1. Clearly sharing no common ground with us is the small group of historians of the same generation whose apologetic interpretations of Nazism and the Holocaust were sharply confronted during the “historians’ controversy” of the mid-1980s. For that specific debate see Charles S. Maier, The Unmasterable Past: History, Holocaust, and German National Identity (Cambridge, Mass., 1988), and Richard J. Evans, In Hitler’s Shadow: West German Historians and the Attempt to Escape from the Nazi Past (New York, 1989); for a particularly perceptive discussion of the issues, see Steven E. Aschheim, Culture and Catastrophe: German and Jewish Confrontations with National Socialism and Other Crises (New York, 1996). For this and other debates on the historical representation of the Holocaust, see the essays included in Peter Baldwin, ed., Reworking the Past: Hitler, the Holocaust and the Historians (Boston, 1990), and in Saul Friedländer, ed., Probing the Limits of Representation: Nazism and the “Final Solution” (Cambridge, Mass., 1992).
2. One of the earliest examples of the first approach is Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (Chicago, 1961); the best illustration of the second is Lucy S. Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews, 1933–1945 (New York, 1975).
3. In representing the life of the victims and some attitudes of surrounding society I have drawn most of my illustrations from everyday life. In this respect, and with regard to some other issues brought forth in this book, I have accepted some of Martin Broszat’s insights that I criticized in my debate with him in the late 1980s. Yet, I have attempted to avoid some of the pitfalls of the historicization of National Socialism precisely by emphasizing the everyday life of the victims rather than that of the Volksgemeinschaft. For the debate, see Martin Broszat, “A Plea for the Historicization of National Socialism” in Baldwin, Reworking the Past; Saul Friedländer, “Some Thoughts on the Historicization of National Socialism,” ibid.; Martin Broszat and Saul Friedländer, “A Controversy about the Historicization of National Socialism,” ibid.
4. For the importance of this wider context, see Omer Bartov, Murder in Our Midst: The Holocaust, Industrial Killing, and Representation, New York, 1996. For the impact of modernity as such on the genesis of the “Final Solution,” see, among many other studies, Detlev J. K. Peukert, “The Genesis of the ‘Final Solution’ from the Spirit of Science,” in Thomas Childers and Jane Caplan, eds., Reevaluating the Third Reich (New York, 1993); Zygmunt Bauman, Modernity and the Holocaust (New York, 1989); Götz Aly and Susanne Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung: Auschwitz und die deutschen Pläne für eine neue europäische Ordnung (Hamburg, 1991). For an excellent presentation of related issues in the history of Nazism see Michael Burleigh, ed., Confronting the Nazi Past: New Debates on Modern German History (London, 1996).
5. For internal competition as the basis of Nazi radicalization, see mainly the works of Hans Mommsen, particularly “The Realization of the Unthinkable,” in From Weimar to Auschwitz (Princeton, N.J., 1991). For the cost-benefit calculations of technocrats as incentives for the “Final Solution,” see Aly and Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung.
6. Redemptive anti-Semitism is different, as I shall indicate, from the “eliminationist anti-Semitism” referred to by Daniel Jonah Goldhagen in Hitler’s Willing Executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York, 1996). Moreover, it represented an ideological trend shared at the outset by a small minority only, and, in the Third Reich, by a segment of the party and its leaders, not by the majority of the population.
7. Because of my emphasis upon the interaction between Hitler, his ideological motivations, and the constraints of the system within which he acted, I hesitate to identify my approach as “intentionalist.” Moreover, whereas during the thirties Hitler decided on all major anti-Jewish steps and intervened in the details of their implementation, later his guidelines left much greater leeway to his subordinates in the implementation of the concrete aspects of the extermination. As for Hitler’s impact on the Germans, it has been the subject of countless studies and the basic theme of major biographies. For a complex approach both to Hitler’s charismatic effect and to his interaction with the populace, see in particular J. P. Stern, Hitler, The Fuehrer and the People (Glasgow, 1975), and Ian Kershaw, Hitler (London, 1991).
8. This point is made both in Michael Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD 1935 bis 1938 (Munich, 1996) and in Ulrich Herbert, Best. Biographische Studien über Radikalismus, Weltanschauung und Vernunft 1903–1989 (Bonn, 1996). For a discussion of this theme, see chapter 6.
9. The reference here is to the opposed theses of Christopher R. Browning, Ordinary Men: Reserve Police Battalion 101 and the Final Solution in Poland (New York, 1992), and of Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners. The issue will be discussed at length in volume 2. The impact of Nazi ideology on various Wehrmacht units and its relation to the extreme barbarization of warfare on the Eastern front must also be considered in that context. For this issue see mainly Omer Bartov, Hitler’s Army: Soldiers, Nazis and War in the Third Reich (New York, 1991).
10. See Martin Broszat, “A Plea,” in Baldwin, Reworking the Past.
11. The issue is thoroughly discussed in Dominick LaCapra, Representing the Holocaust: History, Theory, Trauma (Ithaca, N.Y., 1994).
Chapter 1 Into the Third Reich
1. Walter Benjamin, The Correspondence of Walter Benjamin, ed. Gershom Scholem and Theodor Adorno (Chicago, 1994), p. 406.
2. Lion Feuchtwanger and Arnold Zweig, Briefwechsel 1933–1958, vol. 1 (Frankfurt am Main, 1986), p. 22.
3. Erik Levi, Music in the Third Reich (New York, 1994), p. 42; Sam H. Shirakawa, The Devil’s Music Master: The Controversial Life and Career of Wilhelm Furtwängler (New York, 1992), pp. 150–51.
4. Alan E. Steinweis, “Hans Hinkel and German Jewry, 1933–1941,” Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook [hereafter LBIY] 38 (1993): 212.
5. Shirakawa, The Devil’s Music Master, p. 151.
6. Joseph Goebbels, Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels, ed. Elke Fröhlich, part 1, 1924–1941, vol. 2, 1.1.1931–31.12.1936 (Munich, 1987), p. 430.
7. Fred K. Prieberg, Musik im NS-Staat (Frankfurt am Main, 1982), pp. 41–42. For a more thorough discussion of the dismissal of Jewish musicians, see Levi, Music in the Third Reich, pp. 41ff.
8. Ibid., p. 41.
9. Lawrence D. Stokes, Kleinstadt und Nationalsozialismus: Ausgewählte Dokumente zur Geschichte von Eutin 1918–1945, (Neumünster, 1984), p. 730. (Initials are used instead of full names as indicated in the source.)
10. Klaus Mann, Mephisto (New York, 1977), p. 157. (Klaus Mann was one of Thomas Mann’s sons. The original German edition was published in Amsterdam in 1936; Mann describes Höfgens’s happiness at not being Jewish as it found expression in 1933, soon after the Machtergreifung.)
11. On the details of this issue see Peter Stephan Jungk, Franz Werfel: A Life in Prague, Vienna, and Hollywood (New York, 1990), p. 140.
12. Quoted and excerpted in Golo Mann, Reminiscences and Reflections: A Youth in Germany (New York, 1990), p. 144.
13. Jungk, Franz Werfel, pp. 141–44.
14. Ibid., p. 145.
15. Joseph Wulf, ed., Die bildenden Künste im Dritten Reich: Eine Dokumentation (Gütersloh, 1963), pp. 36, 81ff.
16. Ibid., p. 36.
17. Thomas Mann, The Letters of Thomas Mann 1889–1955 (London, 1985), p. 170.
18. Ibid., p. 191.
19. Ronald Hayman, Thomas Mann: A Biography (New York, 1995), pp. 407–8.
20. Thomas Mann, Tagebücher 1933–1934, ed. Peter de Mendelssohn (Frankfurt am Main, 1977), p. 46.
21. Ibid., p. 473.
22. On Thomas Mann’s anti-Jewish stance see Alfred Hoelzel, “Thomas Mann’s Attitudes toward Jews and Judaism: An Investigation of Biography and Oeuvre,” Studies in Contemporary Jewry 6 (1990): 229–54.
23. Thomas Mann, Tagebücher 1933–1934, p. 473.
24. After the death of the publisher Samuel Fischer, his son-in-law, Gottfried Bermann, took steps to transfer at least part of the firm out of the Reich. S. Fischer Verlag would remain in Germany, in Aryan hands. The new Bermann Fischer publishing house—and with it some of the most prestigious names of contemporary German literature (Mann, Döblin, Hofmannsthal, Wassermann, Schnitzler)—was ready to start activities in Zurich. This, however, was a serious misjudgment of Swiss hospitality on Bermann’s part. The main Swiss publishers opposed the move, and the literary editor of the Neue Zürcher Zeitung, Eduard Korrodi, did not mince words: The only German literature that had emigrated, he wrote in January 1936, was Jewish (“the hack-writers of the novel industry”). Bermann Fischer moved to Vienna. This time Thomas Mann reacted. His open letter to the newspaper was his first major public stand since January 1933: Mann drew Korrodi’s attention to the obvious: Both Jews and non-Jews were to be found among the exiled German writers. As for those who remained in Germany, “being völkisch is not being German. But the German or the German rulers’ hatred of the Jews is in the higher sense not directed against Europe and all loftier Germanism; it is directed, as becomes increasingly apparent, against the Christian and classical foundations of Western morality. It is the attempt…to shake off the ties of civilization. That attempt threatens to bring about a terrible alienation, fraught with evil potentialities, between the land of Goethe and the rest of the world…” Mann, The Letters, p. 209. Within a few months all members of the Mann family who had not yet been deprived of their German citizenship lost it, and on December 19, 1936, the dean of the Faculty of Philosophy of Bonn University announced to Thomas Mann that his name had been “struck off the roll of honorary doctors.” Nigel Hamilton, The Brothers Mann: The Lives of Heinrich and Thomas Mann, 1871–1950 (London, 1978), p. 298.
25. Frederic Spotts, Bayreuth: A History of the Wagner Festival (New Haven, Conn., 1994), p. 168.
26. Quoted in Moshe Zimmermann, “Die aussichtslose Republik—Zukunftsperspektiven der deutschen Juden vor 1933,” in Menora: Jahrbuch für deutsch-jüdische Geschichte 1990 (Munich, 1990), p. 164. This did not mean, however, that Jewish votes shifted to extremist parties. After the disappearance of the German Democratic Party (DDP), Jewish votes in the crucial elections of 1932 probably led to the election of two Social Democratic deputies and one deputy from the Catholic Center. Ernest Hamburger and Peter Pulzer, “Jews as Voters in the Weimar Republic,” LBIY 30 (1985): 66.
27. Kurt Jakob Ball-Kaduri, Das Leben der Juden in Deutschland im Jahre 1933: Ein Zeitbericht (Frankfurt am Main, 1963), p. 34.
28. Quoted in Wolfgang Benz, ed., Das Exil der kleinen Leute: Alltagserfahrung deutscher Juden in der Emigration (Munich, 1991), p. 16.
29. Ibid., p. 17.
30. According to the June 16, 1933, census, 499,682 persons of the “Mosaic faith” lived in Germany (the Saar territory not included) on that date, which amounts to 0.77 percent of the total German population. See Ino Arndt and Heinz Boberach, “Deutsches Reich” in Wolfgang Benz, ed., Dimension des Völkermords: Die Zahl der jüdischen Opfer des Nationalsozialismus (Munich, 1991), p. 23. It is plausible that approximately 25,000 Jews had fled Germany between January and June 1933.
31. For the petition and the other details, see Akten der Reichskanzlei: Die Regierung Hitler, 1933–1938, part 1, 1933–1934, ed. Karl-Heinz Minuth, vol. 1 (Boppard am Rhein, 1983), pp. 296–98, 298n.
32. Zimmermann, “Die aussichtslose Republik,” p. 160.
33. Rüdiger Safranski, Ein Meister aus Deutschland: Heidegger und seine Zeit (Munich, 1994), p. 271.
34. Wolfgang Benz, ed., Die Juden in Deutschland 1933–1945: Leben unter nationalsozialistischer Herrschaft (Munich, 1988), p. 18.
35. Nahum N. Glatzer and Paul Mendes-Flohr, eds., The Letters of Martin Buber (New York, 1991), p. 395.
36. Jews were also shipped off to the new concentration camps: Four were killed in Dachau on April 12. Both in Dachau and in Oranienburg “Jewish units” were set up from the outset. See Klaus Drobisch, “Die Judenreferate des Geheimen Staatspolizeiamtes und des Sicherheitsdienstes der SS 1933 bis 1939,” Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung 2 (1993): 231.
37. To this day the most thorough study of the Nazi takeover during the years 1933 and 1934 remains Karl Dietrich Bracher, Wolfgang Sauer, and Gerhard Schulz, Die nationalsozialistische Machtergreifung (Cologne, 1962).
38. Drobisch, “Die Judenreferate,” p. 231.
39. Martin Broszat, Elke Fröhlich, and Falk Wiesemann, eds., Bayern in der NS-Zeit: Soziale Lage und politisches Verhalten der Bevölkerung im Spiegel vertraulicher Berichte (Munich, 1977), p. 432.
40. District President, Hildesheim, to Local Police Authorities of the District, 31.3.1933, Aktenstücke zur Judenverfolgung, Ortspolizeibehörde Göttingen, microfilm MA-172, Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich (hereafter IfZ).
41. Local Police Authority, Göttingen, to District President, Hildesheim, 1.4.33, ibid.
42. Deborah E. Lipstadt, Beyond Belief: The American Press and the Coming of the Holocaust 1933–1945 (New York, 1986), pp. 44–45. On Walter Lippmann’s positions see mainly Ronald Steel, Walter Lippmann and the American Century (Boston, 1980), particularly pp. 330–33.
43. Akten der Reichskanzlei: Die Regierung Hitler, part 1, vol. 1, p. 251.
44. Zimmermann, “Die aussichtslose Republik,” pp. 155, 157–58.
45. Avraham Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation: The Economic Struggle of German Jews 1933–1943 (Hanover, N.H., 1989), p. 15.
46. Heinz Höhne, Die Zeit der Illusionen: Hitler und die Anfänge des Dritten Reiches 1933–1936 (Düsseldorf, 1991), p. 76.
47. For a description of various components of this radical tendency, see Dietrich Orlow, The History of the Nazi Party 1933–1945, vol. 2 (Pittsburgh, 1973), pp. 40ff.
48. Richard Bessel, Political Violence and the Rise of Nazism: The Storm Troopers in Eastern Germany, 1925–1934 (New Haven, Conn., 1984), p. 107.
49. David Bankier, “Hitler and the Policy-Making Process on the Jewish Question,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 3, no. 1 (1988): 4.
50. Akten der Reichskanzlei: Die Regiergung Hitler, part 1, vol. 1, p. 277.
51. Memoranda of telephone conversations between the State Department and the U.S. Embassy in Berlin, March 31, 1933, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1933, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C., 1948), pp. 342 ff.
52. Henry Friedlander and Sybil Milton, eds., Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 17, American Jewish Committee New York, ed. Frederick D. Bogin (New York, 1993), p. 4. In May 1933 a trilingual German, English, and French collection of various Jewish declarations was printed (probably in Berlin) by an ostensibly Jewish publisher, “Jakov Trachtenberg,” under the title Atrocity Propaganda Is Based on Lies, the Jews of Germany Themselves Say. (Die Greuel-Propaganda ist eine Lügenpropaganda, sagen die deutschen Juden selbst.) The book was probably meant for worldwide distribution. I am indebted to Hans Rogger for drawing my attention to this publication.
53. Yoav Gelber, “The Reactions of the Zionist Movement and the Yishuv to the Nazis’ Rise to Power,” Yad Vashem Studies 18 (1987): 46. From Gelber’s text it is not clear whether the telegram was sent before or after April 1.
54. About the quandary of the American Jewish leadership see Gulie Ne’eman Arad, The American Jewish Leadership and the Nazi Menace (Bloomington, Ind., forthcoming ).
55. Gelber, “The Reactions of the Zionist Movement,” pp. 47–48. On the American Jewish boycott see mainly Moshe R. Gottlieb, American Anti-Nazi Resistance, 1933–1941: An Historical Analysis (New York, 1982).
56. Goebbels, Die Tagebücher, vol. 2, pp. 398–99.
57. Ibid., p. 400.
59. Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation, p. 2.
60. For a detailed account of the concrete problems encountered by the Nazis, see Karl A. Schleunes, The Twisted Road to Auschwitz: Nazi Policy toward German Jews 1933–1939 (Urbana, Ill., 1970), pp. 84–90.
61. Ibid., p. 94.
62. Peter Hanke, Zur Geschichte der Juden in München zwischen 1933 und 1945 (Munich, 1967), p. 85.
63. Ibid., pp. 85–86.
64. For Martha Appel’s memoirs see Monika Richarz, ed., Jüdisches Leben in Deutschland: Selbstzeugnisse zur Sozialgeschichte 1918–1945 (Stuttgart, 1982), pp. 231–32.
65. Broszat, Fröhlich, and Wiesemann, Bayern in der NS-Zeit, vol. 1, p. 435.
66. Helmut Genschel, Die Verdrängung der Juden aus der Wirtschaft im Dritten Reich (Göttingen, 1966), p. 58.
67. On April 5 the German ambassador to France reported to Berlin: “How unfavorable the effects of the action against the Jews had been in France was best shown by the sympathy expressed by high-ranking Catholic and Protestant clergy at the French-Jewish demonstrations against the anti-Jewish movement in Germany…. There was no doubt…that the operation had been fully exploited by French circles antagonistic to Germany for material or political reasons and that they had fully attained their purpose of painting again in the darkest of colors, even to the rural population, the danger from a Germany inclining to deeds of violence.” Koester to Foreign Minister, 5 April 1933. Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series C (1933–1937), vol. 1 (Washington, D.C., 1957), p. 251.
68. Ernst Noam and Wolf-Arno Kropat, Juden vor Gericht, 1933–1945: Dokumente aus hessischen Justizakten (Wiesbaden, 1975), pp. 84–86.
69. Files of the NSDAP Main Office, microfiche 581 00181, IfZ. (Parteikanzlei der NSDAP)
70. David Bankier, “The German Communist Party and Nazi Anti-Semitism, 1933–1938,” LBIY 32 (1987): 327.
71. Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation, p. 17.
72. Ibid., p. 72. As a result, part of the shares of Tietz were acquired by major German banks. In 1934 the Tietz brothers sold the remainder; the firm was Aryanized and renamed Hertie AG.
73. National Socialist enterprise cell of Ullstein Verlag to Reich Chancellor, 21.6.1933, Max Kreuzberger Research Papers, AR 7183, Box 10, Folder 1, Leo Baeck Institute [hereafter LBI], New York.
74. Ron Chernow, The Warburgs (New York, 1993), p. 377.
75. Harold James, “Die Deutsche Bank und die Diktatur 1933–1945,” in Lothar Gall et al., eds., Die Deutsche Bank 1870–1995 (Munich, 1995), p. 336.
77. The overall argument and a wealth of supporting archival material is presented in Peter Hayes, “Big Business and ‘Aryanisation’ in Germany, 1933–1939,” in Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung 3 (1994), pp. 254ff.
78. Peter Hayes, Industry and Ideology: IG Farben in the Nazi Era (New York, 1987), p. 93.
79. Chernow, The Warburgs, pp. 379–80.
80. Jeremy Noakes and G. Pridham, eds., Nazism: A History in Documents and Eyewitness Accounts 1919–1945, vol. 1 (New York, 1983), pp. 14–16.
81. Herbert Michaelis and Ernst Schraepler, eds., Ursachen und Folgen: Vom deutschen Zusammenbruch 1918 und 1945 bis zur staatlichen Neuordnung Deutscblands in der Gegenwart: Eine Urkunden- und Dokumentsammlung zur Zeitgeschichte, vol. 9 (Berlin, n.d.), p. 383.
82. Joseph Walk, ed., Das Sonderrecht für die Juden im NS-Staat (Heidelberg, 1981), p. 4.
83. Hermann Graml, Anti-Semitism in the Third Reich (Cambridge, Mass., 1992), p. 97.
84. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 3.
85. Ibid., p. 36.
86. For a detailed description of these laws, see in particular Schleunes, The Twisted Road, pp. 102–4.
87. To this day the best overall analysis of the Civil Service Law is still to be found in Hans Mommsen, Beamtentum im Dritten Reich (Stuttgart, 1966), pp. 39ff.
88. Walk, Sonderrecht, pp. 12–13. The party program of 1920 excluded Jews from party membership. After 1933 most organizations directly affiliated with the party, such as the German Labor Front, for instance, excluded membership for anyone with Jewish ancestry after 1800. See Jeremy Noakes, “Wohin gehören die Judenmischlinge? Die Entstehung der ersten Durchführungsverordnungen zu den Nürnberger Gesetzen,” in Ursula Büttner, Werner Johe, and Angelika Voss, eds., Das Unrechtsregime: Internationale Forschung über den Nationalsozialismus, vol. 2, Verfolgung, Exil, belasteter Neubeginn (Hamburg, 1986), p. 71.
89. Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, p. 54. For Hilberg there was a straight line between the first definition and the ultimate extermination.
90. For details regarding the origins of the anti-Jewish paragraph of the Civil Service Law, see Günter Neliba, Wilhelm Frick: Der Legalist des Unrechtsstaates: Eine Politische Biographie (Paderborn, 1992), pp. 168ff.
