragon, the Basque country and Navarre.

67. Kamen, Phoenix, chap. 5.

68. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 263.

69. Inquisition/citizen contact was, of course, higher in towns like Toledo and Madrid. Further studies, along the lines adopted for Catalonia, would clarify the issue of contact.

70. Sesma Muñoz, p. 23.

71. Both cases detailed in AHN Inq, lib. 735, f. 330.

72. I refer to a report in a national Spanish newspaper, El País, some years ago (13 Nov. 1996), of a woman in Pontevedra who went to the local police and denounced her husband for not performing his sexual duties towards her.

73. AHN Inq, leg. 226, no. 10.

74. James Casey, Early Modern Spain: A Social History, London and New York, 1999, p. 243.

75. 29 Jan. 1628, AHN Inq, lib. 745, ff. 226, 254.

76. AHN Inq, lib. 748, ff. 300–303.

77. Contreras, p. 683.

78. AHN Inq, lib. 735, f. 349.

79. Richard Greenleaf, cited in Historia, II, 665.

80. Kamen, Phoenix, p. 436.

81. Poska, p. 7.

82. Dedieu, p. 260.

83. The following case comes from AHN Inq, leg. 200/2, no. 51.

CHAPTER FOURTEEN. TWILIGHT OF THE HOLY OFFICE

Epigraph. Cited in Yosef Hayim Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto: Isaac Cardoso, a Study in Seventeenth-Century Marranism and Jewish Apologetics, New York, 1971, p. 392.

1. Dedieu, p. 254. I presume I have read his figures rightly.

2. Cf. Monter 1990, p. 37.

3. See Gómez-Menor, “Un judío converso de 1498.”

4. 1528 prosecution of Gaspar Mercader, AHN Inq, leg. 21551; the Badajoz case in leg. 2701.

5. Cited R. Carrasco, “Preludio al siglo de los portugueses,” Hispania 166 (1987), p. 523.

6. Licenciado Montoya to Suprema, 11 Jan. 1581, AHN Inq, leg. 27051, no. 21.

7. Caro Baroja, III, 51.

8. The debate over the religion of these conversos is qualitatively different from that over the religion of the anusim of the fifteenth century. For some aspects of converso religion, see Cecil Roth, “The Religion of the Marranos,” JQR 22 (1931); Braunstein; and I. S. Révah, “Les Marranes,” REJ (1959), p. 54.

9. Charles Amiel, “El criptojudaismo castellano en La Mancha a finales del siglo XVI,” in Alcalá 1995, pp. 503–12.

10. García Ivars, p. 205.

11. García Ivars, pp. 236–38.

12. BN, MS.721, ff. 127–31; García Fuentes; Lea, III, 267.

13. It consequently seems inadvisable to isolate them as a historical phenomenon, as though they were a separate race (which they were not) or a separate religion (which they were not either). This ethnicist approach, confusing together both pre-1492 and post-1492 conversos, and those of Spanish and Portuguese origin, is the basis of some current research (as presented by J. Contreras, “The Judeo-Converso Minority in Spain,” in Perry and Cruz).

14. Charles Amiel, “Crypto-judaisme et Inquisition. La matière juive dans les édits de foi,” Revue de l’histoire des religions 210, 2 (1993), p. 157.

15. A typical edict is reproduced in photocopy in Caro Baroja, I, 440–41.

16. As suggested by David Gitlitz, “Las presuntas profanaciones judías del ritual cristiano,” in Alcalá 1995, pp. 156–63.

17. García Ivars, p. 243.

18. García Ivars, p. 221. The Murcia cases have been referred to above, chapters 5 and 12.

19. Lea, III, 239ff; A. Herculano, História da origem e estabelecimento da Inquisição em Portugal, 3 vols., Lisbon, 1907, I, 228–86.