91. Ibid., p. 171; see also Mommsen, Beamtentum, pp. 48, 53.
92. Hans-Joachim Dahms, “Einleitung” in Heinrich Becker, Hans-Joachim Dahms, Cornelia Wegeler, eds., Die Universität Göttingen unter dem Nationalsozialismus: verdrängte Kapitel ihrer 250 jährigen Geschichte (Munich, 1987), pp. 17–18.
93. Achim Gercke, “Die Lösung der Judenfrage,” Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte 38 (May 1933): 196. Gercke did not simply write that the laws were “educational” but that they were “educational insofar as they indicated a direction.”
94. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 12.
95. Comité des Délégations Juives, ed., Das Schwarzbuch: Tatsachen und Dokumente: Die Lage der Juden in Deutschland 1933 (Paris, 1934; reprint, Berlin, 1983), p. 105.
96. Uwe Dietrich Adam, Judenpolitik im Dritten Reich (Düsseldorf, 1972), pp. 50ff., 65ff. For Schlegelberger’s report to Hitler on April 4, see Akten der Reichskanzlei, part 1, vol. 1, p. 293n. For Hitler’s statement, see the protocol of the cabinet meeting of April 7, 1933, ibid., p. 324.
97. Dirk Blasius, “Zwischen Rechtsvertrauen und Rechtszerstörung: Deutsche Juden 1933–1935,” in Dirk Blasius and Dan Diner, eds., Zerbrochene Geschichte: Leben und Selbstverständnis der Juden in Deutschland (Frankfurt am Main, 1991), p. 130.
98. Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation, p. 4.
99. Konrad H. Jarausch, “Jewish Lawyers in Germany, 1848–1938: The Disintegration of a Profession,” LBIY 36 (1991): 181–82.
100. Comité des Delegations Juives, Das Schwarzbuch, pp. 195–96.
101. Akten der Reichskanzlei, part 1, vol. 1, p. 324. (“Hier müsse eine umfassende Aufklärung einsetzen.”)
102. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 17; Albrecht Götz von Olenhusen, “Die ‘Nichtarischen’ Studenten an den deutschen Hochschulen: Zur nationalsozialistischen Rassenpolitik 1933–1945,” VfZ 14, no. 2 (1966): 177ff.
103. Ibid., p. 180.
104. For this point see Kurt Pätzold, Faschismus, Rassenwahn, Judenverfolgung: Eine Studie zur politischen Strategie und Taktik des faschistischen deutschen Imperialisms (1933–1935) ([East]Berlin, 1975), p. 105.
105. For the case of Karl Berthold (name changed) and the appended documentation, see Hans Mommsen, “Die Geschichte des Chemnitzer Kanzleigehilfen K.B.,” in Detlev Peukert und Jürgen Reulecke, eds., Die Reihen fast geschlossen: Beiträge zur Geschichte des Alltags unterm Nationalsozialismus (Wuppertal, 1981), pp. 337ff. In present-day terminology, a Versorgungsamt is “a social benefits office for state employees.” Here I shall refer merely to the “social benefits office.”
106. Ibid., p. 348.
107. Ibid., p. 350.
108. Ibid., p. 350.
109. Ibid., p. 351.
110. Lammers to Hess, 6.6.1933, Parteikanzlei der NSDAP, microfiche 10129934, IfZ.
111. For the details of this case, see Jeremy Noakes, “The Development of Nazi Policy Towards the German-Jewish ‘Mischlinge’ 1933–1945,” LBIY 34 (1989): 316–17.
112. Volker Dahm, “Anfänge und Ideologie der Reichskulturkammer,” VfZ 34, no. 1 (1986): 78. See also Alan Edward Steinweis, Art, Ideology and Economics in Nazi Germany: The Reich Chamber of Culture and the Regulation of the Culture Professions in Nazi Germany (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1988), pp. 322ff.
113. For details on this issue, see in particular Herbert Freeden, “Das Ende der jüdischen Presse in Nazideutschland,” Bulletin des Leo Baeck Instituts 65 (1983): 4–5.
114. James, “Die Deutsche Bank,” p. 337.
115. Mommsen, Beamtentum, p. 49.
116. Quoted in Peter Pulzer, The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria (Cambridge, Mass., 1988), p. 112.
117. Donald M. McKale, “From Weimar to Nazism: Abteilung III of the German Foreign Office and the Support of Antisemitism, 1931–1935,” LBIY 32 (1987): pp. 297ff. On the attitude of the Wilhelmstrasse regarding the “Jewish Question” during the early phase of the regime, see also Christoper R. Browning, The Final Solution and the German Foreign Office (New York, 1978).
118. Noakes and Pridham, Nazism 1919–1945, vol. 2, pp. 526–27.
119. A first summary of this document was published in Hebrew in Ha’aretz by the Israeli historian Shaul Esh on April 1, 1963; it was interpreted as a master plan for the whole Nazi anti-Jewish program. For the English translation, with comments, see Uwe Dietrich Adam, “An Overall Plan for Anti-Jewish Legislation in the Third Reich?” Yad Vashem Studies 11 (1976): 33–55.
120. Ibid., p. 40.
121. First published in Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, pp. 393–95. Translated by Dieter Kuntz in Benjamin C. Sax and Dieter Kuntz, eds., Inside Hitler’s Germany: A Documentary History of Life in the Third Reich (Lexington, Ky., 1992), pp. 401–3. The translation has been very slightly revised. For another translation see Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series C, pp. 253–5.
122. Akten der Reichskanzlei: Die Regierung Hitler, part 1, vol. 1, pp. 391–92.
123. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 8.
124. Ibid., p. 9.
125. Ibid., p. 10.
126. Ibid., p. 13.
127. Ibid., p. 14.
128. Ibid., p. 15.
129. Ibid., p. 16. (For example, one would not be allowed to say “A for Abraham.”)
130. Ibid., p. 19.
131. Ibid., p. 21.
132. Ibid., p. 23.
133. Ibid., p. 25.
134. Kommission zur Erforschung der Geschichte der Frankfurter Juden, ed., Dokumente zur Geschichte der Frankfurter Juden 1933–1945 (Frankfurt am Main, 1963), p. 95.
135. Chronik der Stadt Stuttgart 1933–1945 (Stuttgart, 1982), p. 21.
136. Ibid., p. 22.
137. Ibid., p. 22.
138. Ibid., p. 25.
139. Ibid., p. 26.
140. Ibid., p. 27.
141. William Sheridan Allen, The Nazi Seizure of Power: The Experience of a Single German Town 1930–1935 (London, 1965), pp. 209–10.
142. Ibid., p. 212.
143. Ibid., p. 213.
144. Deborah Dwork, Children with a Star: Jewish Youth in Nazi Europe (New Haven, Conn., 1991), p. 22.
145. Richarz, Jüdisches Leben in Deutschland, p. 232.
146. Götz Aly and Karl-Heinz Roth, Die restlose Erfassung: Volkszählen, Identifizieren, Aussondern im Nationalsozialismus (Berlin, 1984), p. 55.
147. Robert N. Proctor, Racial Hygiene: Medicine under the Nazis (Cambridge, Mass., 1988), p. 95.
148. Jeremy Noakes, “Nazism and Eugenics: The Background to the Nazi Sterilization Law of 14 July 1933,” in R. J. Bullen, H. Pogge von Strandmann, and A. B. Polonsky, eds., Ideas into Politics. Aspects of European History 1880–1950 (London, 1984), pp. 83–84.
149. For the economic impact of the Great Depression on psychiatric care, see Michael Burleigh, Death and Deliverance: “Euthanasia” in Germany 1900–1945 (Cambridge, England, 1994), pp. 33ff.
150. Ibid., pp. 84–85.
151. Gisela Bock, Zwangssterilisation im Nationalsozialismus: Studien zur Rassenpolitik und Frauenpolitik (Opladen, 1986), pp. 49–51, 55–56.
152. Noakes, “Nazism and Eugenics,” p. 85.
153. Ibid., p. 86.
154. Hans-Walter Schmuhl, “Reformpsychiatrie und Massenmord,” in Michael Prinz und Rainer Zitelmann, eds., Nationalsozialismus und Modernisierung (Darmstadt, 1991), p. 249.
155. Noakes, “Nazism and Eugenics,” p. 87.
156. Schmuhl, “Reformpsychiatrie und Massenmord,” p. 250.
Chapter 2 Consenting Elites, Threatened Elites
1. Eberhard Röhm and Jörg Thierfelder, Juden-Christen-Deutsche, vol. 1, 1933–1935 (Stuttgart, 1990), pp. 120ff.
2. Klaus Scholder, Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich, vol. 1, Vorgeschichte und Zeit der Illusionen 1918–1934 (Frankfurt am Main, 1977), pp. 338ff.
4. Wolfgang Gerlach, Als die Zeugen schwiegen: Bekennende Kirche und die Juden (Berlin, 1987), p. 42.
5. Akten deutscher Bischöfe über die Lage der Kirche 1933–45, vol. 1: 1933–1934, ed. Bernhard Stasiewski (Mainz, 1968), pp. 42n, 43n.
6. Ernst Christian Helmreich, The German Churches Under Hitler: Background, Struggle and Epilogue (Detroit, 1979), pp. 276–77. For the German original see Akten deutscher Bischöfe, vol. 2, p. 54n.
7. Ernst Klee, “Die SA Jesu Christi”: Die Kirche im Banne Hitlers (Frankfurt am Main, 1989), p. 30.
8. For the quotations see Helmreich, The German Churches, pp. 276–77.
9. Klaus Scholder, “Judaism and Christianity in the Ideology and Politics of National Socialism,” in Otto Dov Kulka and Paul Mendes-Flohr, eds., Judaism and Christianity Under the Impact of National Socialism 1919–1945 (Jerusalem, 1987), pp. 191ff.
10. Quoted in Doris L. Bergen, Twisted Cross: The German Christian Movement in the Third Reich (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1996), p. 23. On November 13, 1933, the leader of the Berlin district of German Christians, one Dr. Krause, declared at a meeting of the movement at the Sportpalast: “What belongs to it [the new Christianity] is the liberation from all that is un-German in the ritual and faith, the liberation from the Old Testament with its Jewish retribution morals and its stories of cattle dealers and pimps…. In the German Volk Church there is no place for people of foreign blood, either at the pulpit or below the pulpit. All expressions of a foreign spirit which have penetrated it…must be expelled from the German Volk Church.” Ulrich Thürauf, ed., Schulthess Europäischer Geschichtskalender 74 (1933), p. 244.
11. Quoted in Paul R. Mendes-Flohr, “Ambivalent Dialogue: Jewish-Christian Theological Encounter in the Weimar Republic,” in Kulka and Mendes-Flohr, Judaism and Christianity, p. 121.
12. Uriel Tal, “Law and Theology: on the Status of German Jewry at the outset of the Third Reich,” in Political Theology and the Third Reich (Tel Aviv, 1989), p. 16. The English version of this text appeared as a brochure published by Tel Aviv University, 1982.
13. For the intense theological debates raised by the introduction of the “Aryan paragraph,” see ibid.
14. Scholder, Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich, pp. 612ff.
15. Robert Michael, “Theological Myth, German Anti-Semitism and the Holocaust: The Case of Martin Niemöller,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies 2 (1987): 112. (The title “Propositions on the Aryan Question” should be considered a euphemism, in the same way as “Aryan paragraph” in fact meant “Jewish paragraph.”)
16. Gerlach, Als die Zeugen schwiegen, p. 87.
17. Michael, “Theological Myth,” p. 113.
19. Quoted in Uriel Tal, “On Structures of Political Theology and Myth in Germany prior to the Holocaust,” in Yehuda Bauer and Nathan Rotenstreich, eds., The Holocaust as Historical Experience (New York, 1981), p. 55.
20. Richard Gutteridge, Open Thy Mouth for the Dumb! The German Evangelical Church and the Jews 1879–1950 (Oxford, 1976), p. 122.
21. Günther van Norden, “Die Barmen Theologische Erklärung und die ‘Judenfrage’,” in Ursula Büttner et al., eds., Das Unrechtsregime, vol. 1, Ideologie—Herrschaftssystem—Wirkung in Europa (Hamburg, 1986), pp. 315ff.
22. Guenter Lewy, The Catholic Church and Nazi Germany (New York, 1964), p. 17.
23. Ibid., p. 271.
24. Akten deutscher Bischöfe, vol. 1, pp. 100–102.
25. Klee to Foreign Ministry, September 12, 1933, Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series C, pp. 793–94.
26. Scholder, Die Kirchen und das Dritte Reich, p. 660.
27. His Eminence Cardinal Faulhaber, Judaism, Christianity and Germany: Advent Sermons Preached in St. Michael’s, Munich, in 1933 (London, 1934), pp. 5–6. Faulhaber’s argument reflects a long-standing Christian polemic tradition regarding the Talmud. See in particular Amos Funkenstein, “Changes in Christian Anti-Jewish Polemics in the Twelfth Century,” in Perceptions of Jewish History (Berkeley, Calif., 1993), pp. 172–201 and particularly 189–96.
28. Helmreich, The German Churches Under Hitler, p. 262.
29. Heinz Boberach, ed., Berichte des SD und der Gestapo über Kirchen und Kirchenvolk in Deutschland 1934–1944 (Mainz, 1971), p. 7. Although as a rule church dignitaries avoided comments regarding the contemporary aspects of the Jewish issue, some local Catholic newpapers drew the attention of their readers to the brutal treatment of the Jews. For example, on May 23, 1933, the Catholic Bamberger Volksblatt explicitly mentioned the death in Dachau of the young local court clerk, Willy Aron, who was Jewish. For the significance of the case, see Norbert Frei, Nationalsozialistische Eroberung der Provinzpresse: Gleichschaltung, Selbstanpassung und Resistenz in Bayern (Stuttgart, 1980), pp. 273–75.
30. Quoted in Walter Hofer, ed., Der Nationalsozialismus: Dokumente 1933–1945 (Frankfurt am Main, 1957), p. 130.
31. Quoted in Konrad Kwiet and Helmut Eschwege, Selbstbehauptung und Widerstand: Deutsche Juden im Kampf um Existenz und Menschenwürde 1933–1945 (Hamburg, 1984), p. 221.
32. Gerhard Sauder, ed., Die Bücherverbrennung (Munich, 1983), pp. 50–52. The sixteen named were: Bonn (Berlin), Cohn (Breslau), Dehn (Halle), Feiler (Königsberg), Heller (Frankfurt am Main), Horkheimer (Frankfurt am Main), Kantorowicz (Frankfurt), Kantorowicz (Kiel), Kelsen (Cologne), Lederer (Berlin), Löwe (Frankfurt am Main), Löwenstein (Bonn), Mannheim (Frankfurt am Main), Mark (Breslau), Tillich (Frankfurt am Main), Sinzheimer (Frankfurt am Main).
33. Doron Niederland, “The Emigration of Jewish Academics and Professionals from Germany in the First Years of Nazi Rule,” LBIY 33 (1988): 291. The numbers vary considerably from one field to another and from university to university. In biology, for example, the scientists defined as Jews or married to Jewish spouses who were dismissed between 1933 and 1939 (including the universities of Vienna and Prague) numbered approximately 9 percent of the entire faculty in the field (30 out of 337). See Ute Deichmann, Biologen unter Hitler: Vertreibung, Karrieren, Forschung (Frankfurt am Main, 1992), p. 34.
34. Alan D. Beyerchen, Scientists Under Hitler. Politics and the Physics Community in the Third Reich (New Haven, Conn., 1977), pp. 22, 15–22. For parts of the text regarding the universities, see Saul Friedländer, “The Demise of the German Mandarins: The German University and the Jews 1933–1939,” in Christian Jansen et al., eds., Von der Aufgabe der Freiheit: Politische Verantwortung und bürgerliche Gesellschaft im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Berlin, 1995), pp. 63ff.
35. Helmut Heiber, Universität unterm Hakenkreuz, part 2, Die Kapitulation der Hohen Schulen: Das Jahr 1933 und seine Themen, vol. 1 (Munich, 1992), p. 26.
36. Uwe Dietrich Adam, Hochschule und Nationalsozialismus: Die Universität Tübingen im Dritten Reich (Tübingen, 1977), p. 36.
37. All the details of the Freiburg case are taken from Edward Seidler, “Die Medizinische Fakultät zwischen 1926 und 1948,” in Eckhard John, Bernd Martin, Marc Mück, and Hugo Ott, eds., Die Freiburger Universität in der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus (Freiburg/Würzburg, 1991), pp. 76–77.
38. Arno Weckbecker, Die Judenverfolgung in Heidelberg 1933–1945 (Heidelberg, 1985), p. 150. During the same period five “Aryan” teachers had been dismissed on political grounds.
39. Benno Müller-Hill, Murderous Science: Elimination by Scientific Selection of Jews, Gypsies and Others, Germany 1933–1945 (Oxford, 1988), p. 24.
40. Paul Weindling, Health, Race and German Politics Between National Unification and Nazism, 1870–1945 (Cambridge, England, 1989), p. 495.
41. Chernow, The Warburgs, pp. 540–41.
42. Müller-Hill, Murderous Science, p. 27.
43. Karen Schönwälder, Historiker und Politik: Geschichtswissenschaft im Nationalsozialismus (Frankfurt am Main, 1992), pp. 29ff., 33.
44. For a more detailed presentation and analysis of the indifference of German university professors regarding the fate of their Jewish colleagues, as well as for the outright expressions of hostility of some of them, see Friedländer, “The Demise of the German Mandarins,” mainly pp. 70ff. For the attitude of the famous economic historian Werner Sombart, see ibid., p. 73, as well as Friedrich Lenger, Werner Sombart 1863–1941: Eine Biographie (Munich, 1994), p. 359; for a good analysis of Sombart’s anti-Jewish intellectual position, see mainly Jeffrey Herf, Reactionary Modernism: Technology, Culture and Politics in Weimar and the Third Reich (Cambridge, England, 1993), pp. 130ff.
45. Kurt Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung: Dokumente des faschistischen Antisemitismus 1933 bis 1942 (Frankfurt am Main, 1984), p. 53.
46. Geoffrey J. Giles, “Professor und Partei: Der Hamburger Lehrkörper und der Nationalsozialismus,” in Eckart Krause, Ludwig Huber, Holger Fischer, eds., Hochschulalltag im Dritten Reich: Die Hamburger Universität 1933–1945 (Berlin, 1991), p. 115.
47. Christian Jansen, Professoren und Politik: Politisches Denken und Handeln der Heidelberger Hochschullehrer 1914–1935 (Göttingen, 1992), pp. 289ff.
48. Claudia Schorcht, Philosophie an den Bayerischen Universitäten 1933–1945 (Erlangen, 1990), pp. 159ff. It is possible that at that early stage some other collective declarations in favor of Jewish colleagues were planned that were never concretely made. According to Otto Hahn, Max Planck dissuaded him from organizing such a petition with the argument that it would only trigger a much stronger counterdeclaration. See J. L. Heilbron, The Dilemmas of an Upright Man: Max Planck as Spokesman for German Science (Berkeley, Calif., 1986), p. 150.
49. We know of this intervention from Max Planck’s own account after the war. According to Planck, Hitler declared that he had nothing against the Jews and was only anti-Communist; then he supposedly flew into a rage. See Heilbron, The Dilemmas of an Upright Man, p. 153. Such postwar reports are hard to substantiate.
50. Hugo Ott, Martin Heidegger: Unterwegs zu seiner Biographie (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), pp. 198–200.
51. Rüdiger Safranski, Ein Meister aus Deutschland: Heidegger und seine Zeit (Munich, 1994), p. 299.
52. Hugo Ott, Laubhüttenfest 1940: Warum Therese Löwy einsam sterben musste (Freiburg, 1994), p. 113.
54. Elzbieta Ettinger, Hannah Arendt/Martin Heidegger (New Haven, Conn. 1995), pp. 35–36. Heidegger’s letters are paraphrased as Ettinger had not received permission to quote them directly.
55. Thomas Sheehan, “Heidegger and the Nazis,” New York Review of Books, June 16, 1988, p. 40.
57. Ibid. See also Ott, Laubhüttenfest 1940, p. 183.
58. Safranski, Ein Meister aus Deutschland, p. 302.
59. Ibid., p. 300.
60. Heinrich Meier, Carl Schmitt, Leo Strauss und “Der Begriff des Politischen”: Dialog unter Abwesenden (Stuttgart, 1988), p. 137.
61. Ibid., pp. 14–15.
62. For all details in this section, see Bernd Rüthers, Carl Schmitt im Dritten Reich: Wissenschaft als Zeitgeist-Bestärkung? (Munich, 1990), pp. 31–34.
63. Wolfgang Heuer, Hannah Arendt (Reinbek/Hamburg, 1987), p. 29.
64. Kommission…, Dokumente zur Geschichte der Frankfurter Juden, pp. 99–100.
65. Donald L. Niewyk, The Jews in Weimar Germany (Baton Rouge, La., 1980), p. 67. Michael Kater’s evaluation is somewhat clearer-cut: “The number of converts to Nazism, among the professors, often motivated by antisemitism, was growing, especially in 1932, and even if most of them chose to remain outside the party, the evidence suggests that in their heart of hearts they had switched their allegiance to Hitler.” Michael Kater, The Nazi Party: A Social Profile of Members and Leaders 1919–1945 (Oxford, 1983), p. 69. Academic Judeophobia during the empire and even more during the Weimar Republic is too well documented to need much further proof. Yet some notorious incidents can be read in contrary ways. In 1924 the Jewish Nobel laureate in chemistry and professor at the University of Munich, Richard Willstätter, resigned in protest against the decision of the dean and a majority of the facility not to appoint the geochemist Viktor Goldschmidt on obviously antisemitic grounds. Yet, conversely, a great number of faculty members and students attempted for weeks to persuade Willstätter to take back his resignation, to no avail. Regarding the issue as such and Willstätter’s resignation, see Fritz Stern, Dreams and Delusions (New York, 1987), pp. 46–47, and John V. H. Dippel, Bound upon a Wheel of Fire: Why So Many German Jews Made the Tragic Decision to Remain in Nazi Germany (New York, 1996), pp. 25–27.