20. Lea, III, 259.

21. Carrasco, “Preludio,” p. 540.

22. Lea, III, 265.

23. Carrasco, “Preludio,” p. 524.

24. Bodleian Library, Oxford, Arch.Σ.130, no. 8; Gaspar Matute y Luquín, Colección de los autos generales i particulares de fe celebrados por el tribunal de la Inquisición de Córdoba, Córdoba, 1840, pp. 65, 127; BN, MS.718, f. 375, and MS.6751, f. 53.

25. Escamilla-Colin, I, 266.

26. Pilar Huerga Criado, En la raya de Portugal. Solidaridad y tensiones en la comunidad judeoconversa, Salamanca, 1993.

27. J. Blázquez Miguel, “Algunas precisiones sobre estadística,” HS 40 (1988), p. 138.

28. Carrasco, “Preludio,” p. 556.

29. Caro Baroja, I, part 1, p. 220.

30. Cf. Yosef Kaplan, “The Travels of Portuguese Jews from Amsterdam to the ‘Lands of Idolatry’ (1644–1724),” in Kaplan.

31. Graizbord, p. 4.

32. Escamilla-Colin, I, 348.

33. Lea, III, 267–70.

34. Elkan Adler, “Documents sur les Marranes d’Espagne et de Portugal sous Philippe IV,” REJ 49 (1904).

35. Caro Baroja, II, 56–57.

36. Cf. J. H. Elliott, The Count-Duke of Olivares, New Haven, 1986, pp. 300–304.

37. Caro Baroja, II, 59.

38. A. Domínguez Ortiz, “El proceso inquisitorial de Juan Núñez Saravía, banquero de Felipe IV,” Hispania 61 (1955).

39. Cf. James C. Boyajian, Portuguese Bankers at the Court of Spain, 1626–1650, New Brunswick, 1983, pp. 118–21.

40. The accounts of the firm are in AHN Inq, leg. 50962.

41. The source is Avisos de don Jerónimo de Barrionuevo (1654–58), published by A. Paz y Melia in the Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, vols. 221–22, Madrid, 1968.

42. The Montesinos accounts are in AHN Inq, leg. 49711.

43. BN, MS.718. f. 375.

44. This and the following cases from Kamen 1980, pp. 305–6.

45. García Ivars, p. 250.

46. For Sabbatai, see the masterly work of Gerschom Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi: The Mystical Messiah, 1626–1676, Princeton, 1973.

47. Miriam Bodian, “‘Men of the Nation’: The Shaping of Converso Identity in Early Modern Europe,” P&P 143 (1994), p. 66. The emerging perspectives of Jews in Europe at this time are strikingly discussed by David Ruderman, Early Modern Jewry, especially chap. 6: “Toward Modernity: Some Final Thoughts.”

48. The thought of Cardoso is analyzed by Yerushalmi, From Spanish Court to Italian Ghetto; and there is a perceptive essay on his life in Enrique Ruspoli, La marca del exilio, Madrid, 1992.

49. I. S. Révah, “Un pamphlet d’Antonio Enríquez Gómez,” REJ 121 (1962).

50. See N. Kramer-Hellinx, “Antonio Enriquez Gómez: Desafío de la Inquisición,” in Xudeus e Conversos, I, 289–307.

51. Maxim Kerkhof, “La ‘Inquisición de Luzifer y visita de todos los diablos,’” Sefarad 38 (1978).

52. A stimulating perspective of the Portuguese “nation” in its Jewish and imperial role is given by Daviken Studwicki-Gizbert, A Nation upon the Ocean Sea: Portugal’s Atlantic Diaspora and the Crisis of the Spanish Empire, 1492–1640, Oxford, 2007.

53. A look at Iberian conversos in Europe is offered by Renee L. Melammed, A Question of Identity: Iberian Conversos in Historical Perspective, New York, 2004.

54. Details from the superb study by Yosef Kaplan, From Christianity to Judaism: The Story of Isaac Orobio de Castro, Oxford, 1989.