66. Michael H. Kater, Studentenschaft und Rechtsradikalismus in Deutschland 1918–1933 (Hamburg, 1975), pp. 145–46.
67. Geoffrey J. Giles, Students and National Socialism in Germany (Princeton, N.J., 1985), p. 17.
68. Ulrich Herbert, “‘Generation der Sachlichkeit’: Die völkische Studenten-bewegung der frühen zwanziger Jahre in Deutschland,” in Frank Bajohr et al., eds., Zivilisation und Barbarei: Die widersprüchlichen Potentiale der Moderne (Hamburg, 1991), pp. 115ff. For the establishment and the growth of the NSDSB until 1933 see also Michael Grüttner, Studenten im Dritten Reich (Paderborn, 1995), pp. 19–61.
69. On November 12, 1930, the Berliner Tageblatt reported that around five hundred Nazi students had launched attacks against prorepublic and Jewish students on the Berlin University campus: “During the assault, a Social Democratic student was wounded and had to get medical assistance…a Jewish female student was attacked by the Nazis, thrown to the ground and trampled upon…. The group yelled in turn ‘Germany awake!’ and ‘Out with Jews’!” Kater, Studentenschaft und Rechtsradikalismus, p. 155.
70. Ibid., p. 157.
71. Kater, The Nazi Party, p. 184.
72. Rudolf Schottlaender, “Antisemitische Hochschulpolitik: Zur Lage an der Technischen Hochschule Berlin 1933/34,” in Reinhard Rürup, ed., Wissenschaft und Gesellschaft: Beiträge zur Geschichte der Technischen Universität Berlin 1878–1979, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1979), p. 447.
74. Ibid., p. 448.
75. Sauder, Die Bücherverbrennung, p. 89. In Berlin, the publication of these theses led to an immediate conflict between students and the rector of the university, Eduard Kohlrausch, who had ordered the removal of the notices and posters from university grounds; the students countered by announcing his resignation. Giles, Students and National Socialism, p. 131.
76. George L. Mosse, “Die Bildungsbürger verbrennen ihre eigenen Bücher” in Horst Denkler und Eberhard Lämmert, eds., “Das war ein Vorspiel nur…” Berliner Colloquium zur Literaturpolitik im “Dritten Reich” (Berlin, 1985), p. 35.
77. Ibid., p. 42.
78. Professional schools group leader Hildburghausen to Minister Wächtler, Thuringia Education Ministry, Weimar, 6.5.1933, Nationalsozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund (NSDStB), microfilm MA–228, IfZ.
79. District leader mid-Germany to Prime Minister Manfred von Killinger, Dresden, 12.8.1933, NSDStB, microfilm MA 228, IfZ.
80. Gerhard Gräfe to Georg Plötner, main office for political education, Berlin 16.5.1933, ibid. It seems that, on the other hand, Arthur Schnitzler’s famous “Jewish” novel, Der Weg ins Freie (The Road into the Open), was spared, probably because it was interpreted as carrying a Zionist message.
81. Victor Klemperer, Ich will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten: Tagebücher 1933–1945, vol. 1, 1933–1941 (Berlin, 1995), pp. 31–43.
82. Jacob Boas, “German-Jewish Internal Politics under Hitler 1933–1938,” LBIY 29 (1984): 3.
83. An earlier federative association of the organizations of Jewish communities (Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft der deutschen Landesverbände jüdischer Gemeinden) had been established as early as January 1932; it represented the Jews of Germany during the first months of the Nazi regime before being replaced by the Reichsvertretung.
84. Leo Baeck has remained to this day a target of sharp criticism for what has appeared to some as subservience to and even cooperation with the Nazis. Hannah Arendt referred to him as the “Führer” of German Jewry. See Hannah Arendt, Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil (New York, 1963), p. 105. Raul Hilberg has kept to his initially harsh evaluation; for him Baeck was both pompous and pathetic all along. Raul Hilberg, Perpetrators, Victims, Bystanders: The Jewish Catastrophe 1933–1945 (New York, 1992), p. 108.
85. Paul Sauer, “Otto Hirsch (1885–1941), Director of the Reichsvertretung,” LBIY 32 (1987): 357.
86. For these quotations see Abraham Margalioth, “The Problem of the Rescue of German Jewry During the Years 1933–1939: The Reasons for the Delay in Their Emigration from the Third Reich,” in Yisrael Guttman and Ephraim Zuroff, eds., Rescue Attempts During the Holocaust (Jerusalem, 1977), pp. 249ff.
87. Abraham Margalioth, Between Rescue and Annihilation: Studies in the History of German Jewry 1932–1938 (Jerusalem, 1990), p. 5 (in Hebrew). See also Francis R. Nicosia, “Revisionist Zionism in Germany (II): Georg Kareski and the Staatszionistische Organization, 1933–1938,” LBIY 32 ([London] 1987) 231ff.
88. Yehuda Bauer, My Brother’s Keeper: A History of the American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee 1929–1939 (Philadelphia, 1974), p. 111.
89. The Free Association for the Interests of Orthodox Jewry to the Reich Chancellor, Frankfurt, October 4, 1933, Akten der Reichskanzlei, vol. 2, 12/9/33–27/8/34, pp. 884ff.
90. See Werner Rosenstock, “Exodus 1933–1939: A Survey of Jewish Emigration from Germany,” LBIY 1 ([London] 1956): 377, and particularly Herbert A. Strauss, “Jewish Emigration from Germany: Nazi Policies and Jewish Responses (I),” LBIY 25: ([London] 1980): 326.
91. Ibid., p. 379.
92. Klaus Mann, The Turning Point: Thirty-five Years in This Century (1942; reprint, New York, 1985), p. 270.
93. Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation, pp. 99ff.
94. Hans Mommsen, “Der nationalsozialistische Staat und die Judenverfolgung vor 1938,” VfZ 1 (1962): 71–72.
95. For a detailed account of the Haavarah negotiations and agreement, see Francis R. Nicosia, The Third Reich and the Palestine Question (London, 1985), pp. 29ff., and in particular p. 46. See also Nicosia’s updated article on the major themes of his book: “Ein nützlicher Feind: Zionismus im nationalsozialistischen Deutschland 1933–1939,” VfZ 37, no. 3 (1989): 367ff.
96. Nicosia, “Ein nützlicher Feind,” p. 383.
97. Tom Segev, The Seventh Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust (New York, 1993), p. 30.
98. Nicosia, The Third Reich, p. 42.
100. Nicosia, “Ein nützlicher Feind,” p. 378. It is in the same spirit that Robert Weltsch, editor of the Zionist Jüdische Rundschau and possibly the best-known German Jewish journalist after 1933, wrote one of his most famous columns on April 4, 1933: “Trägt ihn mit Stolz, den gelben Fleck” (Wear the yellow badge with pride). In this memorably titled article, Weltsch argued that Nazism was offering a historic opportunity to reassert Jewish national identity. The Jews would regain the respect they had lost in assimilating, and they would launch their own national revival, as the Germans had. The Jews owed a debt of gratitude to the Nazis: Hitler had shown them the path to the recovery of their own identity. The column aroused immense enthusiasm among German Jews, Zionists and non-Zionists alike.
101. Segev, The Seventh Million, p. 19.
102. Ibid., p. 18.
103. Margalioth, “The Problem of the Rescue,” p. 94.
104. Ibid., p. 95.
105. Quoted in Jost Hermand, “‘Bürger zweier Welten?’ Arnold Zweigs Einstellung zur deutschen Kultur,” in Julius Schoeps, ed., Juden als Träger bürgerlicher Kultur in Deutschland (Bonn, 1989), p. 81.
106. Quoted in Robert Weltsch, “Vorbemerkung zur zweiten Ausgabe” (1959) in Siegmund Kaznelson, ed., Juden im Deutschen Kulturbereich: Ein Sammelwerk (Berlin, 1962), pp. xvff.
107. The number is taken from Eike Geisel’s essay on the history of the Kulturbund, “Premiere und Pogrom,” in Eike Geisel and Heinrich M. Broder, eds., Premiere und Pogrom: Der Jüdische Kulturbund 1933–1941 (Berlin, 1992), p. 9.
108. Steinweis, “Hans Hinkel,” p. 215.
109. Geisel, “Premiere und Pogrom,” pp. 10ff.
110. Ibid., p. 12.
111. Dahm, “Anfänge und Ideologie,” p. 114.
112. Ibid., p. 115. For details about the forbidding of Schiller and Goethe, see Jacob Boas, “Germany or Diaspora? German Jewry’s Shifting Perceptions in the Nazi Era (1933–1938)” LBIY 27 (1982): 115 n 32. In his personal memoir about the epoch, Jakob Ball-Kaduri suggests that at the outset Hinkel was keen on developing the Kulturbund because of his ambivalent relation to Jewish matters and because the growth of the Kulturbund meant the growth of the domain that he was in charge of. Ball-Kaduri, Das Leben der Juden in Deutschland im Jahre 1933, p. 151. Such “ambivalence” appears rather as mere ambition on the part of a dedicated anti-Semitic activist.
113. Levi, Music in the Third Reich, pp. 51–52.
114. Ibid., pp. 33, 247.
115. Wulf, Theater und Film im Dritten Reich, p. 102.
116. Dahm, “Anfänge und Ideologie,” p. 104.
117. Kurt Duwell, “Jewish Cultural Centers in Nazi Germany: Expectations and Accomplishments,” in Jehuda Reinharz and Walter Schatzberg, eds., The Jewish Response to German Culture: From the Enlightenment to the Second World War (Hanover, N.H., 1985), p. 298.
118. Sir Horace Rumbold to Sir John Simon, May 11, 1933, Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919–1939, Second Series, vol. 5:1933, London, 1956, pp. 233–5.
119. The Consul General at Berlin to the Secretary of State, November 1, 1933, Foreign Relations of the United States, 1933, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C., 1948), p. 362. (italics added.)
120. Akten der Reichskanzlei: Die Regierung Hitler, part 1, vol. 1, p. 631.
121. Schacht’s position was solely motivated by immediate economic goals. Otherwise he favored the “limitation of Jewish influence” in German economic life, and on several occasions he did not hesitate to make blatantly anti-Semitic speeches. In other words, Schacht fully expressed the conservative brand of anti-Semitism, and when faced with the regime’s ever more radical anti-Jewish measures, he toed the line like all the Nazis’ conservative allies. See in particular Albert Fischer, Hjalmar Schacht und Deutschlands “Judenfrage,” (Bonn, 1995), mainly pp. 126ff. One of Schacht’s most outspoken anti-Semitic speeches was his “Luther speech” of November 8, 1933. The journalist and socialite Bella Fromm, who was Jewish, was in the audience and commented in her diary: “The intimate friend of Berlin Jewish society [Schacht] did not skip a single one of Martin Luther’s manifold anti-Semitic remarks…. Certainly Jew-baiting is a legal affair since February 1, 1933. But there is no excuse for Schacht’s infamy. Schacht has not always been prosperous. Everything he has he owes to friends who are no National Socialists. Bella Fromm, Blood and Banquets: A Berlin Social Diary (London, 1943; reprint, New York, 1990), p. 136.
122. Akten der Reichskanzlei: Die Regierung Hitler, part 1, vol. 1, p. 675.
123. Ibid., p. 677.
124. Noakes, “The Development of Nazi Policy Towards the German-Jewish ‘Mischlinge,’” p. 303.
125. Reichsstatthalterkonferenz, 28.9.1933, Akten der Reichskanzlei: Die Regierung Hitler, Part 1, vol. 2, p. 865.
126. Adolf Hitler, “Die deutsche Kunst als stolzeste Verteidigung des deutschen Volkes,” Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte 4, no. 34 (Oct. 1933), p. 437.
127. Quoted in Wolfgang Michalka, ed., Das Dritte Reich, vol. 1 (Munich, 1985), p. 137.
128. The “religious” dimension of Nazism, in terms both of its beliefs and its rituals, had already been noted by numerous contemporary observers; some blatant uses of Christian liturgy drew protests, mainly from the Catholic Church. The concept of “political religion” in its application to Nazism (and often to Communism as well), as a sacralization of politics and a politicization of religious themes and frameworks, was first systematically presented in Eric Voegelin, Die politischen Religionen (Stockholm, 1939). After the war the theme was taken up in Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Messianism in Medieval and Reformation Europe and Its Bearing on Modern Totalitarian Movements, 2nd ed. (New York, 1961). The political-religious dimension of Nazi ideological themes and rituals was also analyzed in Klaus Vondung, Magie und Manipulation: Ideologischer Kult und politische Religion des Nationalsozialismus (Göttingen, 1971). During the seventies Uriel Tal further developed the analysis of Nazism as a political religion, mainly in his article “On Structures of Political Ideology and Myth in Germany Prior to the Holocaust,” in Yehuda Bauer and Nathan Rotenstreich, eds., The Holocaust as Historical Experience (New York, 1981). Tal’s interpretation appears as a guiding theme in Leni Yahil’s The Holocaust: The Fate of European Jewry (New York, 1990). See also the conclusion to Saul Friedländer, “From Anti-Semitism to Extermination: A Historical Study of Nazi Policies Toward the Jews,” Yad Vashem Studies 16 (1984).
129. Noakes and Pridham, Nazism, vol. 1, p.13.
Chapter 3 Redemptive Anti-Semitism
1. Lamar Cecil, Albert Ballin: Business and Politics in Imperial Germany 1888–1918 (Princeton, N.J., 1967), p. 347. Cecil does not decide whether the overdose of sleeping pills was intentional or not. At the end of his novel A Princess in Berlin, Arthur R. G. Solmssen appends the (untitled) afterword: “On August 31, 1935, the Board of Directors of the Hamburg-Amerika Line announced that henceforth the SS Albert Ballin would carry the name SS Hansa.” Arthur R. G. Solmssen, A Princess in Berlin(Harmondsworth, England, 1980). I am grateful to Sue Llewellyn for this information.
2. Werner T. Angress, “The German Army’s ‘Judenzählung’ of 1916: Genesis—Consequences—Significance,” LBIY 23 ([London] 1978): 117ff. See also Egmont Zechlin, Die deutsche Politik und die Juden im Ersten Weltkrieg (Göttingen, 1969), pp. 528ff.
3. Angress, “The German Army’s Judenzählung,” p. 117.
4. Werner Jochmann, “Die Ausbreitung des Antisemitismus,” in Werner E. Mosse, ed., Deutsches Judentum in Krieg und Revolution 1916–1923 (Tübingen, 1971), p. 421.
5. Ibid., p. 423.
6. Saul Friedländer, “Political Transformations During the War and their Effect on the Jewish Question,” in Herbert A. Strauss, ed., Hostages of Modernization: Studies on Modern Anti-Semitism 1870–1933/39: Germany—Great Britain—France (Berlin, 1993), p. 152.
7. Adolf Hitler, Mein Kampf (London, 1974), p. 193.
8. Friedländer, “Political Transformations,” p. 152.
9. Zechlin, Die deutsche Politik, p. 525.
10. Ibid., in particular note 42.
11. Chernow, The Warburgs, p. 172.
12. Jochmann, “Die Ausbreitung des Antisemitismus,” p. 427.
14. Ibid., p. 426. Jochmann quotes the classic study by the Jewish statistician and demographer Franz Oppenheimer, Die Judenstatistik des Preussischen Kriegsministeriums (Munich, 1922).
15. Ernst Simon, Unser Kriegserlebnis (1919), quoted in Zechlin, Die deutsche Politik, p. 533.
16. Rathenau to Schwaner, August 4, 1916, quoted in Jochmann, “Die Ausbreitung des Antisemitismus,” p. 427.
17. See especially Werner T. Angress, “The Impact of the Judenwahlen of 1912 on the Jewish Question: A Synthesis,” LBIY 28 (1983):367ff.
18. For the shift of the Jewish vote, its dynamics and political significance, see ibid., p. 373ff., as well as Marjorie Lamberti, Jewish Activism in Imperial Germany: The Struggle for Civil Equality (New Haven, Conn., 1978), and Jacob Toury’s classic study, Die politischen Orientierungen der Juden in Deutschland: Von Jena bis Weimar (Tübingen, 1966).
19. Angress, “Impact of the Judenwahlen of 1912,” p. 381.
20. Ibid., p. 390.
21. Uwe Lohalm, Völkischer Radikalismus: Die Geschichte des deutsch-völkischen Schutz-und-Trutz-Bundes 1919–1923 (Hamburg, 1970), p. 30.
22. Daniel Frymann, Das Kaiserbuch: Politische Wahrheiten und Notwendigkeiten, 7th ed. (Leipzig, 1925), pp. 69ff.
23. For the distinction between the traditional and the new trends in German nationalism after 1912, see Thomas Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte 1866–1918, vol. 2, Machtstaat vor der Demokratie (Munich, 1992), pp. 606ff. For the Kaiser’s sometimes rabid anti-Jewish outbursts, see John C. G. Röhl’s “Das beste wäre Gas!” Die Zeit, Nov. 25, 1994.
24. Roger Chickering, We Men Who Feel Most German: A Cultural Study of the Pan-German League, 1886–1914 (Boston, 1984), p. 287.
25. Angress, “Impact of the Judenwhalen of 1912,” p. 396.
26. In 1925 66.8 percent of all German Jews lived in the major cities, with Frankfurt and Berlin first and second in Jewish population. In 1871 36,326 Jews lived in the Greater Berlin area, accounting for 3.9 percent of a population of 931,984. In 1925 the official census for the same area indicated 172,672 Jews, or 4.3 percent of a general population of 4,024,165 (in Frankfurt that year, the Jewish population represented 6.3 percent). The number of Jews in Berlin was, in fact, probably higher than indicated by the official census, since many Jews did not register with Jewish communal organizations (the basis for the census), and a number of East European Jews were not registered anywhere at all. According to some estimates, as many as 200,000 Jews, or approximately 5 percent of the general population, were living in Greater Berlin in the immediate postwar period. Gabriel Alexander, “Die Entwicklung der jüdischen Bevölkerung in Berlin zwischen 1871 und 1945,” Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für Deutsche Geschichte, vol. 20 (Tel Aviv, 1991), pp. 287ff., and particularly pp. 292ff. Such urban concentration was enhanced by the high visibility of East European Jews in the major German cities.
Jews from the East had long been present in Germany and Austria, arriving in particular after the late-eighteenth-century partitions of Poland and the annexations of Polish territory by both Prussia and Austria. A hundred years later, from 1881 on, a decisive change took place, with the beginning of a series of major pogroms against Jewish communities in the western provinces of czarist Russia. A mass exodus of Jews—most of them heading to the United States—from Russian-Polish territory began. Of the 2,750,000 Jews who left Eastern Europe for overseas between 1881 and 1914, a large proportion passed through Germany, mostly in the direction of the northern seaports Bremen and Hamburg, with a small number remaining in the country. For a detailed account see Shalom Adler-Rudel, Ostjuden in Deutschland 1880–1940 (Tübingen, 1959). At the same time a more substantial number of Galician and Romanian Jews settled in Austria, especially in Vienna.
In 1900 7 percent of the Jews in Germany were Ostjuden, the percentage of East European Jews growing to 19.1 by 1925 and 19.8 by 1933. Ibid., p. 165. Moreover, their concentration in the large cities progressed at a rate faster than that of German Jewry’s overall urbanization. In 1925 Eastern Jews represented 25.4 percent of Berlin’s Jewish population, 27 percent of Munich’s, 60 percent of Dresden’s, and 80.7 percent of Leipzig’s. Ibid.
27. See mainly Werner E. Mosse, “Die Juden in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft,” in Werner E. Mosse, ed., Juden im Wilhelminischen Deutschland 1890–1914 (Tübingen, 1976), pp. 69ff., 75ff.
28. Werner E. Mosse, Jews in the German Economy: The German-Jewish Economic Elite 1820–1935 (Oxford, 1987), p. 396.
29. Ibid., pp. 398, 400.
30. Ibid., pp. 323ff. (particularly p. 329).
31. Moritz Goldstein, “Deutsch-jüdischer Parnass,” Kunstwart 25, no. 11 (Mar. 1912): 283.
32. Ibid., pp. 291–92.
33. Ibid., p. 293.
34. Ibid., p. 294.
35. Ferdinand Avenarius, “Aussprachen mit Juden,” Kunstwart 25, no. 22 (Aug. 1912): 225.
36. These details and the quotations are taken from Ralph Max Engelman’s Ph. D. dissertation, “Dietrich Eckart and the Genesis of Nazism” (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1971), pp. 31–32.
38. Ibid., p.32.
39. Maximilian Harden’s Die Zukunft was “Jewish,” and so was Siegfried Jacobsohn’s Schaubühne (later Weltbühne). Otto Brahm’s Freie Bühne für modernes Leben, succeeded by the Neue Rundschau, was “Jewish,” as were the leading cultural critics of the major daily papers, Fritz Engel, Alfred Kehr, Max Osborn, and Oskar Bies. Engelman, ibid. Soon Kurt Tucholsky would become the most visible—and the most hated—journalist-author of Jewish origin of the Weimar years. Siegfried Breslauer would be associate editor of the Berliner Lokalanzeiger, Emil Faktor editor in chief of the Berliner Börsen-Courier, Norbert Falk cultural affairs editor of the B. Z. am Mittag, Joseph Wiener-Braunsberg editor of Ulk, the satirical supplement of the Berliner Tageblatt, and many more. Bernd Soesemann, “Liberaler Journalismus in der Kultur der Weimarer Republik,” in Julius H. Schoeps, ed., Juden als Träger bürgerlicher Kultur in Deutschland (Bonn, 1989), p. 245.
40. Engelman, “Dietrich Eckart,” p. 33.
42. Bernard Michel, Banques et banquiers en Autriche au début du XXe Siècle (Paris, 1976), p. 312.
43. Robert S. Wistrich, The Jews of Vienna in the Age of Franz Josef (Oxford, 1989), p. 170. The extraordinary role of the Jews in Viennese culture at the turn of the century has been systematically documented in Steven Beller, Vienna and the Jews, 1867–1938: A Cultural History (Cambridge, England, 1989).
44. For the historical background of emancipation, see Jacob Katz, Out of the Ghetto: The Social Background of Jewish Emancipation 1770–1870 (New York, 1978).
45. Shulamit Volkov, “Die Verbürgerlichung der Juden in Deutschland als Paradigma,” in Jüdisches Leben und Antisemitismus im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Munich, 1990), pp. 112ff.
46. See in particular George L. Mosse, “Jewish Emancipation: Between Bildung and Respectability,” in Jehuda Reinharz and Walter Schatzberg, eds., The Jewish Response to German Culture: From the Enlightenment to the Second World War (Hanover, N.H., 1985), pp. 1ff.
47. Michael A. Meyer, The Origins of the Modern Jew: Jewish Identity and European Culture in Germany 1749–1824 (Detroit, 1967).
48. David Sorkin, The Transformation of German Jewry 1780–1840 (New York, 1987).
49. Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichröder and the Building of the German Empire (New York, 1977), p. 461.
50. Nipperdey, Machtstaat vor der Demokratie, p. 289.
51. Ibid., p. 290.
52. Hannah Arendt, The Origins of Totalitarianism (1951; reprint, New York, 1973), pp. 11ff.
53. For debates on these issues see in particular Israel Y. Yuval, “Vengeance and Damnation, Blood and Defamation: From Jewish Martyrdom to Blood Libel Accusations,” Zion 58, no. 1 (1993): 33ff., and Zion 59, no. 2–3 (1994) (Hebrew).
54. Uriel Tal, Christians and Jews in Germany: Religion, Politics and Ideology in the Second Reich, 1870–1914 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1975), pp. 96–98.
55. Ibid., pp. 209–10.
56. Jacob Katz, From Prejudice to Destruction: Anti-Semitism 1700–1933 (Cambridge, Mass., 1980), p. 319.
57. Amos Funkenstein, “Anti-Jewish Propaganda: Pagan, Christian and Modern,” Jerusalem Quarterly 19 (1981): 67.
58. Richard Hofstadter, The Paranoid Style in American Politics and Other Essays (Chicago, 1979), p. 29.
59. Jacob Katz, Jews and Freemasons in Europe 1723–1939, (Cambridge, England, 1970), particularly pp. 148ff.
60. Such distinctions have been implicit in some of the historical work published in the 1960s on the special course of German history during the nineteenth century; these theses have been recently reformulated and systematized by political sociologists. See in particular Pierre Birnbaum, “Nationalismes: Comparaison France-Allemagne,” in La France aux Français: Histoire des haines nationalistes (Paris, 1993), pp. 300ff.
61. For the comparative part of the argument, see mainly Reinhard Rürup, Emanzipation und Antisemitismus: Studien zur “Judenfrage” der bürgerlichen Gesellschaft (Göttingen, 1975), pp. 17–18.
62. For a clear summary of German modernization and its impact, see Volker R. Berghahn, Modern Germany: Society, Economy, and Politics in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1987). For the völkisch reactions to this evolution, see Georges L. Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (New York, 1964); and Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair (Berkeley, Calif., 1961).
63. The argument for the definition of this new anti-Semitic current as “revolutionary anti-Semitism” has been made in Paul Lawrence Rose, Revolutionary Anti-Semitism in Germany from Kant to Wagner (Princeton, N.J., 1990). See in particular Rose’s argument about Wagner, pp. 358ff., as well as in idem, Wagner: Race and Revolution (New Haven, Conn., 1992).
64. See Robert W. Gutman, Richard Wagner: The Man, His Mind and His Music (New York, 1968), mainly pp. 389–441; Hartmut Zelinsky, Richard Wagner: Ein deutsches Thema 1876–1976, 3rd ed. (Vienna, 1983); Rose, Wagner, mainly pp. 135–70.
65. Richard Wagner’s Prose Works, vol. 3 (London, 1894; reprint, New York, 1966), p. 100.
66. Cosima Wagner, Die Tagebücher, vol. 4 [1881–83], (Munich, 1982), p. 734.
67. Gustav Mahler remarked that Mime’s music parodied bodily characteristics that were supposedly Jewish. For a study of the anti-Jewish imagery in Wagner’s musical oeuvre, see Marc A. Weiner, Richard Wagner and the Anti-Semitic Imagination (Lincoln, Neb., 1995). For the Mahler remark, see ibid., p. 28.
68. Cosima Wagner, Die Tagebücher, p. 852.
69. Winfried Schüler, Der Bayreuther Kreis von seiner Entstehung bis zum Ausgang der Wilhelminischen Ära (Münster, 1971), p. 256.
70. Houston Stewart Chamberlain, Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, vol. 1 (1st English ed., 1910; reprint, New York, 1968) p. 578.
71. Geoffrey Field, Evangelist of Race: The Germanic Vision of Houston Stewart Chamberlain (New York, 1981), p. 225.
72. Ibid., p. 326.
74. On Hitler’s visit to Chamberlain, see ibid., p. 436.
75. Some historians have emphasized the similarities of the reactions to the war all over Europe. See mainly Jay Winter, Sites of Memory, Sites of Mourning: The Great War in European Cultural History (Cambridge, England, 1995); others have pointed to the differences: the rise of an antiwar sentiment in France, that of a genocidal mood in Germany. See Bartov, Murder in Our Midst, mainly chap. 2. But an immense literature recognizes the apocalyptic postwar mood as such.
76. Nesta H. Webster, World Revolution: The Plot Against Civilization (London, 1921), p. 293.
77. Thomas Mann, Tagebücher 1918–1921, ed. Peter de Mendelssohn (Frankfurt am Main, 1979), p. 223.
78. The details that follow are taken from Peter Nettl, Rosa Luxemburg, vol. 2 (Oxford, 1966), pp. 772ff.
79. Friedländer, “Political Transformations,” p. 159.
80. Among the twenty-seven members of the government of the Bavarian Republic of the Councils, eight of the most influential were of Jewish origin: Eugen Levine-Nissen, Towia Axelrod, Frida Rubiner (alias Friedjung), Ernst Toller, Erich Mühsam, Gustav Landauer, Ernst Niekisch, Arnold Wadler. Hans-Helmuth Knütter, Die Juden und die Deutsche Linke in der Weimarer Republik, 1918–1933 (Düsseldorf, 1971), p. 118.
81. Reginald H. Phelps, “‘Before Hitler Came’: Thule Society and Germanenorden,” Journal of Modern History 35 (1963), pp. 253–54.
82. Jacques Benoist-Méchin, Histoire de l’armée allemande, vol. 2 (Paris, 1964), p. 216. Other Jewish left-wing politicians provoked no less negative reactions. On November 8, 1918, for instance, just after the break of relations between Germany and Russia, the Jewish Soviet ambassador in Berlin, Adolf Yoffe, about to leave Germany, transferred large sums of money to the Jewish Independent Socialist deputy Oskar Cohn, who had become undersecretary in the Ministry of Justice. The money was meant to further revolutionary propaganda and for the acquisition of weapons. The facts soon became known and were widely discussed in the press. For the details of this transaction and of the debate in the press see Knütter, Die Juden und die Deutsche Linke, p. 70. Possibly even more violent was the reaction of the nationalist camp to the fact that a Jewish member of the National Assembly, Georg Gothein, became chairman of the Investigation Committee on the causes of the war and, together with Oskar Cohn and Hugo Sinzheimer, was in charge of the investigation of Hindenburg and of Ludendorff. See Friedländer, “Political Transformations,” pp. 158–61, and mainly Barbara Suchy, “The Verein zum Abwehr des Antisemitismus (II): From the First World War to Its Dissolution in 1933,” LBIY 30 (1985): 78–79.
83. Quoted in Nathaniel Katzburg, Hungary and the Jews: Policy and Legislation 1920–1943 (Ramat-Gan, 1981), p. 35.
84. On the revolutionary events and on the leaders of the Hungarian revolution, see in particular Rudolf L. Tökés, Béla Kun and the Hungarian Soviet Republic (New York, 1967).
85. Two French novelists, the brothers Jérôme and Jean Tharaud, chronicled the Béla Kun regime in Hungary. Their historical fantasy appeared in 1921 and was translated into English in 1924, from the 64th French edition. Almost all of Béla Kun’s revolutionary companions were Jews. Cf. Jérôme and Jean Tharaud, When Israel Is King (New York, 1924).
86. Isaac Deutscher, The Non-Jewish Jew and Other Essays (London, 1968).
87. Hamburger and Pulzer quote two sets of statistics about the Jewish vote in Weimar Germany: According to a contemporary observer, in 1924, 42 percent of the Jews cast their ballots for the SPD, 40 percent for the DDP, 8 percent for the KPD, 5 percent for the DVP, and 2 percent for the Wirtschaftspartei; according to Arnold Paucker’s inquiry of 1972, the division was the following: 64 percent DDP, 28 percent SPD, 4 percent DVP, 4 percent KPD. See Hamburger and Pulzer, “Jews as Voters in the Weimar Republic,” p. 48. The main point is that in both counts more than 80 percent of Jewish voters opted for progressive liberals or for the moderate left.
88. On Jewish participation in the political life of the German Republic in its early phase, see in particular Werner T. Angress, “Juden im politischen Leben der Revolutionszeit,” in Mosse, Deutsches Judentum in Krieg und Revolution; idem, “Revolution und Demokratie: Jüdische Politiker in Berlin 1918/19,” in Reinhard Rürup, ed., Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin: Essays und Studien (Berlin, 1995). On Rathenau see Ernst Schulin, Walter Rathenau: Repräsentant, Kritiker und Opfer seiner Zeit (Göttingen, 1979).
89. Ibid., p. 137.
90. Rathenau’s assassins claimed further that by sponsoring the fulfillment policy demanded by the Allies the Jewish minister was intent on the perdition of Germany, that he aimed at the Bolshevization of the country, that he was married to the sister of the Jewish Bolshevik leader Karl Radek, and so on. The anti-Jewish motivation of Rathenau’s murderers is unquestionable. What remains unclear, though, is whether—beyond their hatred for the Jew Rathenau—his killers were instruments in the hands of ultra-right-wing groups that aimed to exploit his murder to destabilize the entire republican system. On this issue see Martin Sabrow, Der Rathenaumord: Rekonstruktion einer Verschwörung gegen die Republik von Weimar (Munich, 1994), mainly pp. 114ff.
91. For a detailed reconstruction of the origins and spreading of the Protocols see Norman Cohn, Warrant for Genocide: The Myth of the Jewish World Conspiracy and the Protocols of the Elders of Zion (London, 1967).
92. The anti-Napoleon III pamphlet was entitled “Dialogue aux enfers entre Montesquieu et Machiavel,” and composed in Brussels in 1864 by a French liberal, Maurice Joly; the novel Biarritz, written in 1868 by the German Hermann Gödsche, alias John Ratcliff, described the secret meeting of the heads of the Tribes of Israel in a Prague cemetery to plot Jewish domination of the world.
93. See Cohn, Warrant for Genocide, p. 138. For new details and nuances regarding the historical context of the Protocols, see Richard S. Levy’s Introduction to Binjamin W. Segel, A Lie and a Libel: The History of the Protocols of the Elders of Zion, trans. and ed. Richard S. Levy (Lincoln, Neb., 1995). Segel’s study was originally pubished in Berlin in 1926.
94. The Protocols and the World Revolution including a Translation and Analysis of the “Protocols of the Meetings of the Zionist Men of Wisdom” (Boston, 1920), p. 144.
95. Ibid., pp. 144–48 (the passage quoted is on pp. 147–48).
96. Quoted in Georg Franz-Willing, Die Hitler-Bewegung, vol. 1, Der Ursprung 1919–1922 (Hamburg, 1962), p. 150.
97. Anything relating to the psychological, intellectual, and ideological development of “Hitler before Hitler” and, therefore, to the origins of his anti-Semitic obsession is entirely hypothetical. Were the ministrations—and particularly his morphine injections during the terminal illness of Hitler’s mother—of the Jewish physician Eduard Bloch at the source of the future dictator’s identification of the Jew with mortal penetration of the motherly body of the nation and the race? Did the theories of the pan-German history teacher, Leopold Pötsch, at the Realschule in Linz have any intellectual impact? Undoubtedly, early elements of Hitler’s worldview stem from his sojourn in Vienna from 1908 to 1913; there he must have been influenced by Georg von Schönerer’s and Karl Lüger’s political campaigns. But how much further can we rely on his own declarations about this period or on the so-called recollections of his companions at the time, August Kubizek and Reinhold Hanisch?
For excellent accounts of Hitler’s life before 1918 see in particular Alan Bullock, Hitler: A Study in Tyranny (London, 1952); Joachim C. Fest, Hitler (New York, 1974); as well as useful corrections regarding this period in Anton Joachimsthaler, Korrektur einer Biographie: Adolf Hitler, 1908–1920 (Munich, 1989). For a systematic correlation between any indices of Hitler’s early anti-Semitism and his later anti-Jewish worldview and policies, see Gerald Fleming, Hitler and the “Final Solution” (Berkeley, Calif., 1984).
98. Adolf Hitler, Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen, ed. Eberhard Jäckel and Axel Kuhn (Stuttgart, 1980), p. 128.
99. For the first complete publication of the text of the speech, with a detailed critical commentary, see Reginald H. Phelps, “Hitlers ‘Grundlegende’ Rede über den Antisemitismus,” VfZ 16, no. 4 (1968): 390ff.
100. Hitler, Sämtliche Aufzeichnungen, p. 199.
101. Ibid., p. 202.
102. Eberhard Jäckel, Hitler’s Worldview: A Blueprint for Power (Cambridge, Mass., 1981), pp. 52ff.
103. Adolf Hitler, Hitler’s Secret Conversations 1941–1944, ed. Hugh R. Trevor-Roper (New York, 1972), p. 178.
104. Shaul Esh, “Eine neue literarische Quelle Hitlers? Eine methodologische Überlegung,” Geschichte und Unterricht, 15 (1964), pp. 487ff.; Margarete Plewnia, Auf dem Weg zu Hitler: Der “völkische” Publizist Dietrich Eckart (Bremen, 1970), pp. 108–9.
105. Ernst Nolte, “Eine frühe Quelle zu Hitlers Antisemitismus,” Historische Zeitschrift 192 (1961), particularly 604ff.
106. Esh, “Eine neue literarische Quelle Hitlers?”
107. Engelman, “Dietrich Eckart,” p. 236.
108. Dietrich Eckart, Der Bolschewismus von Moses bis Lenin. Zwiegespräch zwischen Adolf Hitler und mir (Munich, n.d. ), p. 49.
109. Hitler, Mein Kampf, p. 65.
110. Ibid., p. 679.
111. The most thorough presentation of Hitler’s ideology as a coherent intellectual system is to be found in Jäckel, Hitler’s Worldview, for the direct relation between the worldview and Nazi policy see in particular Eberhard Jäckel, Hitler in History (Hanover, N. H., 1984). This (“intentionalist”) position stands in opposition to the “functionalist” approach, which dismisses the systematic aspect of Hitler’s ideology and marginalizes or completely negates any direct causal relation between Hitler’s ideology and the policies of the Nazi regime. The most consistent exponent of the extreme functionalist position has been Hans Mommsen. With regard to Hitler’s anti-Jewish policies, see in particular Hans Mommsen, “The Realization of the Unthinkable.” For an excellent evaluation of these different approaches see Ian Kershaw, The Nazi Dictatorship: Problems and Perspectives of Interpretation, 3rd ed. (London, 1993), mainly chaps. 4 and 5); specifically with regard to anti-Jewish policies see an evaluation of both positions in Friedländer, “From Anti-Semitism to Extermination.”
112. Among the many attempts to explain Hitler’s personality and particularly his anti-Jewish obsession in terms of psychopathology, mainly by using psychoanalytic concepts, see in particular Rudolph Binion, Hitler Among the Germans (New York, 1976); Robert G. L. Waite, The Psychopathic God: A Biography of Adolf Hitler (New York, 1977). See also the wartime analysis published some thirty years later: Walter C. Langer, The Mind of Adolf Hitler: The Secret Wartime Report (New York, 1972). The problems raised by psychobiographical inquiries have been debated at length; for an evaluation of some of the issues see Saul Friedländer, History and Psychoanalysis: An Inquiry into the Possibilities and Limits of Psychohistory (New York, 1978).
113. Adolf Hitler, Hitler’s Secret Book (New York, 1961).
114. Adolf Hitler, Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen: Februar 1925 bis Januar 1933, vol. 1, Die Wiedergründung der NSDAP: Februar 1925–Juni 1926, ed. Clemens Vollnhals (Munich, 1992), p. 208.
115. Ibid., p. 421.
116. Ibid., p. 195. “Even when he [the Jew] writes the truth, the truth is only meant as a way of lying…. A Jewish joke is known on that account: Two Jews are sitting together on a train…. One asks the other: So, Stern, where are you going? Why do you want to know? Well, I would like to know it—I am going to Posemuckel! It is not true, you are not going to Posemuckel. Yes, I am going to Posemuckel. So you are really going to Posemuckel and are also saying that you are going to Posemuckel—what a liar you are!” Hitler seems to have liked this joke so much that two years later he used it in another speech. See Adolf Hitler, Reden, Schriften, Anordnungen: Februar 1925 bis Januar 1933, vol. 2, Vom Weimarer Parteitag bis zur Reichstagswahl Juli 1926–Mai 1927, ed. Bärbel Dusik (Munich, 1992), p. 584.
117. Hitler, Reden, Schriften, vol. 1, p. 297.
118. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 105–6.
119. The still missing volumes will cover the period June 1931–January 1933.
120. Hitler, Reden, Schriften, vol. 2, part 2, August 1927–May 1928, pp. 699ff.
121. Ibid., vol. 3, Zwischen den Reichstagswahlen Juli 1928–September 1930, ed. Bärbel Dusik and Klaus A. Lankheit, part 1: Juli 1928–Februar 1929 (Munich, 1994), p. 43.
122. Ibid., vol. 4, Von der Reichstagswahl bis zur Reichspräsidentenwahl, Oktober 1930–März 1932, part 1, Oktober 1930–Juni 1931, ed. Constantin Goschler (Munich, 1994), pp. 421–30.
123. Ibid., pp. 22–23.
124. Article of Jan. 11, 1930 (Illustrierter Beobachter). This article and previous texts in the same vein are quoted in Rainer Zitelmann, Hitler: Selbstverständnis eines Revolutionärs (Stuttgart, 1990), pp. 476ff.
125. Martin Broszat, Hitler and the Collapse of Weimar Germany (New York, 1987), p. 25. In his private conversations Hitler showed no restraint in his anti-Jewish fury. A telling illustration is to be found in the notes covering the years 1929–1932 and written down in 1946 by Otto Wagener, interim chief of staff of the SA and then head of the economic division of the party. Wagener remained a true believer even after the war, and thus it would have been in his interest to tone down Hitler’s remarks about the “Jewish question.” As they are—toned down or not—Wagener’s recollections reflect the same themes and the same unbounded hatred that we know from Hitler’s earlier speeches and texts. For Wagener’s text see the critical edition of his notes published by Henry A. Turner, Otto Wagener, Hitler aus nächster Nähe: Aufzeichnungen eines Vertrauten 1929–1932 (Frankfurt am Main), 1978. For the anti-Jewish tirades see in particular pp. 144ff. and 172ff.
126. For the inner core of the Nazi leadership, anti-Semitism was an essential part of their worldview from very early on. This early anti-Semitism was particularly extreme in the case of Rosenberg, Streicher, Ley, Hess, and Darré. Himmler and Goebbels also became anti-Semites before joining the Nazi Party. (The notable exceptions were Göring and the brothers Strasser.) On this issue I do not share Michael Marrus’s evaluation regarding the absence of anti-Semitism among party leaders before 1925. See Michael Marrus, The Holocaust in History (Hanover, N.H., 1987), pp. 11–12. for a discussion of the apocalyptic dimension of the anti-Jewish creed among the Nazi elite, see Erich Goldhagen, “Weltanschauung und Endlösung: Zum Antisemitismus der nationalsozialistischen Führungsschicht,” VfZ 24, no 4 (1976): 379ff. The marginal importance of anti-Semitism among the SA has been well documented by Theodor Abel. See the reworking and reinterpretation of Abel’s questionnaires in Peter Merkl, Political Violence Under the Swastika: 581 Early Nazis (Princeton, N.J., 1975). The same cannot be said, however, of the middle-class future members of the SD, who often belonged to extreme-right-wing anti-Semitic organizations from the early postwar years onward. See Herbert, Best. Biographische Studien.