55. Kaplan, Orobio de Castro, p. 323.

56. Yirmiyahu Yovel, for instance, sees the displaced conversos as influential in the creation of “Western modernization”: Yovel, chap. 9.

57. Cited in Kamen 1980, p. 304.

58. J. B. Vilar Ramírez, El Dr Diego Mateo Zapata (1664–1745), Murcia, 1970.

59. For both men, see A. Domínguez Ortiz, Hechos y figuras del siglo XVIII español, Madrid, 1973, pp. 159–91.

60. BN, MS.9475; Joseph del Olmo, Relación; Matute y Luquín, Colección. p. 210.

61. Angela Selke, Vida y muerte de los Chuetas de Mallorca, Madrid, 1980, is a brilliant and moving account.

62. Inquisición de Mallorca. Reconciliados y relajados 1488–1691, Barcelona, 1946, pp. 201–75.

63. Inquisición de Mallorca, pp. 109–99.

64. Braunstein gives the best documented study.

65. Teófanes Egido, in Historia, I, 1386. For repression in Cuenca, see R. de Lera García, “La última gran persecución inquisitorial contra el criptojudaismo: el tribunal de Cuenca 1718–1725,” Sefarad 47, 1 (1987).

66. Escamilla-Colin, I, 874.

67. Teófanes Egido, in Historia, I, 1397.

68. Lea, III, 311.

69. G. Desdevises du Dézert, “Notes sur l’Inquisition espagnole au dix-huitième siècle,” RH 6 (1899).

70. A recent Socialist government in Spain funded in 2005 the establishment of a so-called Alliance of Civilizations that aimed to foster links between Spain and Islamic countries but expressly excluded any participation by Israel.

71. The Bible in Spain, London, 1930, p. 155.

72. A Journey through Spain in the Years 1786 and 1787, 3 vols., London, 1792, III, 84.

73. See the informative article by Gustavo D. Perednik, “Naïve Spanish Judeophobia,” in Jewish Political Studies Review 15, 3–4 (Fall 2003).

74. Because of the low-key profile of the Inquisition in the eighteenth century, I have intentionally omitted any treatment of its role in that period. The most relevant aspect is cultural, on which there are four classic studies: Jean Sarrailh, L’Espagne éclairée de la seconde moitié du XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1954; Richard Herr, The Eighteenth-Century Revolution in Spain, Princeton, 1958; Marcelin Defourneaux, L’Inquisition espagnole et les livres français au XVIIIe siècle, Paris, 1963; and Joel Saugnieux, Le Jansénisme espagnol du XVIIIe siècle, ses composants et ses sources, Oviedo, 1975.

75. Llorente 1817–18, IV, 92.

76. Luis Alonso Tejada, Ocaso de la Inquisición en los últimos años del reinado de Fernando VII, Madrid, 1969, p. 43.

77. Lea, IV, 461.

78. Thomas Aikenhead, a student from Edinburgh, was the last person in Britain to be executed for blasphemy, in 1697. This was eighty-five years after the death of Edward Wightman, the last person to be burned at the stake for heresy in England (1612).

CHAPTER FIFTEEN. INVENTING THE INQUISITION

1. Chap. 5 in Peters gives a discussion ranging over the whole of Europe. The present chapter is restricted mainly to how Spaniards (rather than Europeans) saw and see the Inquisition.

2. Quoted in Hillgarth, Mirror, p. 234.

3. Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, Obras completas, 4 vols., Pozoblanco, 1995–2000, II, 96.

4. Peter Paul Rubens, The Letters of Peter Paul Rubens, trans. and ed. by Ruth Saunders Magurn, Cambridge, Mass., 1955, p. 258.

5. Vittorio di Tocco, Ideali di indipendenza in Italia durante la preponderanza spagnuola, Messina, 1926, pp. 99, 103, 124.

6. Sverker Arnoldsson, La Leyenda Negra: Estudios sobre sus orígenes, Göteborg, 1960.

7. “Relazione di Spagna,” Opere, Bari, 1929–36, X, p. 131.