127. Russel Lemmons, Goebbels and “Der Angriff,” (Lexington, Ky., 1994), particularly pp. 111ff.
128. Ralf Georg Reuth, Goebbels (Munich, 1990), p. 200.
130. In 1932 the Nazis launched a vicious anti-Semitic attack against the DNVP candidate for the presidency, Theodor Duesterberg (one of the two leaders of the right-wing veterans’ organization, the Stahlhelm), harping on the Jewish origins of his grandfather, a physician who had converted to Protestantism in 1818. For this entire episode see Volker R. Berghahn, Der Stahlhelm: Bund der Frontsoldaten 1918–1935 (Düsseldorf, 1966), pp. 239ff.
131. Roland Flade, Die Würzburger Juden: Ihre Geschichte vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart (Würzburg, 1987), p. 149.
132. Trude Maurer, Ostjuden in Deutschland 1918–1933 (Hamburg, 1986), p. 346.
133. Ibid., p. 329 ff.
134. Michael Brenner, The Renaissance of Jewish Culture in Weimar Germany (New Haven, Conn., 1996).
135. Heinrich-August Winkler, Weimar 1918–1933: Die Geschichte der ersten deutschen Demokratie (Munich, 1993), p. 180.
136. Henri Béraud, “Ce que j’ai vu à Berlin,” Le Journal, Oct. 1926. Quoted in Frédéric Monier, “Les Obsessions d’Henri Béraud,” Vingtième Siècle: Revue d’Histoire (Oct.-Dec. 1993): 67.
137. On this whole affair see Erich Eyck, Geschichte der Weimarer Republik, vol. 1 (Erlenbach, 1962), pp. 433ff. (For some reason Eyck refers only to Julius Barmat.)
138. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 316ff. See also Winkler, Weimar 1918–1933, p. 356.
139. Ibid. For the Barmat and Sklarek scandals see also Maurer, Ostjuden in Deutschland, pp. 141ff.
140. See Maurer, “Die Juden in der Weimarer Republik,” in Dirk Blasius and Dan Diner, eds., Zerbrochene Geschichte: Leben und Selbstverständnis der Juden in Deutschland (Frankfurt am Main, 1991), p. 110.
141. Knütter, Die Juden und die Deutsche Linke, pp. 174ff.
142. For an analysis of the “Jewish problem” in the DDP see Bruce B. Frye, “The German Democratic Party and the ‘Jewish Problem’ in the Weimar Republic,” LBIY 21 ([London] 1976), pp. 143ff.
143. Winkler, Weimar 1918–1933, p. 69.
144. Frye, “The German Democratic Party,” pp. 145–47.
145. Berghahn, Modern Germany, p. 284.
146. Larry E. Jones, German Liberalism and the Dissolution of the Weimar Party System 1918–1933 (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1988).
147. Peter Gay, Weimar Culture: The Outsider as Insider (New York, 1968).
148. Peter Gay, Freud, Jews and Other Germans: Masters and Victims in Modernist Culture (New York, 1978).
149. The same minimization of the Jewish factor appears in Carl Schorske’s otherwise magnificent study of fin-de-siècle Vienna. Carl E. Schorske, Fin-de-Siècle Vienna: Politics and Culture (New York, 1980). For criticism on this issue see Steven Beller, Vienna and the Jews, pp. 5ff.
150. Istvan Deak, Weimar Germany’s Left-Wing Intellectuals: A Political History of the Weltbühne and Its Circle (Berkeley, Calif., 1968), p. 28.
151. Peter Jelavich, Munich and Theatrical Modernism: Politics, Playwriting and Performance, 1890–1914 (Cambridge, Mass., 1985), pp. 301ff.
152. Ibid., p. 302.
153. Ibid., p. 304.
154. Deak, Weimar Germany’s Left-Wing Intellectuals, p. 28.
155. Quoted in Anton Kaes, ed., Weimarer Republik: Manifeste und Dokumente zur deutschen Literatur, 1918–1933 (Stuttgart, 1983), pp. 537–39.
156. Ibid., p. 539.
157. Jakob Wassermann, Deutscher und Jude: Reden und Schriften 1904–1933 (Heidelberg, 1984), p. 156.
158. Kaes, Weimarer Republik, p. 539.
159. Marion Kaplan, “Sisterhood Under Siege: Feminism and Anti-Semitism in Germany, 1904–1938, in Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossmann, and Marion Kaplan, eds. When Biology Became Destiny: Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany (New York, 1984), pp. 186–87.
160. Niewyk, The Jews in Weimar Germany, p. 80.
161. Fest, Hitler, p. 355. On the unfolding of these events, see also Winkler, Weimar 1918–1933, pp. 508ff.
162. Ibid., p. 513.
163. Ibid., pp. 513–14.
164. Broszat, Hitler and the Collapse of Weimar Germany, p. 126.
Chapter 4 The New Ghetto
1. Martin Broszat and Elke Fröhlich, Alltag und Widerstand: Bayern im Nationalsozialismus (Munich, 1987), p. 434. All the details about Obermayer are taken from Broszat and Fröhlich’s presentation of the case.
2. Ibid., pp. 450–52, 456ff.
3. Ibid., p. 437.
4. Ibid., pp. 443ff.
5. Quoted in Ian Kershaw, The “Hitler Myth”: Image and Reality in the Third Reich (Oxford, 1987), p. 71.
6. Martin Broszat, The Hitler State: The Foundation and the Development of the Internal Structure of the Third Reich (London, 1981), p. 349.
7. Ibid., p. 350.
8. Ian Kershaw, “‘Working Towards the Führer’: Reflections on the Nature of the Hitler Dictatorship,” Contemporary European History 2, no. 2 (1993): 116.
9. Bankier, “Hitler and the Policy-Making Process,” p. 9.
11. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 117.
12. Ibid., p. 153.
13. Lilli Zapf, Die Tübinger Juden, 3rd. ed. (Tübingen, 1981), p. 150.
14. Paul Sauer, ed., Dokumente über die Verfolgung der jüdischen Bürger in Baden-Württemberg durch das Nationalsozialistische Regime 1933–1945, vol. 1 (Stuttgart, 1966), p. 50.
15. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 72. The Association of Jewish Frontline Soldiers had unsuccessfully turned to Hindenburg to have this exclusion rescinded. For the full text of the March 23, 1934, petition, see Ulrich Dunker, Der Reichsbund jüdischer Frontsoldaten, 1919–1938, (Düsseldorf, 1977), pp. 200ff.
16. See, for instance, the petition from the chairman of the Association of National German Jews, Max Naumann, addressed to Hitler on March 23, 1935, and the declaration of the Association of Jewish Frontline Soldiers of the same date in Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 11, pp. 159–62.
17. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 115.
18. Ibid., p. 122 (ordinance of July 25, 1935). On various spects of the problem of the Mischlinge see mainly Noakes, “Wohin gehören die ‘Judenmischlinge’?,” pp. 69ff.
19. Communication T3/Att. Group to Adjutant’s Office of Chief of the Army Command, 22.5.1934, Reichswehrministerium, Chef der Heeresleitung, microfilm MA–260, IfZ, Munich.
20. Steinweis, Art, Ideology and Economics in Nazi Germany, pp. 108ff.
21. Ibid., p. 111. In fact, a few Jews still remained members of the various chambers, and it was only in 1939 that the exclusion became total. Ibid.
22. Ludwig Holländer, Deutsch-jüdische Probleme der Gegenwart: eine Auseinandersetzung über die Grundfragen des Zentralvereins deutscher Staatsbürger jüdischen Glaubens, Berlin, 1929, p. 18. Quoted in R. L. Pierson, German Jewish Identity in the Weimar Republic (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1972), p. 63.
23. Kurt Loewenstein, “Die innerjüdische Reaktion auf die Krise der deutschen Demokratie” in Mosse, Entscheidungsjahr 1932, p. 386.
24. George L. Mosse, “The Influence of the Völkisch Idea on German Jewry,” in Germans and Jews: The Right, the Left, and the Search for a “Third Force” in Pre-Nazi Germany (New York, 1970), pp. 77ff.
25. R. L. Pierson is quoting from an essay by Wilhelm Hanauer, “Die Mischehe,” Jüdisches Jahrbuch für Gross Berlin, 1929, p. 37.
26. Noakes, “Wohin gehören die ‘Judenmischlinge’?,” p. 70.
27. Proctor, Racial Hygiene, p. 151.
29. Ibid., pp. 78–79.
30. Ibid., p. 79.
31. Ingo Müller, Hitler’s Justice: The Courts of the Third Reich (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), p. 91.
33. Ibid., p. 92.
34. Ibid., p. 93.
35. Ibid., p. 94.
36. Ibid., p. 95.
37. Chronik der Stadt Stuttgart, p. 225.
38. Robert Thévoz, Hans Branig, and Cécile Löwenthal-Hensel, eds., Pommern 1934/1935 im Spiegel von Gestapo-Lageberichten und Sachakten, vol. 2, Quellen (Cologne, 1974), p. 118.
39. Werner T. Angress, “Die ‘Judenfrage’ im Spiegel amtlicher Berichte 1935,” in Ursula Büttner et al., Das Unrechtsregime, vol. 2, p. 34.
40. For an excellent discussion of various anti-Semitic fantasies regarding the Jewish body, see Sander L. Gilman, The Jew’s Body (New York, 1991).
41. Quoted in J. M. Ritchie, German Literature under National Socialism (London, 1983), p. 100.
42. Quoted in Ulrich Knipping, Die Geschichte der Juden in Dortmund während der Zeit des Dritten Reiches (Dortmund, 1977), p. 50.
43. Roland Müller, Stuttgart zur Zeit des Nationalsozialismus (Stuttgart, 1988), pp. 292–93, 296.
44. Quoted in Noakes and Pridham,, Nazism 1919–1945, vol. 2, p. 531. (Translation slightly revised.)
45. For the cable to Müller see Röhm and Thierfelder, Juden-Christen-Deutsche, vol. 1, p. 268.
46. Sauer, Dokumente über die Verfolgung, vol. 1, p. 62.
47. Ibid., p. 63.
48. The Minister of Justice to the Reich Chancellor, 20.5.1935, Max Kreuzberger Research Papers, AR 7183, Box 8, Folder 9, LBI, New York.
49. Lammers to Minister of Justice, 7.6.1935, ibid.
50. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP (abstracts), part 2, vol. 3, p. 107.
51. See Anton Doll, ed., Nationalsozialismus im Alltag: Quellen zur Geschichte der NS-Herrschaft im Gebiet des Landes Rheinland-Pfalz (Speyer (Landesarchiv), 1983, p. 139. Translated by Dieter Kuntz in Sax and Kuntz, Inside Hitler’s Germany: pp. 410–11. (Translation slightly revised.)
52. Steven M. Lowenstein, “The Struggle for Survival of Rural Jews in Germany 1933–1938: The Case of Bezirksamt Weissenburg, Mittelfranken,” in Arnold Paucker, ed., The Jews in Nazi Germany 1933–1943 (Tübingen, 1986), p. 116.
53. Ibid., p. 117.
54. Ibid., p. 123.
55. Ibid., p. 121. For the opposition between the economic interests of the peasants and the pressure of party radicals regarding the activities of Jewish cattle dealers in Bavaria see Falk Wiesemann, “Juden auf dem Lande: die wirtschaftliche Ausgrenzung der jüdischen Viehhändler in Bayern,” in Peukert and Reulecke, Die Reihen fast geschlossen,, pp. 381ff.
56. Thévoz, Branig, and Löwenthal-Hensel, Pommern 1934/1935, vol. 2, p. 103.
57. Klemperer, Ich will Zeugnis ablegen, vol. 1, p. 110.
58. Angress, “Die ‘Judenfrage’,” in Büttner, Das Unrechtsregime, vol. 2, p. 25.
59. Chief of the SD Main Office to NSDAP district court III/B, 11.10.35, SD Hauptamt, microfilm MA–554, IfZ, Munich.
60. Thévoz, Branig, and Löwenthal-Hensel, Pommern 1934/1935, vol. 2, p. 93.
61. Ibid., p. 118.
62. Baltic Sea Resort Management, Binz, 17.5.38, SD Main Office, microfilm MA–554, IfZ, Munich.
63. Thomas Klein, ed., Der Regierungsbezirk Kassel 1933–1936: Die Berichte des Regierungspräsidenten und der Landräte (Darmstadt, 1985), vol. 1, p. 72. Sometimes, mainly in small towns and villages, the reactions of some Germans were determined both by economic advantage and by the habit of buying from the Jews, who were a long-standing part of the life of the community. According to the report of a Blockleiter from a small town near Trier (September 20, 1935), the mayor continued his practice of buying meat from Jews. When confronted by the Blockleiter, he answered: “One should not be so filled with hatred; the small Jews are no Jews.” See Franz Josef Heyen, Nationalsozialismus im Alltag: Quellen zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialimus vornehmlich im Raum Mainz-Koblenz-Trier (Boppard am Rhein, 1967), p. 138.
64. Angress, “Die ‘Judenfrage,’” p. 29.
65. Commander of SD main region Rhine to SS Gruppenführer Heissmeyer, Koblenz, 3.4.1935, SD-Oberabschnitt Rhein, microfilm MA–392, IfZ, Munich. The contradictory reports about the economic relations between Germans and Jews show that the situation varied from place to place and that, in any case, manifold relations were maintained. As early as 1934, small-town shopkeepers may have displayed their commitment to Nazism by refusing to serve Jewish customers; yet, according to a September 1934 entry in Bella Fromm’s diary, the real attitudes were often different: “I talked to shopkeepers and people at gas stations and inns. In many cases, their strictly National Socialist attitude was obviously a measure of precaution. Many Jewish people told me: ‘although we can’t enter their shops, Aryan shopkeepers give us what we need after business hours.’” Fromm, Blood and Banquets, p. 183.
66. Herbert Freeden, “Das Ende der jüdischen Presse in Nazideutschland,” Bulletin des Leo Baeck Instituts 65 (1983): 6.
67. Heydrich, Gestapa to all State police local offices, 25.2.1935, Ortspolizeibehörde Göttingen, microfilm MA 172, IfZ, Munich.
68. The Mayor of Lörrach to all municipality employees and workers, 7.6.1935, Unterlagen betr. Entrechtung der Juden in Baden 1933–1940, ED 303, IfZ, Munich.
69. Robert Weltsch, “A Goebbels Speech and a Goebbels Letter,” LBIY 10 (1965), p. 281.
70. Ibid., pp. 282–83.
71. Ibid., p. 285.
72. Ibid. (Misprinted as “West-end” in Weltsch’s text.)
73. Franz Schonauer, “Zu Hans Dieter Schäfer: ‘Bücherverbrennung, staatsfreie Sphäre und Scheinkultur’” in Denkler and Lämmert, eds., “Das war ein Vorspiel nur…,” p. 131.
74. NSDAP Reichsleitung, Office of Technology, Circular 3/35, 25 Jan. 1935, Himmler Archives, Berlin Document Center, Microfilm no. 270, Roll 2 (LBI, New York, microfilm, 133g).
75. Heiber, Universität unterm Hakenkreuz, Der Professor im Dritten Reich: Bilder aus der akademischen Provinz (Munich, 1991), pp. 216–17. See also Beyerchen, Scientists under Hitler, pp. 67–68. The commemoration of Haber’s death was an unusual act of courage. It was made easier, in this instance, because Haber had converted to Protestantism and had been an ultranationalist until 1933, and mainly by the fact that he had made singular contributions to science, to the German chemical industry, and to the German war effort by discovering the synthesis of ammonia (allowing for the mass production of fertilizers—but also of explosives), and also by inventing and launching the use of chlorine gas, the first poison gas used in combat during World War I. Paradoxically, though solemnly commemorated one year after his death, Haber was isolated and ostracized at the time of his resignation, and when he left Germany for England (and then Switzerland), he had abandoned much of his German nationalist stance and was actually planning to move to Palestine. On these various issues, see Stern, Dreams and Delusions, pp. 46ff and mainly pp. 51ff, as well as the recent massive—and at times problematic—study by Dietrich Stolzenberg, Fritz Haber: Chemiker, Nobelpreisträger, Deutscher, Jude (Weinheim, 1994). For a review of Stolzenberg’s biography, see M. F. Perutz, “The Cabinet of Dr. Haber,” New York Review of Books, June 20, 1996.
76. Reuth, Goebbels (Munich, 1990), p. 322.
77. Ibid., p. 323.
78. Rosenberg to Goebbels, 30 August 1934, Doc. CXLII–246 in Michel Mazor, Le Phénomène Nazi: Documents Nazis Commentés (Paris, 1957), pp. 166ff. See also Wulf, Theater und Film, p. 104. The debates in the plastic arts and in literature followed a similar pattern. At the outset expressionism and modern trends more generally in both domains were protected by Goebbels against Rosenberg. But the Rosenberg line, which was Hitler’s position, won. In the plastic arts, the notorious turning point took place in 1937, when orthodoxy was presented at the Grosse Deutsche Kunstausstellung, and heresy was pilloried at the exhibition of “Entartete Kunst” (degenerate art). In literature some debates continued until the late 1930s. For literature see Dieter Schäfer, “Die nichtfaschistische Literatur der ‘jungen Generation,’” in Horst Denkler and Karl Prumm, eds., Die deutsche Literatur im Dritten Reich (Stuttgart, 1976), pp. 464–65.
79. Levi, Music in the Third Reich, p. 74. Yet, Paul Graener’s Friedemann Bach and Georg Vollerthun’s Der Freikorporal were performed despite the fact that the libretti had been written by Jewish playwright Rudolf Lothar. Ibid., p, 75.
80. Michael H. Kater, Different Drummers: Jazz in the Culture of Nazi Germany (New York, 1992), p. 43.
82. Kampfbund für Deutsche Kultur/local group Greater Munich to Reich Association “Deutsche Bühne,” Berlin, 16.8.1933, Rosenberg Akten, microfilm MA–697, IfZ, Munich.
83. Reich Association “Deutsche Bühne” to Kampfbund…, 23.8.1933, ibid.
84. Kampfbund…Northern Bavaria/Franconia to “Deutsche Bühne”…2.12.33, ibid.; “Deutsche Bühne” to Kampfbund…, 5.12.33, ibid.
85. Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung, pp. 77–78.
86. Levi, Music in the Third Reich, p. 76.
87. Ibid., pp. 67. Also Erik Levi, “Music and National-Socialism: The Politicization of Criticism, Composition and Performance,” in Brandon Taylor and Wilfried van der Will, eds., The Nazification of Art: Art, Design, Music, Architecture and Film in the Third Reich (Winchester, 1990), pp. 167–71. On September 1, 1936, the Reichskulturkammer published an alphabetical list of mainly Jewish composers whose works were not allowed under any circumstances: Abraham, Paul; Achron, Josef; Alwin, Karl; Antheil, George; Barmas, Issay; Becker, Conrad; Benatzky, Ralph; Benjamin, Arthur; Bereny, Henry; Berg, Alban; and so on. Himmler Archives, Berlin Document Center, microfilm No. 269, Roll 1 (LBI, New York, microfilm 133f).
88. Memorandum II 112, 27.11.1936, SD-Hauptamt, microfilm MA–554, IfZ, Munich.
89. Memorandum II 112, 3.1.1938, ibid. The search for Jews and Jewish influence in music and theater illustrates but one aspect of the general identification drive in every possible cultural domain, including völkisch authors of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, even those considered as belonging to the intellectual-ideological background of Nazism. For example, Ernst Häckel’s “Monist League” came under scrutiny, as did the racial theorist Ludwig Woltmann. On both cases see Paul Weindling, “Mustergau Thüringen: Rassenhygiene zwischen Ideologie und Machtpolitik,” in Norbert Frei, ed., Medizin und Gesundheitspolitik in der NS-Zeit (Munich, 1991), pp. 93, 93n.
90. Minister of the Interior to Reich Chancellor, 19.7.1935, Max Kreuzberger Research Papers, AR 7183, Box 8, LBI, New York.
91. Lammers to Frick, 31.7.35, ibid.
92. Frick to Gürtner, 14.8.35, NSDAP, Parteikanzlei, microfiche 024638ff., IfZ, Munich.
93. Pfundtner to Reich Office for Ancestry Research, 14.8.1935, ibid., microfiche 024642, ibid.
94. Steinweis, “Hans Hinkel,” p. 213.
95. Heydrich to all Gestapo stations, 19.8.1935, Aktenstücke zur Judenverfolgung, Ortspolizeibehörde Göttingen, MA–172, IfZ, Munich.
96. Steinweis, “Hans Hinkel,” p. 215.
97. Heydrich to all State Police Offices, 13.8.1935, Aktenstücke zur Judenverfolgung, Ortspolizeibehörde Göttingen, MA–172 IfZ, Munich.
98. Adam, Judenpolitik, p. 115.
99. Report of the Police Directorate Munich, April/Mai 1935 (Geheimes Staatsarchiv, Munich, MA 104990), Fa 427/2, IfZ, Munich, pp. 24ff.
100. Jochen Klepper, Unter dem Schatten deiner Flügel: Aus den Tagebüchern der Jahre 1932–1942 (Stuttgart, 1983), p. 269.
101. Ibid., p. 270.
102. Ibid., pp. 282–83.
103. SOPADE, Deutschland-Berichte 2 (1935): 803.
104. Ibid., p. 804.
105. Ibid., 921.
106. Marlis Steinert, Hitlers Krieg und die Deutschen: Stimmung und Haltung der deutschen Bevölkerung im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Düsseldorf, 1970), p. 57.
107. Ian Kershaw may have overstressed the negative reactions of the population to the violence against the Jews in his “The Persecution of the Jews and German Popular Opinion in the Third Reich,” LBIY 26 (1981).
108. Fischer, Hjalmar Schacht, pp. 154–55.
109. For the list of participants see Otto Dov Kulka, “Die Nürnberger Rassengesetze und die deutsche Bevölkerung,” VfZ 32 (1984): 616.
111. Parts of the protocols of this meeting presented at the Nuremberg trial as NG–4067 are quoted in Michalka, Das Dritte Reich, vol. 1, p. 155. For additional material to the published German text see Otto Dov Kulka, “Die Nürnberger Rassengesetze,” pp. 615ff. See also Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series C, vol. 4 (Washington, D.C., 1962), pp. 568ff.
112. For a comparison of different versions of Wagner’s suggestions, see Peter Longerich, Hitlers Stellvertreter (Munich, 1992), pp. 212–13.
113. Michalka, Das Dritte Reich, p. 155.
114. Ibid.; Kulka, “Die Nürnberger Rassengesetze,” p. 617.
116. Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, pp. 23–24, 70–78.
117. Quoted in Ephraim Maron, “The Press Policy of The Third Reich on the Jewish Question” (Ph. D. diss., Tel Aviv University, 1992), pp. 81n–82n.
118. Adolf Hitler, Speeches and Proclamations 1932–1945, ed. Max Domarus, trans. Chris Wilcox and Mary Fran Gilbert, vol. 2, The Chronicle of a Dictatorship, 1935–1938, (Wauconda, Ill., 1992), p. 702. [Hitler, Reden und Proklamationen, 1932–1945: Kommentiert von einem deutschen Zeitgenossen, ed. Max Domarus, vol. 1, Triumph (1932–1938) (Würzburg, 1962), p. 534.]
119. For Hitler’s speech see Hitler, Speeches, ed. Max Domarus (English), vol. 2, pp. 706–7.
120. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 127.
122. Noakes and Pridham, Nazism 1919–1945, vol. 2, p 463.
123. Hitler, Speeches, vol. 2, p. 708.
125. Ibid., p. 731.
126. Helmut Heiber, ed., Goebbels-Reden, vol. 1, 1932–1939 (Düsseldorf, 1971), p. 246.
127. Manuscript notes taken by Fritz Wiedemann, Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich. Quoted in Helmut Krausnick, “Judenverfolgung,” in Hans Buchheim et al., Anatomie des SS-Staates, vol. 2 (Munich, 1967), p. 269.
128. “An dieser Stelle erklärte er noch, dass er in dem Falle eines Krieges auf allen Fronten, bereit zu allen Konsequenzen, sei.” Philippe Burrin, Hitler and the Jews: The Genesis of the Holocaust (New York, 1994), pp. 48–49. In his book Burrin emphasizes the significance of Hitler’s threat in case of a war “on all fronts”—that is, in a situation similar to that of 1914–18. For Germany World War II became such a war, as the Russian campaign did not result in a rapid German victory. The relation between this situation and Hitler’s decision to exterminate the Jews will be discussed in volume 2 of Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of Extermination.
Chapter 5 The Spirit of Laws
1. Minister of Education…, decree, 13.9.1935, Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft u. Erziehung, microfilm MA–103/1, IfZ, Munich.
2. Klemperer, Ich will Zeugnis ablegen, vol. 1, p. 195.
3. Neliba, Wilhelm Frick, pp. 198ff.
4. For these various details see David Bankier, The Germans and the Final Solution: Public Opinion under Nazism (Oxford, 1992), pp. 43–44.
5. Neliba, Wilhelm Frick, pp. 200ff.
6. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2, p. 488.
7. For Lösener’s attitude see Bankier, The Germans and the Final Solution, p. 43.
8. Robert L. Koehl, The Black Corps: The Structure and Power Struggles of the Nazi SS (Madison, Wis., 1983), p. 102.
9. Bernhard Lösener, “Als Rassereferent im Reichsministerium des Innern,” VfZ 3 (1961): 264ff.
10. Ibid., pp. 273–75.
11. Ibid., p. 276.
12. Ibid., p. 281.
13. For a thorough analysis see Noakes, “Wohin gehören die ‘Judenmischlinge’?” pp. 74ff.
15. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 139.
17. Noakes, “Wohin gehören die ‘Judenmischlinge’?” pp. 85–86.
18. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 139.
19. Führer’s Deputy Circular No 228/35, 2.12.1935, Stellvertreter des Führers (Anordnungen…), Db 15.02, IfZ, Munich.
20. Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 20, Bundesarchiv of the Federal Republic of Germany, Koblenz and Freiburg, pp. 28–30.
21. Führer’s Deputy Circular 2.12.1935, Stellvertreter des Führers (Anordnungen…), 1935, Db 15.02, IfZ, Munich.
22. Herbert A. Strauss, “Jewish Emigration from Germany: Nazi Policies and Jewish Responses (I),” LBIY 25 ([London] 1980): 317. Werner Cohn, in his 1988 study on “non-Aryan” Christians, also offers a thorough statistical analysis. He estimates the population of partial Jews at 228,000 in 1933, which could roughly correspond to the 200,000 estimate for 1935. See Werner Cohn, “Bearers of a Common Fate? The ‘Non-Aryan’ Christian ‘Fate Comrades’ of the Paulus-Bund, 1933–1939,” LBIY 33 (1988): 350ff. H. W. Friedmann, of the Paulus-Bund, also evaluated the number of “non-Jewish non-Aryans” at 200,000, which according to him was considered much too low by the Racial Policy Office of the Party. See Akten deutscher Bischöfe, vol. 2, 1934–1935, p. 133.
23. Dr. E. R——x, “Die nichtjüdischen Nichtarier in Deutschland,” CV Zeitung 20, no. 1 (Beiblatt): 16 May 1935. I am grateful to Sharon Gillerman for drawing my attention to this article.
24. Bernhard Lösener and Friedrich U. Knost, Die Nürnberger Gesetze (Berlin, 1936), pp. 17–18.
25. Wilhelm Stuckart and Hans Globke, Kommentare zur deutschen Rassengesetzgebung, vol. 1 (Munich, 1936).
26. Ibid., pp. 65–66.
27. The example given by Stuckart and Globke was obviously meant as the most extreme illustration of the principle that lay at the very basis of the Nuremberg Laws. Yet the manifest absurdity of determining race by religion must have been troublesome enough to induce the ministerial bureaucracy to issue at least one clarification. On November 26, 1935, a circular was issued by the Ministry of the Interior: “In assessing whether a person is Jewish or not, it is basically not the fact of belonging to the Jewish religious community that is decisive, but that of belonging to the Jewish race. However, in order to avoid difficulties in dealing with [individual] cases, it has been expressly decided that a grandparent who has belonged to the Jewish religion unquestionably belongs to the Jewish race; counter-evidence is not permitted.” Quoted in Noakes, “Wohin gehören die ‘Judenmischlinge’?” p. 84.
28. Stuckart and Globke, Kommentare, p. 5.
29. Burleigh and Wippermann, The Racial State, p. 49.
31. Adjutantur des Führers, microfilm MA–287, IfZ, and Munich.
32. Monthly Report, 8.12.1937, Die Kirchliche Lage in Bayern nach den Regierungspräsidentenberichten 1933–1943, vol. 2, Regierungsbezirk Ober- und Mittelfranken, ed. Helmut Witeschek (Mainz, 1967), p. 254.
33. Karl Haushofer, the founder of German geopolitics, was Hess’s teacher at the University of Munich, and by way of Hess he influenced parts of Mein Kampf regarding international affairs and world strategy; although himself a declared anti-Semite, Haushofer was married to a “half-Jewish” woman, Martha Mayer-Doss. From 1934 to 1938 Karl’s son, Albrecht, was employed by the foreign affairs agency “Office Ribbentrop”—Dienststelle Ribbentrop. For Karl’s and Albrecht’s attitudes to Judaism and the Jews, and for their personal situation in this respect, see Hans-Adolf Jacobsen, Karl Haushofer: Leben und Werke, 2 vols. (Boppard, 1979); and Ursula Laak-Michael, Albrecht Haushofer und der Nationalsozialismus (Stuttgart, 1974); for an overall interpretation see Dan Diner, “Grundbuch des Planeten: Zur Geopolitik Karl Haushofers,” in Dan Diner, Weltordnungen: Über Geschichte und Wirkung von Recht und Macht (Frankfurt am Main, 1993), pp. 131 ff.
34. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP, microfiches, 30100219–30100223, IfZ, Munich.
35. See Shlomo Aronson, Reinhard Heydrich und die Frühgeschichte von Gestapo und SD (Stuttgart, 1971), pp. 11–12; Werner Maser, Adolf Hitler: Legende, Mythos, Wirklichkeit (Munich, 1971), pp. 11ff.
36. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP (abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 226.
37. Lothar Gruchmann, “Blutschutzgesetz und Justiz: Zu Entstehung und Auswirkung des Nürnberger Gesetzes vom 15 September 1935,” VfZ 3 (1983): 419.
38. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP (abstracts), part 1, vol. 1, p. 55. On various levels, German racial laws and racial discrimination continued to be a source of difficulties in the relations between the Reich and numerous countries. Thus, according to a 1936 report from the German legation in Bangkok, discriminatory measures were applied to “colored” passengers (Japanese, Chinese, and Siamese, among others) on German ships in the Far East. The Ministry of Transportation in Berlin requested German shipping companies to be aware of the negative consequences of such measures. Ibid., p. 178. During the same year the Wilhelmstrasse had to assuage the worries of Egyptian authorities: There were no obstacles to the marriage of a German non-Jewish woman with an Egyptian non-Jewish man; as for the difficulties regarding the marriage of non-Jewish German men with non-Jewish foreign women, they were of a general nature and in no way discriminated against Egyptians. Ibid., part 2, vol. 3, p. 108. All in all, various states in the Middle East felt targeted by German legislation regarding non-Aryans, despite all efforts of the Foreign Ministry in Berlin. Ibid., p. 109. Turkey was placated by a German declaration that the Turks were of “related racial stock,” but the ruling as far as other Middle Eastern nations were concerned was not clear at all. Ibid., p. 104.
39. Ibid., part 1, vol. 2, p 168.
40. For a strong affirmation of the primacy of the wider biological vision, and for the victimization of women that it implied, see, in particular, Bock, Zwangssterilisation im Nationalsozialismus; regarding the 1935 laws see particularly pp. 100–103. In her more recent writings Gisela Bock has formulated positions closer to those presented here. See Gisela Bock, “Krankenmord, Judenmord und nationalsozialistische Rassenpolitik,” in Frank Bajohr et al., eds., Zivilisation und Barbarei: die widersprüchlichen Potentiale der Moderne (Hamburg, 1991), pp. 285ff. and particularly pp. 301–3. Throughout the twelve years of the Nazi regime, a number of university research institutes were bolstering the racial policies with so-called scientific data: The Kaiser Wilhelm Institute of Biology in Berlin; the Institute of Anthropology and Ethnography at Breslau University; the Institute of Hereditary Biology and Racial Hygiene at Frankfurt University; the Racial-Biological Institutes at Königsberg and Hamburg Universities; the Thüringian Center for Racial Questions, linked to Jena University; and the Research Institute in Hereditary Biology at Alt-Rhese in Mecklenburg. Klaus Drobisch et al., Juden unterm Hakenkreuz: Verfolgung und Ausrottung der deutschen Juden 1933–1945 (Frankfurt am Main, 1973), pp. 162–63.
41. For the beginning of this story see chapter 1, pp. 33ff.
42. Mommsen, “Die Geschichte,” p. 352.
43. Ibid., pp. 353–57.
44. For the inquiry and the quotes see Noakes, “The Development of Nazi Policy,” pp. 299ff.
45. Ibid., pp. 300–301.
46. Ursula Büttner, “The Persecution of Christian-Jewish Families in the Third Reich,” LBIY 34 (1989): 277–78.
47. Adam, Hochschule und Nationalsozialismus, p. 117.
48. Cohn, “Bearers of a Common Fate?” pp. 360–61.
49. Müller, Hitler’s Justice, pp. 99–100.
50. Ibid., pp. 100–101.
51. Ibid., pp. 101–2.
52. I am using the title of Klaus Theweleit’s study, Male Fantasies, 2 vols. (Minneapolis, Minn., 1987–89).
53. Noam and Kropat, Juden vor Gericht, pp. 125–27.
54. Müller, Hitler’s Justice, p. 102–3.
55. Akten der Parteikanzlei, microfiche No. 031575, IfZ, Munich.
56. See Götz von Olenhusen, “Die ‘Nichtarischen’ Studenten,” note 52, and also Michael H. Kater, “Everyday Anti-Semitism in Prewar Nazi Germany: The Popular Bases,” Yad Vashem Studies 16 (1984): 150.
57. Adolf Diamant, Gestapo Frankfurt am Main (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), p. 91.
58. Robert Gellately, The Gestapo and German Society: Enforcing the Racial Policy 1933–1945 (Oxford, 1990).
59. Ibid., p. 164.
60. Ibid., pp. 163–64.
61. Robert Gellately, “The Gestapo and German Society: Political Denunciations in the Gestapo Case Files,” Journal of Modern History 60, no. 4 (December 1988): 672–74. According to Sarah Gordon, some evidence to the contrary notwithstanding, although in the thirties some Rassenschänder were first held in ordinary prisons (Gefängnisse), whereas the Jewish Rassenschänder were sent to the much harder forced-labor establishments (Zuchthäser), the fate of both categories of prisoners was ultimately the same. Sarah Gordon, Hitler, Germans and the “Jewish Question,” (Princeton, N.J., 1984), pp. 238ff.
62. Ministry of Justice, the Spokesman to all Justice press offices, 11.3.1936, Reichsjustizministerium, Fa 195/1936, IfZ, Munich.
63. Bankier, The Germans and the Final Solution, p. 77.
64. Ibid., p. 78.
65. Ibid., pp. 78–79.
66. Ibid., p. 79.
67. Richard Gutteridge, “German Protestantism and the Jews in the Third Reich,” in Kulka and Mendes-Flohr, Judaism and Christianity under the Impact of National Socialism, p. 237. See also Gutteridge, Open Thy Mouth for the Dumb! pp. 153ff. and particularly pp. 156–58.
68. Bankier, The Germans and the Final Solution, p. 80.
69. Kulka, “Die Nürnberger Rassengesetze,” p. 602–3.
70. For this interpretation of the long-term impact of the laws on the population, see Drobisch, Juden unterm Hakenkreuz, p. 160.
71. Gestapa [the Gestapa was the central office of the Gestapo, in Berlin] to State police offices, 3.12.1935, Ortspolizeibehörde Göttingen, microfilm MA–172, IfZ, Munich.
72. Gestapa to Central Association of German Jews (CV) June 1, 1934, ibid.; State police Hannover, 16.8.1934, ibid.
73. Gestapa to all State police offices, 24.11.35, ibid.
74. Gestapa to all State police offices, 4.4.1936, ibid.
75. Gerlach, Als die Zeugen schwiegen, p. 166.
76. For this case see Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 11, Berlin Document Center, ed. Henry Friedlander and Sybil Milton (New York, 1992), part 1, pp. 210–22.
77. Akten der Parteikanzlei (abstracts), part 1, vol. 1, p. 121.
78. Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 11, part 1, pp. 210–22.
79. Abraham Margalioth, “The Reaction of the Jewish Public in Germany to the Nuremberg Laws,” Yad Vashem Studies 12 (1977): 76.
80. Bankier, “Jewish Society Through Nazi Eyes 1933–1936,” pp. 113–14.
81. Margarete T. Edelheim-Mühsam, “Die Haltung der jüdischen Presse gegenüber der nationalsozialistischen Bedrohung,” in Robert Weltsch, ed., Deutsches Judentum: Aufstieg und Krise (Stuttgart, 1963), p. 375.
82. Some Gestapo reports, such as the one emanating from Koblenz and dealing with October 1935, reported greater pessimism among the Jews and an urge to emigrate, also to Palestine. According to this report, the Jews did not believe in the possibility of staying in Germany and envisioned that “within approximately ten years the last Jew would have left Germany.” Heyen, Nationalsozialismus im Alltag, pp. 138–39.
83. Boas, “German-Jewish Internal Politics,” p. 3.
84. Ibid., p. 4, n. 4.
85. Edelheim-Mühsam, “Die Haltung der jüdischen Presse,” pp. 376–77.
86. Claudia Koonz, Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family and Nazi Politics (New York, 1987), p. 358.
87. Dawidowicz, The War Against the Jews, p. 178.
88. William L. Shirer, Berlin Diary: The Journal of a Foreign Correspondent 1934–1941 (New York, 1941; reprint, New York, 1988), p. 36.
89. Quoted in Lowenstein, “The Struggle for Survival of Rural Jews,” p. 120.
90. Yoav Gelber, “The Zionist Leadership’s Response to the Nuremberg Laws,” Studies on the Holocaust Period 6 (Haifa, 1988) (Hebrew).
91. Chernow, The Warburgs, pp. 436ff.
92. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP (abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 208.
93. Chernow, The Warburgs, pp. 436ff.
94. Charlotte Beradt, Das Dritte Reich des Traums (Frankfurt am Main, 1981), p. 98.
96. Ibid., p. 104.
97. Feuchtwanger and Zweig, Briefwechsel, vol. 1, p. 97.
98. C. G. Jung, “Civilization in Transition,” in Collected Works, vol. 10 (New York, 1964), p. 166. This text is but one of many more or less identical statements made by Jung during the years 1933 to 1936 at least. The controversy concerning Jung’s attitude toward National Socialism has continued since the end of the war. The mildest appraisal of the issue by a historian not belonging to either camp is that of Geoffrey Cocks: “It is by no means clear that the personal philosophical beliefs and attitudes behind Jung’s dubious, naive and often objectionable statements during the Nazi era about ‘Aryans’ and Jews motivated his actions with regard to psychotherapists in Germany. The statements themselves reveal a destructive ambivalence and prejudice that may have served Nazi persecution of the Jews. But Jung conceded much more to the Nazis by his words than by his actions.” Psychotherapy in the Third Reich: The Göring Institute (New York, 1985), p. 132. Cocks’s evaluation would have to be thoroughly examined; nonetheless, given the circumstances, Jung’s attitude seems repellent enough.
99. Ernst L. Freud, ed., The Letters of Sigmund Freud and Arnold Zweig (New York, 1970), p. 110.
100. Kurt Tucholsky, Politische Briefe (Reinbek/Hamburg, 1969), pp. 117–23.
Chapter 6 Crusade and Card Index
1. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 3, p. 55.
2. Ibid., p. 351.
3. The primacy of the anti-Bolshevik crusade has been argued by Arno J. Mayer. As will be seen, the speeches of 1936–37 explicitly indicate that the Jews were considered as the enemy behind the Bolshevik threat. For Mayer’s argument see his Why Did the Heavens Not Darken? The Final Solution in History (New York, 1988).
4. Lipstadt, Beyond Belief, p. 80.
5. Arad, “The American Jewish Leadership’s Response,” pp. 418–19.
6. Arnd Krüger, Die Olympischen Spiele 1936 und die Weltmeinung (Berlin, 1972), pp. 128–31. On June 13, 1936, notwithstanding a jump of five feet three inches (equaling the German women’s record) during the training period, athlete Gretel Bergmann received a letter from the German Olympic Committee that read in part: “Looking back on your recent performances, you could not possibly have expected to be chosen for the team.” In the spring of 1996, eighty-two-year-old Margaret Bergmann Lambert, a U.S. citizen who lives in New York, accepted the invitation of the German Olympic Committee to be its guest of honor at the Centennial Games in Atlanta. Ira Berkow, “An Olympic Invitation Comes 60 Years Late,” New York Times, June 18, 1996, pp. A1, B12.
7. Eliahu Ben-Elissar, La Diplomatie du IIIe Reich et les Juifs, 1933–1939 (Paris, 1969), p. 179.
8. Ibid., p. 173.
9. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2, p. 630.
10. Ibid., p. 655.
11. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 153.
12. Hitler, Speeches and Proclamations, pp. 750–51.
13. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 2, p. 718.
14. Heinrich Himmler, Die Schutzstaffel als antibolschewistische Kampforganisation (Munich, 1936), p. 30.
15. Noakes and Pridham, Nazism 1919–1945, vol. 2, p. 281.
16. Akten der Parteikanzlei (abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 249.
17. Der Parteitag der Ehre: Vom 8 bis 14 September 1936 (Munich, 1936), p. 101.
18. Hitler, Reden und Proklamationen, p. 638.
19. Der Parteitag der Ehre, p. 294. In his Reichstag speech of January 30, 1937, Hitler had already broached the theme of the Judeo-Bolshevik revolutionary action attempting to penetrate Germany. Hitler, Reden und Proklamationen, p. 671.