8. Eugenio Alberi, Relazioni degli ambasciatori veneti al Senato, Florence, 1839–40, serie I, vol. 5, p. 85.

9. M. de la Pinta Llorente, Aspectos históricos del sentimiento religioso en España, Madrid, 1961, p. 37.

10. L. P. Gachard, Correspondance de Philippe II sur les affaires des Pays-Bas, 6 vols., Brussels, 1848–79, I, clxxvi.

11. Kamen 1997, p. 62.

12. Nicolas Castrillo, El “Reginaldo Montano”: Primer libro polémico contra la Inquisición Española, Madrid, 1991, p. 31.

13. F. E. Beemon, “The Myth of the Spanish Inquisition and the Preconditions for the Dutch Revolt,” AR 85 (1994), p. 255.

14. Alastair Duke, “The ‘Inquisition’ and the Repression of Religious Dissent in the Habsburg Netherlands, 1521–1566,” in Alastair Duke, Dissident Identities in the Early Modern Low Countries, Farnham, U.K., 2009, p. 100.

15. Alastair Duke, “A Legend in the Making: News of the ‘Spanish Inquisition’ in the Low Countries in German Evangelical Pamphlets, 1546–1550,” in Duke, Dissident Identities, p. 122.

16. An Apology or Defence of William the First of Nassau, Prince of Orange, London, 1707, pp. 497, 530.

17. Peters, pp. 133–34: “Much of his information is generally accurate. . . . His appeal lay in the base of accuracy upon which he erected an otherwise extremely misleading description of the Inquisition.”

18. A. Gordon Kinder, “Spain’s Little Known ‘Noble Army of Martyrs,’” in Twomey, p. 79.

19. The Book of Martyrs, London, 1863, p. 153.

20. H. Kamen and J. Pérez, La imagen internacional de la España de Felipe II, Valladolid, 1980, p. 56; William S. Maltby, The Black Legend in England, Durham, 1971, pp. 76, 84.

21. A fascinating selection of Inquisition papers relevant to English sailors is the volume by L. de Alberti and A.B. Wallis Chapman, eds., English Merchants and the Spanish Inquisition in the Canaries, London, 1912.

22. The Book of Martyrs, p. 1060.

23. John L. Motley, The Rise of the Dutch Republic, London 1912, p. 165.

24. Julián Juderías, La Leyenda Negra, Madrid, 1914, republished very often afterwards. The term was taken up by subsequent authors, e.g., Sverker Arnoldsson and W. S. Maltby, cited above.

25. Edward Peters, “The Inquisition in Literature and Art,” chap. 7 of his Inquisition, is a useful introduction on the European context.

26. Vicente Llorens, El Romanticismo español, Madrid, 1989, p. 71.

27. Quarterly Review (London), Oct. 1813–Jan. 1814, p. 205.

28. Records of the American Catholic Historical Society of Philadelphia 17 (1906), p. 40.

29. In Spanish there is a photostat edition, published in 1988 in Barcelona; my quotes are from this.

30. Puigblanch, La Inquisición, p. 487.

31. See the introduction by Gerard Dufour to his edition of the Memoria histórica, Paris, 1977.

32. Gerard Dufour, Juan Antonio Llorente en France (1813–1822), Geneva, 1982, pp. 143, 344.

33. For some evaluations, cf. Antonio Márquez’s introduction to J. A. Llorente, Noticia biográfica, Madrid, 1982; and Peters, pp. 278–83.

34. The History of the Inquisition of Spain, London, 1827, preface.

35. In the Academia de San Fernando, Madrid.

36. In the same way, Goya’s famous portrayal of the uprising against French troops is a product of his imagination and not of an eyewitness: see Janis Tomlinson, Goya in the Twilight of Enlightenment, New Haven, 1992. One parallel to Goya’s painting on the Inquisition is the likewise imaginative mural by Diego Rivera, The Court of the Inquisition (Palacio Nacional, Mexico).