20. Klee, Die “SA Jesu Christi,” p. 127.
21. Der Parteitag der Arbeit vom 6 bis 13 September 1937: Offizieller Bericht über den Verlauf des Reichsparteitages mit sämtlichen Kongressreden (Munich, 1938), p. 157. Alfred Rosenberg’s contribution was unusual, even by Nazi standards. In his speech he described in gory detail the murderous rule of the Jews in the Soviet Union. He then produced a book “published in New York,” entitled Now and Forever, a “dialogue” between the Jewish writer Samuel Roth and the purportedly Zionist politician Israel Zangwill, with an introduction by Zangwill; the book was dedicated to the “president of the Jewish university in Jerusalem.” Der Parteitag der Arbeit, pp. 102–3. The texts mentioned by Rosenberg, who did not hesitate to quote chapter and verse, make the Protocols of the Elders of Zion seem like a harmless lullaby. In reality, as becomes clear even from the two-part article devoted to Roth’s book in the NS Monatshefte of January and February 1938, the book is based on a fictitious dialogue between Roth and Zangwill, mainly about anti-Semitism and the difficulties of political Zionism. See Georg Leibbrandt, “Juden über das Judentum,” Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte 94, 95 (January, February, 1938). No occasion was missed in the Rosenberg-Goebbels feud. In Rosenberg’s August 25, 1937, letter informing Goebbels that he, Rosenberg, would speak first at the rally, the master of ideology enjoyed a parting barb, closing with the following remark: “Finally, I would like to draw your attention to a small mistake. The quotation defining the Jew as the visible demon of the decay of humanity comes not from Mommsen but from Richard Wagner.” Rosenberg to Goebbels, 25.8.1937, Rosenberg files, microfilm MA–596, IfZ, Munich.
22. Hitler, Speeches and Proclamations, p. 938; German original in vol. 2, p. 728.
23. Ibid., p. 939.
24. Ibid., p. 940.
25. Ibid., p. 941.
27. The Führer’s Deputy, Directive, 19.4.1937, NSDAP Parteikanzlei (Anordnungen…), Db 15.02, IfZ, Munich.
28. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 3, p. 21.
29. See the various studies in Hans-Erich Volkmann, ed., Das Russlandbild im Dritten Reich (Cologne, 1994). For Heydrich’s statement see Gerhart Hass, “Zum Russlandbild der SS,” Ibid., p. 209.
30. See Michael Burleigh, Germany Turns Eastwards: A Study of Ostforschung in the Third Reich (Cambridge, 1988), p. 146.
31. Peter-Heinz Seraphim, Das Judentum im osteuropäischen Raum (Essen, 1938), p. 266.
32. Ibid., p. 262.
33. Ibid., p. 267.
34. Commander of main region Rhine to SS-Gruppenführer Heissmeyer, 3.4.35 (“Lagebericht Juden,” 30 Lenzing [from the old German form of “springtime,” der Lenz] 1935), Sicherheitsdienst des Reichsführers SS, SD Oberabschnitt Rhein, microfilm MA–392, IfZ, Munich.
35. Helmut Krausnick and Hildegard von Kotze, eds., Es spricht der Führer: Sieben exemplarische Hitler-Reden (Gütersloh, 1966), pp. 147–48.
36. State police station Hildesheim to county prefects, mayors…28.10.1935, Ortspolizeibehörde Göttingen, microfilm MA–172, IfZ, Munich.
37. Ibid., 23.10.1935.
38. Gutteridge, “German Protestantism,” p. 238. See also Gutteridge, Open Thy Mouth for the Dumb! pp. 158ff.
39. Gutteridge, “German Protestantism,” p. 238.
40. Gutteridge, Open thy Mouth for the Dumb! pp. 159–60.
41. Schönwälder, Historiker und Politik, pp. 86–87.
42. Helmut Heiber, Walter Frank und sein Reichsinstitut für Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands (Stuttgart, 1966), pp. 279–80.
43. Karl Alexander von Müller, “Zum Geleit,” Historische Zeitschrift 153, no. 1 (1936): 4–5.
44. Heiber, Walter Frank, p. 295.
46. Historische Zeitschrift 153, no. 2 (1936): 336ff. Sometimes reviews of Jewish publications that could appear hostile and damning for the Nazi reader could have been understood as praise from a non-Nazi perspective. One of the strangest examples is the review published in 1936 in the NS Monatshefte by Joachim Mrugowsky (later of criminal notoriety for euthanasia) on letters of fallen Jewish soldiers. Mrugowsky compared these letters with those of fallen German soldiers and came to the conclusion that the absolute racial incompatibility of the two groups was clearly revealed in the main ideals expressed by each group. Whereas the German ideal was the race, the Volk, and the struggle for the right to live, the Jewish letters idealized equality, humanity, and world peace. Joachim Mrugowsky, “Jüdisches und deutsches Soldatentum: Ein Beitrag zur Rassenseelenforschung,” Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte 76 (July 1936): 638.
47. For a detailed presentation of Frank’s and Grau’s activities regarding the “Jewish Question” see Heiber, Walter Frank, mainly pp. 403–78.
48. DAZ, 20 Nov. 1936, Nationalsozialismus/1936, Miscellanea, LBI, New York.
49. Heiber, Walter Frank, pp. 444ff.
50. See Das Judentum in der Rechtswissenschaft, vol. 1, Die Rechtswissenschaft im Kampf gegen den jüdischen Geist (Berlin, 1937), pp. 14ff, 28ff. See also Bernd Rüthers, Carl Schmitt im Dritten Reich: Wissenschaft als Zeitgeist-Bestärkung? (Munich, 1990), pp. 81ff, 95ff.
51. Ibid., pp. 97ff.
53. Ibid., p. 30.
54. Carl Schmitt, Der Leviathan in der Staatslehre des Thomas Hobbes (Hamburg, 1938), p. 18. For the translation see Susan Shell, “Taking Evil Seriously: Schmitt’s Concept of the Political and Strauss’s True Politics,” in Kenneth L. Deutsch and Walter Nigorski, eds., Leo Strauss: Political Philosopher and Jewish Thinker (Lanham, Md., 1994), p. 183, n. 22. I am grateful to Eugene R. Sheppard for having drawn my attention to this text. All in all Schmitt’s anti-Semitism appears to have run deeper than mere opportunism, and his political and ideological commitment between 1933 and 1945 cannot, it seems, be equated with mere “card-carrying,” as his defenders would have it. See, for example, Dan Diner, “Constitutional Theory and ‘State of Emergency’ in Weimar Republic: The Case of Carl Schmitt,” Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für Deutsche Geschichte 17 (1988): 305.
55. For a good overview of the impact of Nazi ideology on German scientific research, see the essays in H. Mehrtens and S. Richter, eds., Naturwissenschaft, Technik und NS-Ideologie (Frankfurt, 1980). For a very thorough survey of the development of biology in Nazi Germany, see Deichmann, Biologen unter Hitler
56. On this issue see Cocks, Psychotherapy in the Third Reich, p. 7.
57. Beyerchen, Scientists under Hitler, pp. 156ff.
58. See Hans Buchheim, “Die SS—Das Herrschaftsinstrument,” in Hans Buchheim et al., Anatomie des SS-Staates, 2 vols., Olten, 1965, vol. 1, pp. 55 ff; in particular George C. Browder, Foundations of the Nazi Police State. The Formation of Sipo and SD, Lexington, 1990.
59. Browder, Foundations of the Nazi Police State, p. 231.
60. Buchheim, “Die SS,” p. 54.
61. All the details about Aus den Ruthen’s brides are taken from William L. Combs, The Voice of the SS: A History of the SS Journal Das Schwarze Korps, vol. 1 (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1985), pp. 29–30.
62. Heinrich Himmler, “Reden, 1936–1939,” F 37/3, IfZ, Munich.
63. Helmut Heiber, ed., Reichsführer!…Briefe an und von Himmler (Stuttgart, 1968), p. 44. In his answer the researcher, SS-Haupsturmführer Dr. K. Mayer, mentioned that, although no Jewish ancestry was found, Mathilde von Kemnitz had no fewer than nine theologians among her forefathers which, for him, offered the explanation. To which Walther Darré remarked: “I have three Reformators among my ancestors. Does it make me unacceptable to the SS?” Ibid., p. 45, n. 3.
64. Ibid., p. 52, as well as pp. 64, 66, 75, 231, 245.
65. See in Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 11, part 2, pp. 124–25.
66. Heiber, Reichsführer, p. 50.
67. “Warum wird über das Judentum geschult?” SS-Leitheft 3, no. 2, 22 Apr. 1936.
68. Ibid., quoted in Josef Ackermann, Heinrich Himmler als Ideologe (Göttingen, 1970), p. 159.
69. For the entire case see Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 11, part 2, , pp. 55ff.
70. For the reorganization of the SD, see Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, pp. 25, 73ff. I wish to express my thanks to Dr. Wildt and to Dr. Norbert Frei for allowing me to have access to this study and its appended documents before publication.
71. For the administrative structure of the SD in 1936–37, see Hebert, Best, p. 578, Drobisch, “Die Judenreferate,” pp. 239–40. For Wisliceny’s indication see Hans Safrian, Die Eichmann-Männer (Vienna, 1993), p. 26.
72. For the development and organization of the Gestapo see Johannes Tuchel and Reinhold Schattenfroh, Zentrale des Terrors (Berlin, 1987).
73. Herbert, Best, p. 187.
74. About the topics discussed at that meeting see Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, pp. 45ff.
75. II. 112 to II. 11, 15.6.37, Sicherheitsdienst des Reichsführers SS, SD Hauptamt, Abt. II 112, microfilm MA–554, IfZ, Munich. It is hard to tell on the basis of what concrete “evidence” the SD spun such fantastic links.
77. Drobisch, “Die Judenreferate,” p. 242.
78. Ibid., as well as Götz Aly and Karl-Heinz Roth, Die restlose Erfassung: Volkszählen, Identifizieren, Aussondern im Nationalsozialismus (Berlin, 1984), pp. 77–79.
79. Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, p. 134.
80. Shlomo Aronson, Heydrich und die Anfänge des SD und der Gestapo (1931–1935) (Berlin, 1967), p. 275.
81. Reinhard Heydrich, Wandlungen unseres Kampfes (Munich, 1935).
82. Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, p. 33.
83. Ibid., p. 66–67. Excerpts of this document were previously published in Susanne Heim, “Deutschland muss ihnen ein Land ohne Zukunft sein: Die Zwangsemigration der Juden 1933 bis 1938,” in Beiträge zur Nationalsozialistischen Gesundheits- und Sozialpolitik, vol. 11, Arbeitsmigration und Flucht (Berlin, 1993).
84. Safrian, Die Eichmann-Männer, p. 28.
85. SD main region Rhine to SD-Commander, SD main region Fulda-Werra, 18.9.37, Himmler Archives, Berlin Document Center, microfilm No. 270, roll 2 (LBI, NY, microfilm 133g).
86. The Commander, concentration camp Columbia, to Inspector of the concentration camps, SS-Gruppenführer Eicke, 28.1.1936, SS-Standort Berlin, microfilm MA–333, IfZ, Munich.
87. The Commander of the SS Death Head units to Chief of the SS Personnel Office, 30.1.1936, ibid.
88. The Chief of the SS Personnel Office to Standortführer-SS, Berlin, 4.2.1936, ibid.
89. Martin Broszat, “Nationalsozialistische Konzentrationslager” in Buchheim et al., Anatomie des SS-Staates, p. 75.
90. Ibid., pp. 173–74.
91. Ibid., pp. 78–79.
92. Ibid., p. 81.
93. Ibid., pp. 81–82.
94. Burleigh and Wippermann, The Racial State, p. 116.
95. Ibid., pp. 119–20. For details about Ritter’s research, see in particular Michael Zimmermann, Verfolgt, vertrieben, vernichtet: Die nationalsozialistische Vernichtungspolitik gegen Sinti und Roma (Essen, 1989), pp. 25ff.
96. For details on the Gypsy camps see in particular Sybil Milton, “Vorstufe zur Vernichtung: Die Zigeunerlager nach 1933,” VfZ 43, no. 1 (1995): 121ff.
97. Burleigh and Wippermann, The Racial State, p. 191.
98. Ibid., p. 196.
99. Ibid., p. 197.
100. Broszat and Fröhlich, Alltag und Widerstand, p. 466.
101. Ibid., pp. 450ff.
102. Ibid., p. 461.
103. Ibid., p. 463.
104. Ibid., pp. 475–76.
105. For the most complete investigation of this subject, see Reiner Pommerin, Sterilisierung der “Rheinlandbastarde”: Das Schicksal einer farbigen deutschen Minderheit 1918–1937 (Düsseldorf, 1979).
106. Ibid., pp. 44ff.
107. Dokumente des Verbrechens: Aus Akten des Dritten Reiches 1933–1945, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1993), pp. 83ff.
108. Ibid., pp. 122ff. Also Pommerin, Sterilisierung der “Rheinlandbastarde,” pp. 71ff.
109. Burleigh and Wippermann, The Racial State, p. 130.
110. Führer’s Deputy (the chief of staff) to all Gauleiters, 30. März 1936, Stellvertreter des Führers (Anordnungen…), 1936, Db 15.02, IfZ, Munich.
111. For the sterilization policy see the already mentioned studies by Bock, Proctor, Schmuhl, and others as well as Henry Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide: From Euthanasia to the Final Solution (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1995), pp. 23ff.
112. Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p. 43.
113. Ibid., p. 187.
114. Burleigh and Wippermann, The Racial State, p. 154.
116. Ernst Klee, “Euthanasie” im NS-Staat: Die Vernichtung “lebensunwerten Lebens” (Frankfurt am Main, 1985), p. 62. According to Hans-Walter Schmuhl, some psychiatric patients were killed between 1933 and 1939 on the basis of local initiatives. Hans-Walter Schmuhl, Rassenhygiene, Nationalsozialismus, Euthanasie (Göttingen, 1987), p. 180.
117. Ibid., p. 61. The attitudes of these pastors should not hide the fact that from the outset, even the sterilization policy encountered mostly silent but nonetheless tangible opposition from the wider population, particularly in Catholic areas. See Dirk Blasius, “Psychiatrischer Alltag im Nationalsozialismus,” in Peukert and Reulecke, Die Reihen fast geschlossen, pp. 373–74.
118. Klee, “Euthanasie” im NS-Staat, p. 67.
119. Burleigh and Wippermann, The Racial State, p. 142; Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p. 93–96; Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, p. 39.
120. Martin Höllen, “Episkopat und T4,” in Götz Aly, ed., Aktion T4 1939–1945: Die “Euthanasie”-Zentrale in der Tiergartenstrasse 4 (Berlin, 1987), pp. 84–85; Gitta Sereny, Into That Darkness: From Mercy Killing to Mass Murder (New York, 1974), pp. 64ff.
121. Höllen, “Episkopat und T4”; Sereny, Into That Darkness, pp. 67–68.
122. Ibid., pp. 68–69. Burleigh has doubts about the reliability of Hartl’s testimony, but does not question the existence of Mayer’s memorandum. Cf. Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, p. 175.
Chapter 7 Paris, Warsaw, Berlin—and Vienna
1. See especially Pierre Birnbaum, Le peuple et les gros: Histoire d’un mythe (Paris, 1979).
2. Georges Bernanos, La grande peur des bien-pensants, in Essais et ecrits de combat (Paris, 1971), p. 329.
3. Ibid., p. 350.
4. Louis-Ferdinand Céline, Bagatelles pour un Massacre (Paris, 1937); André Gide, “Les Juifs, Céline et Maritain,” Nouvelle Revue Franfaise (Apr. 1, 1938). Within months Céline’s Bagatelles was translated into German under the title Judenverschwörung in Frankreich (Jewish conspiracy in France) and received rave reviews from Streicher’s Stürmer and from the SS weekly Das Schwarze Korps as well as an array of provincial papers. Albrecht Betz, “Céline im Dritten Reich,” in Hans Manfred Bock et al., eds., Entre Locarno et Vichy: Les relations culturelles franco-alleman-des dans les années 1930 (Paris, 1993), vol. 1, p. 720.
5. Jean Giraudoux, Pleins pouvoirs (Paris, 1939).
6. Quoted in Zeev Sternhell, Neither Right nor Left: Fascist Ideology in France (Berkeley, Calif., 1986), p. 265. For the evolution of Bergery’s attitude on the Jewish issue (he himself was probably part Jewish), see a highly nuanced analysis in Philippe Burrin, La Dérive fasciste: Doriot, Déat, Bergery 1933–1945 (Paris, 1986), pp. 237ff.
7. Ezra Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe Between the World Wars (Bloomington, Ind., 1983), p. 1.
8. Béla Vago, The Shadow of the Swastika: The Rise of Fascism and Anti-Semitism in the Danube Basin, 1936–1939 (London, 1975), pp. 15–16.
9. Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 8, American Jewish Archives Cincinnati: The Papers of the World Jewish Congress 1939–1945, ed. Abraham L. Peck (New York, 1990), p. 21. (The translation from the Polish has been kept as it was.)
10. Ibid., p. 20.
11. Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, pp. 23–24.
12. Ibid., p. 27. Mendelsohn uses the statistics compiled by the foremost historian of Polish Jewry between the wars, Rafael Mahler, whose standard work, Yehudei Polin bein Shtei Milhamot ha-Olam [The Jews of Poland between the two world wars], was published in Tel Aviv in 1968.
13. Ibid., pp. 29–30.
14. Joseph Marcus, Social and Political History of the Jews in Poland 1919–1939 (Berlin, 1983), p. 362.
15. S. Andreski, “Poland,” in S.J. Woolf, ed., European Fascism (London, 1968), pp. 178ff.
16. Ibid., pp. 362–63.
17. Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, p. 74.
18. These percentages are quoted in Leslie Buell, Poland: Key to Europe (New York, 1939), p. 303, and reproduced in Götz Aly and Susanne Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung: Auschwitz und die deutschen Pläne für eine neue europäische Ordnung (Hamburg, 1991), p. 86.
19. Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, p. 75.
20. Ibid., p. 71.
21. Ibid., p. 73.
22. For the details of the plan mentioned here see Leni Yahil, “Madagascar—Phantom of a Solution for the Jewish Question,” in Bela Vago and George L. Mosse, eds., Jews and Non-Jews in Eastern Europe (New York, 1974), pp. 315ff. For an account of Polish efforts to obtain the support of the League of Nations and that of foreign countries for the immigration of Jews to their colonies (Madagascar) or to Palestine see Pawel Korzec, Juifs en Pologne: La question juive pendant l’entre-deux guerres (Paris 1980), pp. 250ff.
23. Rolf Vogel, Ein Stempel hat gefehlt: Dokumente zur Emigration deutscher Juden (Munich, 1977), pp. 170–71.
24. Yahil, “Madagascar,” p. 321.
25. Jacques Adler, Face à la persecution: Les organisations juives à Paris de 1940 à 1944 (Paris, 1985), p. 25.
26. Ibid., pp. 26–27.
27. It is extremely difficult to evaluate the exact number of foreign Jews living in France in the late thirties, as a result of the reemigration of some of the immigrants. Approximately 55,000 Jews entered France between 1933 and the beginning of the war. Michael R. Marrus and Robert O. Paxton, Vichy France and the Jews (New York, 1981), p. 36.
28. Michael R. Marrus, “Vichy Before Vichy: Antisemitic Currents in France During the 1930’s,” Wiener Library Bulletin 33 (1980): 16.
29. Vicki Caron, “Loyalties in Conflict: French Jewry and the Refugee Crisis, 1933–1935,” LBIY 36 (1991): 320.
31. Ibid., p. 326.
32. Marrus and Paxton, Vichy France and the Jews, pp. 54ff.
33. Marrus, “Vichy Before Vichy,” pp. 17–18.
34. Some historians see a distinct regression of French anti-Semitism between the end of the Dreyfus Affair and the mid-thirties, others—with whom I tend to agree—perceive persistent strands of anti-Jewish attitudes, mainly in the cultural field, even throughout the “quieter” years. For the first interpretation, see Paula Hyman, From Dreyfus to Vichy: The Remaking of French Jewry, 1906–1939 (New York, 1979); for the second see Léon Poliakov, Histoire de l’Antisémitisme, vol. 4, L’Europe Suicidaire 1870–1933 (Paris, 1977), pp. 281ff.
35. Jean Lacouture, Léon Blum (Paris, 1977), p. 305.
36. See mainly David H. Weinberg, A Community on Trial: The Jews of Paris in the 1930s (Chicago, 1977), pp. 78ff.
37. Ibid., pp. 114–16.
38. Eugen Weber, Action Française: Royalism and Reaction in Twentieth-Century France (Stanford, Calif., 1962), p. 363.
39. There were three Jewish ministers in the first cabinet (Blum, Cécile Leon-Brunschwicg, and Jules Moch) and three in the second (Blum, Moch, and Pierre Mendès-France). Stephen A. Schuker, “Origins of the ‘Jewish Problem’ in the Later Third Republic,” in Frances Malino and Bernard Wasserstein, eds., The Jews in Modern France (Hanover, N.H., 1985), pp. 156–57.