37. José Amador de los Ríos, Estudios históricos, políticos y literarios sobre los judíos de España, Madrid, 1848, p. 515.

38. Michael Ragussis, Figures of Conversion: “The Jewish Question” and English National Identity. Durham, 1995, p. 127.

39. Raphael, pp. 136–37.

40. Salo Baron, A Social and Religious History of the Jews, 17 vols., 2nd edn., New York, 1952, XV, 174.

41. Beinart, in Kedourie, pp. 107, 114.

42. J. Faur, In the Shadow of History: Jews and Conversos at the Dawn of Modernity, Albany, 1992, p. 8.

43. This is the prime argument of Yirmiyahu Yovel, The Other Within. He writes: “The Marrano mind contributed to initiating the modern will: the demand to reform the world, especially in matters of religious freedom, toleration, free trade and the creation of a cosmopolitan-inspired model of life” (p. 343). In the process, he supplies a highly incorrect account of the Inquisition and its methods.

44. Cited by Peters, p. 286.

45. Peters, p. 261.

46. In this respect, there is a useful summary of the 1813 Cortes debates by Stephen Haliczer, in Alcalá 1987, p. 526.

47. M. Menéndez y Pelayo, La ciencia española, Madrid 1953, p. 102.

48. Menéndez y Pelayo, Heterodóxos, VI, 18–19.

49. Jo Tollebeek, Writing the Inquisition in Europe and America: The Correspondence between Henry Charles Lea and Paul Fredericq (1888–1908), Brussels, 2004, p. xlv.

50. Cf. Peters, pp. 204–21.

51. The three volumes by Jean Plaidy were The Rise of the Spanish Inquisition (1959), The Growth of the Spanish Inquisition (1960) and The End of the Spanish Inquisition (1961). The work continues to be reprinted.

52. Cf. Daniel Muñoz Sempere, La Inquisición española como tema literario, London, 2008, p. 212.

53. For a brief discussion, see Kamen, Imagining Spain: Historical Myth and National Identity, New Haven and London, 2008, chap. 5.

54. Historia de la filosofía en España, Madrid, 1927, pp. 295–305.

55. Carmelo Lisón Tolosana, Ensayos de antropología social, Madrid, 1973: “Breve historial brujesco gallego,” especially pp. 193–97.

56. Birch, II, 905.

57. Quoted in J. Vicens Vives, ed., Historia de España y América, 5 vols., Barcelona, 1957, IV, 247.

58. Carvajal to Luyando, 28 Sept. 1751, BN, MS.13043, f. 130.

59. “Representación a Carlos IV sobre lo que era el tribunal de la Inquisición,” Obras, Biblioteca de Autores Españoles, vol. 87, Madrid, 1956), V, 333.

60. Jean Sarrailh, L’Espagne éclairée de la seconde moitié du 18e siècle, Paris, 1954, p. 317.

61. Bethencourt, p. 2.

62. “Del influjo de la Inquisición y del fanatismo religioso en la decadencia de la literatura española,” Disertaciones y juicios literarios, Madrid, 1878, p. 107.

63. Sánchez Albornoz, España. Un enigma histórico, II, 563. Sánchez Albornoz, as it happened, insisted that it was desirable for Spain to reject both the Islamic and Jewish aspects of its civilization: see Kamen 2007, pp. 47, 91–92.

64. The Spaniards in Their History, London, 1950, pp. 204–45.

65. Cf. Lecler, I, 205.

66. The victim was the Anabaptist David Joris, who had died quietly in Basel three years before. See Lecler, I, 221–22.

67. I first read Karamazov at the age of twelve, and remain still haunted by the scene when the Grand Inquisitor confronts Christ.

68. Netanyahu 1995, pp. 1075–76.

69. Netanyahu’s answer to the question is that a racialist policy was adopted by the state, but most historians do not accept this.

70. Murphy, p. 188.

71. In Tollebeek, Writing the Inquisition, p. xcii.

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