40. Robert Soucy, French Fascism: The Second Wave, 1933–1939 (New Haven, Conn., 1995), pp. 55, 278–79. According to Soucy, Doriot himself dismissed anti-Semitism at least until 1937. In 1936 his party received financial support from three Jewish-owned banks (Rothschild, Worms, and Lazard), and among his closest collaborators there was a Jew, Alexander Abremski, and the partly Jewish Bertrand de Jouvenel. Abremski was killed in a automobile accident in 1938; in that same year Doriot changed his position on the Jewish issue.
41. Michel Laval, Brasillach ou la trahison du clerc (Paris, 1992), pp. 75–76. See also Pierre-Marie Dioudonnat, Je suis partout, 1930–1944 (Paris, 1973).
42. Rita Thalmann, “Du Cercle de Sohlberg au Comité France-Allemagne: une évolution ambigüe de la coopération franco-allemande,” in Bock, Entre Locarno et Vichy, vol. 1, pp. 67ff.
43. Reinhard Bollmus, Das Amt Rosenberg und seine Gegner: Zum Machtkampf im nationalsozialistischen Herrschaftssystem (Stuttgart, 1970), pp. 121ff.
44. For the protocol of the meeting as established by Wilhelm Stuckart, see Hans Mommsen and Susanne Willems, eds., Herrschaftsalltag im Dritten Reich: Studien und Texte (Düsseldorf, 1988), pp. 445ff. For Stuckart’s remark see ibid., p. 446.
45. Ibid., p. 448.
46. Ibid., p. 457.
47. Fridolf Kudlien, Ärtzte im Nationalsozialismus (Cologne, 1985), p. 76.
48. Akten der Reichskanzlei, vol. 5 (24 Jan. 1935–5 Feb. 1938), serial number 859, IfZ, Munich.
49. Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 20, pp. 85–87, and Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP (abstracts), part 1, vol. 1, p. 245. In a meeting with Hitler on December 3, 1937, it was decided that “within weeks” the minister of the interior would submit to the chief of the Reich Chancellery the draft of a Law for the exclusion of Jewish physicians from medical practice. Ibid., p. 97.
51. Reich Minister of Education…, 25.11.1936, Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft…, microfilm MA 103/1, IfZ, Munich.
52. Ibid., 19.4.1937.
53. Akten der Parteikanzlei, microfiches 016639–40, IfZ, Munich.
54. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP (abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 262.
55. Ibid. The reason for Hitler’s decision can be tentatively surmised on the basis of the issues raised by the minister of education himself. Moreover, when it appeared, on September 10, 1935, that a similar law about Jewish schooling would be enforced from the beginning of the school year 1936, Cardinal Bertram sent a protest to Minister of Education Rust on precisely the issue of the converted Jewish pupils. See Akten deutscher Bischöfe, vol. 3, 1935–1936, p. 57.
56. Regarding the general situation of Jewish students in Nazi Germany see Götz von Olenhusen, “Die ‘nichtarischen’ Studenten” and Grüttner, Studenten im Dritten Reich, pp. 212ff. For details on the doctorates issue, see also Friedländer, “The Demise of the German Mandarins,” pp. 75ff.
57. Wilhelm Grau to State Secretary Kunisch, Reich Ministry of Education…, 18.2.1936, Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft u. Erziehung, microfilm MA 103/1 IfZ, Munich.
58. Reich Minister of Education, 28.4.1936, ibid.
59. The Dean, Philosophy Faculty of the Friedrich Wilhelm University, 29.2.1936, ibid.
60. The Führer’s Deputy to the Reich Minister of the Interior, 15.10.1936, ibid.
61. Reich Minister of Education…, 15.4.1937, ibid.
62. Dean Weinhandel, Philosophical Faculty, Kiel, to Reich Minister of Education, 21.4.1937, ibid. The issue of Heller’s dissertation, one of the elements that triggered the revision process in regard to doctoral degrees for Jews, had a delayed aftermath. Heller defended his dissertation on July 5, 1934, and was awarded summa cum laude. Soon after, Dr. Heller left for Tel Aviv, where he was informed, on November 23, 1935, by the dean’s office in Berlin that his diploma would be sent to him on receipt of 4.25 RM to cover postage. But, instead of the diploma, Heller received the following letter from Dean Bieberach on January 10, 1936:
“You claim that on October 16, 1935 [the official graduation date] you were awarded the doctoral degree by the philosophy faculty of Berlin University. I demand that you refrain from making this false statement. You will not be granted this degree in the future either, as you are unworthy of bearing a German academic title. This has been unequivocally confirmed by a verification of your dissertation. The faculty regrets that you had been allowed to accede to the doctoral examination.”
In 1961 Heller wrote to Humboldt University in East Berlin to receive his doctoral diploma. The university did not answer, but the senator for education of East Berlin sent an authorization allowing Heller to use the doctoral title. With the opening of the archives of the German Democratic Republic, the reason for the university’s silence in 1961 became clear: Heller’s dissertation was considered to be anticommunist. In 1992, fifty-seven years after Heller had in fact been deemed worthy of the doctoral degree, two representatives of Humboldt University came to his home in Israel and presented him with his diploma. Abraham Heller, personal archives, Ramat-Gan, Israel. I am indebted to Dr. Heller, and to his daughter, Mrs. Nili Bibring, for having given me access to the documentation in this case.
63. Peter Hanke, Zur Geschichte der Juden in München zwischen 1933 und 1945 (Munich, 1967), p. 139.
64. Ibid., pp. 139–40.
65. Kommission…, Dokumente zur Geschichte der Frankfurter Juden, p. 163.
66. Ibid., pp. 163–64.
67. Ibid., pp. 167–71.
68. Ibid., p. 172.
69. Müller, Stuttgart, p. 296.
70. Ibid., pp. 296–97.
71. Ibid., p. 297.
72. Dr. Hugo Schleicher, Offenburg i/B, to District Office Offenburg, 19 March, 1937, Unterlagen betr. Entrechtung der Juden in Baden 1933–1940, ED 303, IfZ, Munich.
73. The Mayor as Chairman of the Hospital Fund to District Office Offenburg, 2.4.1937, ibid. When he referred to “the obscurantists of our time,” the mayor of Gengenbach was using the title of Alfred Rosenberg’s anti-Catholic pamphlet An die Dunkelmänner unserer Zeit (To the obscurantists of our time).
74. District Office, Offenburg, to Mayor, Gengenbach, 5.4.1937, ibid.
75. Chronik der Stadt Stuttgart, vol. 3, p. 354.
76. Ibid., p. 368.
77. “Otto Bernheimer, ‘Kunde Göring,’” in Hans Lamm, ed., Von Juden in München (Munich, 1959), pp. 351–52.
78. Thomas Klein, ed., Die Lageberichte der Geheimen Staatspolizei über die Provinz Hessen-Nassau 1933–1936, vol. 1 (Vienna, 1986), p. 515.
79. Bröszat, Fröhlich, and Wiesemann, Bayern in der NS-Zeit, vol. 1, p. 462.
80. Ibid., p. 458.
81. Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, pp. 40, 108. An SD quarterly report for the period January through April 1937 states that some large Jewish firms had doubled their revenues by comparison to 1933. Ibid., p. 108.
82. Hayes, “Big Business and Aryanisation,” p. 260.
83. Ibid., pp. 260–61.
84. Ibid., p. 262.
85. Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation, p. 108.
86. Ibid., p. 84.
87. Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, p. 165.
88. See Wilhelm Treue, “Hitlers Denkschrift zum Vierjahresplan,” VfZ 3 (1955).
89. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP (abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 267.
90. Adjutantur des Führers 1934–1937, microfilm MA 13/2, IfZ, Munich.
91. The Führer’s Deputy, the Chief of Staff, directive, 23.10.37, Stellvertreter des Führers (Anordnungen…), 1937, Db 15.02, IfZ, Munich.
92. Ben-Elissar, La Diplomatie du IIIe Reich, p. 191. I follow Ben-Elissar for most details on this issue.
93. Ibid., p. 194 (see English translation in Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series D, vol. 5, pp. 746–47).
94. Ibid., pp. 209ff. On the whole issue see Avraham Barkai, “German Interests in the Haavarah-Transfer Agreement 1933–1939,” LBIY 35 ([London] 1990).
95. Jüdische Rundschau, Jan. 14, 1938, LBI, New York.
96. Hitler, Speeches and Proclamations, p. 1057.
97. Kwiet and Eschwege, Selbstbehauptung und Widerstand, p. 201.
98. Thomas Bernhard, Heldenplatz (Frankfurt am Main, 1988), pp. 136–37.
Chapter 8 An Austrian Model?
1. Peter Gay, Freud: A Life for Our Time (New York, 1988), p. 628. A minor postscript may be added to the story of this departure. As the emigration and an entry permit to France had been arranged through the intervention of the U.S. ambassador to Paris, William Bullitt (an ex-patient and devoted admirer of Freud’s), an American official accompanied the Freuds from Vienna to Paris. Years later a person who knew the official wrote: “When I saw him…he told me about the trip and also vehemently described his personal feelings of repugnance for Freud, his friends and relatives, Jews and psychoanalysis.” Quoted in Linda Donn, Freud and Jung: Years of Friendship, Years of Loss (New York, 1988), p. 20.
2. Tonny Moser, “Österreich,” in Benz, Dimension des Völkermords, p. 68n.
3. F. L. Carstens, Faschismus in Österreich: Von Schönerer zu Hitler (Munich, 1978), p. 185.
4. Ibid., pp. 231–32.
5. Ibid., p. 233.
6. Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, pp. 52–53.
7. Safrian, Die Eichmann-Männer, p. 32.
8. Götz Aly and Susanne Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung, p. 33.
9. Ibid., p. 38.
11. Ibid., p. 39.
12. The Führer’s Deputy to the Reich Commissary for the Reunification of Austria with the Reich, Gauleiter Party comrade Josef Bürckel, 18.7.1938, Reichskomissar für die Wiedervereinigung Österreichs mit dem Deutschen Reich, microfilm MA 145/1, IfZ, Munich.
13. Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, p. 61.
14. The State Commissary for Private Business (Walter Rafelsberger) to Heinrich Himmler, 14.8.1939, Persönlicher Stab des Reichsführers SS, microfilm MA–290, IfZ, Munich.
15. Bruce F. Pauley, From Prejudice to Persecution: A History of Austrian Antisemitism (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1992), p. 289. About the confiscation of Jewish dwellings in Vienna, see mainly Gerhard Botz, Wohnungspolitik und Judendeportation in Wien, 1938–1945 (Vienna, 1975).
16. Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, p. 52.
17. Eichmann to Hagen, 8.5.1938, in Yitzhak Arad, Yisrael Guttman, and Abraham Margalioth, eds., Documents on the Holocaust (Jerusalem, 1981), pp. 93–94. There were other ways of perceiving the situation that was unfolding in former Austria. In a letter to the London Times of April 4, 1938, a Mr. Edwin A. Stoner wrote: “At St Anton—a village beloved by British skiers—the railway station was a blaze of color; even the station dog wore his swastika, but he looked unhappy and wagged a reluctant tail. Ninety per cent of Viennese now sport the swastika, popularly referred to as ‘the safety pin.’ One of the strangest sights was the vast crowd struggling to get into the British consulate in Wallnerstrasse. Many were Jews desirous of British nationality or anxious to leave a country where only Aryans are tolerated. Poor demented folk, they had little chance of success. Quoted in George Clare, Last Waltz in Vienna: The Rise and Destruction of a Family, 1842–1942 (New York, 1981), p. 199.
18. Herbert Rosenkranz, “Austrian Jewry: Between Forced Emigration and Deportation,” in Yisrael Guttman and Cynthia J. Haft, eds., Patterns of Jewish Leadership in Nazi Europe 1933–1945 (Jerusalem, 1979), pp. 70–71. During his interrogation by Israeli police in 1960, Eichmann described how Löwenherz, just released from prison, authored the new plan for the centralization of the emigration procedures: “I gave Dr. Löwenherz paper and pencil and said: Please go back for one more night and write up a memo telling me how you would organize this whole thing, how you would run it. Object: stepped-up emigration…. The next day, this Dr. Löwenherz brought me his draft. I found it excellent and we immediately took action on his suggestions.” Jochen von Lang, ed., Eichmann Interrogated: Transcripts from the Archives of the Israeli Police (New York, 1983), pp. 50–51.
19. Safrian, Die Eichmann-Männer, p. 41.
20. Quoted in Heinz Höhne, The Order of the Death’s Head: The Story of Hitler’s SS (New York, 1970), p. 337.
21. Ibid., p. 338.
22. On the forcible expulsion of Jews from the Reich, mainly over Germany’s western borders, see Jacob Toury, “Ein Auftakt zur Endlösung: Judenaustreibungen über nichtslawische Reichsgrenzen 1933 bis 1939,” in Büttner, Johe, and Voss, Das Unrechtsregime, vol. 2, pp. 164ff.; for Austria, pp. 169ff.
23. Memorandum of II 112/4, 2.11.38, idem.
24. Moser, “Österreich,” p. 68n.
25. SD, II 112, to Racial Policy Office of the NSDAP, 3.12.38; Racial Policy Office to Chief of the SD Main Office, 14.12.38, SD Hauptamt, microfilm MA-554, IfZ, Munich.
26. Aly and Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung, p. 40. In May, on Eichmann’s orders, some nineteen hundred Jews with prior records of jail sentences were shipped to Dachau, spreading fear in the community and hastening the exodus. Herbert, Best., p. 213.
27. Gordon J. Horwitz, In the Shadow of Death: Living Outside the Gates of Mauthausen (London, 1991), p. 23.
28. Ibid., p. 28.
29. Ibid., p. 29.
30. Ibid., p. 12.
31. Ibid., pp. 13–14.
32. Aly and Heim, Vordenker der Vernichtung, p. 36.
33. Ibid., pp. 41–42.
34. Henry L. Feingold, Bearing Witness: How America and Its Jews Responded to the Holocaust (Syracuse, N.Y., 1995), p. 75.
35. Foreign Relations of the United States, 1938, vol. 1 (Washington, D.C., 1950), pp. 740–41.
36. Shlomo Z. Katz, “Public Opinion in Western Europe and the Evian Conference of July 1938,” Yad Vashem Studies 9 (1973): 106.
37. Ibid., 108.
38. Ibid., 111.
39. Ibid., 113.
40. Ibid., 114.
41. Heinz Boberach, ed., Meldungen aus dem Reich: Die geheimen Lageberichte des Sicherheitsdienstes der SS 1938–1945, vol. 2 (Herrsching, 1984), p. 23.
42. David S. Wyman, Paper Walls: America and the Refugee Crisis 1938–1941 (New York, 1985), p. 50.
43. Ben-Elissar, La Diplomatie, p. 251.
44. Hitler, Reden und Proklamationen, vol. 2, p. 899.
45. For the situation of the Jews in Italy before 1938 and for the 1938 laws, see, among others, Meir Michaelis, Mussolini and the Jews: German-Italian Relations and the Jewish Question in Italy 1922–1945 (London, 1978), particularly pp. 152ff; Jonathan Steinberg, All or Nothing: The Axis and the Holocaust 1941–1943 (London, 1990), pp. 222ff; Susan Zuccotti, The Italians and the Holocaust: Persecution, Rescue, and Survival (New York, 1987), pp. 28ff.
46. Michaelis, Mussolini and the Jews, p. 191.
47. For the situation of the Jews in Hungary before 1938 and for the laws of 1938 and 1939, see, among others, Randolph L. Braham, The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary, vol. 1 (New York, 1981), particularly pp. 118ff; Nathaniel Katzburg, Hungary and the Jews: Policy and Legislation 1920–1943 (Ramat Gan, Israel, 1981), particularly pp. 94ff; Mendelsohn, The Jews of East Central Europe, pp. 85ff.
48. All details are taken from Georges Passelecq and Bernard Suchecky, L’Encyclique cachée de Pie XI: Une occasion manquée de l’Église face à l’antisémitisme (Paris, 1995). The full text of the encyclical is published for the first time in this study. Regarding Pius XI’s meeting with LaFarge and his instructions to him, see ibid., pp. 69ff.
49. Ibid., pp. 113ff.
50. Ibid., pp. 180–81.
51. Ibid., pp. 285ff.
52. Ibid., pp. 116ff., and particularly 138.
53. Ibid., pp. 139, 208.
54. Letter of State Secretary Zschintsch, 17.3.1938 (NG-1261) in Mendelsohn, The Holocaust, vol. 1, p. 75.
55. Michael P. Steinberg, The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival: Austria as Theater and Ideology, 1890–1938 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1990), pp. 164ff.
56. Ibid., pp. 233ff.
57. Shirakawa, The Devil’s Music Master, p. 221.
58. Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, Nov. 4, 1937, Nationalsozialismus/1937 (misc.), LBI, New York.
59. SOPADE, Deutschland-Berichte 5 (1938): 195–96. Strangely enough, in their all-encompassing propaganda effort, the Nazis did not make major use of film until the beginning of the war. Thus, during the second half of the thirties, the only anti-Semitic productions shown in German theaters were an adaptation of a Swedish comedy, Peterson und Bandel (1935), a merely allusive scene in the German film Pour le mérite (1938), and, finally, a minor anti-Jewish film, Robert und Bertram (1939). Dorothea Hollstein, “Jud Süss” und die Deutschen: Antisemitische Vorurteile im nationalsozialistischen Spielfilm (Frankfurt am Main, 1971), pp. 38ff.
60. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP (abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 364.
61. Minister of Justice to State Prosecutors…, 24.2.1938, Reichsjustizministerium, Fa 195/1938, IfZ, Munich.
62. Memorandum, II 112, 28.3.38, SD Hauptamt, microfilm No. MA–554, IfZ, Munich.
63. See Adam, Judenpolitik, pp. 198–99. The seeming absurdity of this measure did not escape the victims: “Now we have also to turn in our passports,” noted Berlin Jewish physician Hertha Nathorff in her diary. “Jews are not allowed to have passports anymore. They are afraid that we might get across the border! But isn’t that what they want? Strange logic.” Wolfgang Benz, ed. Das Tagebuch der Hertha Nathorff: Berlin-New York, Aufzeichnungen 1933 bis 1945 (Munich, 1987), p. 105.
64. For the text of the decree see Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung, p. 155.
65. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 237.
66. Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung, p. 159.
67. Christiane Hoss, “Die jüdischen Patienten in rheinischen Anstalten zur Zeit des Nationalsozialismus,” in Mathias Leipert, Rudolf Styrnal, Winfried Schwarzer, eds., Verlegt nach unbekannt: Sterilisation und Euthanasie in Galkhausen 1933–1945 (Cologne, 1987), pp. 67–68.
68. I owe this information to the late Amos Funkenstein.
69. Internal memorandum of the SD, August 29, 1938, regarding letter of Streicher to Himmler, July 22, 1938, and Rosenberg to Henlein, October 15, 1938, in Mendelsohn, The Holocaust, vol. 4, pp. 216–17.
70. Reich leadership of the NSDAP, Office for the Fostering of German Letters to SS-Hauptsturmführer Hartl, Gestapo Vienna, 17.6.1938; SD II 112 to Reich leadership of the NSDAP, Office for the Fostering of German Letters, 17.8.1939, SD Hauptamt, microfilm MA–554, IfZ, Munich.
71. SS-Oberführer Albert to SS-Standartenführer Six, 18.1.39; SS-Standartenführer Six to SS-Oberführer Albert, 26.1.39, SD Hauptamt, microfilm MA–554, IfZ, Munich.
72. Mendelsohn, The Holocaust, vol. 4, p. 138.
73. Karl Winter to Rosenberg, 9.3.38, NSDAP, Hauptamt Wissenschaft, microfilm MA–205, IfZ, Munich.
74. Main Office for Science (NSDAP) to Karl Winter, 18.3.38, ibid.
75. Karl Winter to Rosenberg, 30.3.38, ibid.
76. Main Office for Science (NSDAP) to Karl Winter, 12.4.38, ibid.
77. Max Kreuzberger Research Papers, AR 7183, Box 8, Folder 9, LBI, New York.
80. Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation, p. 114.
81. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 223.
82. Ibid., p. 229. I am using the simplified translation of the law as presented in Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, p. 82.
83. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 232; Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, pp. 83–84.
84. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 234.
85. Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, p. 84.
86. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 234.
87. Ibid., p. 242. Seven hundred physicians were allowed to attend to the Jewish population as “caretakers of the sick” and two hundred lawyers were similarly authorized as “consultants.” See Arndt and Boberach, “Deutsches Reich,” p. 28. The procedure that enabled a Jewish lawyer to become a consultant—and the status of consultants—is analyzed in Lothar Gruchmann, Justiz im Dritten Reich 1933–1949: Anpassung und Unterwerfung in der Ära Gürtner (Munich, 1988), pp. 181ff.
88. Ibid., pp. 178–79.
89. Reich Chamber of Physicians to Ministry of Education, 3.10.38, Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft u. Erziehung, microfilm MA 103/1, IfZ, Munich.
90. Minister of Justice to Minister of Education…, 3.10.38, ibid.
91. Interior Minister to Minister of Education, 14.12.38, ibid.
92. Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation, p. 129.
93. Hayes, “Big Business,” p. 266.
94. Ibid., p. 267.
95. See in particular Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, pp. 60–90; Genschel, Die Verdrängung, mainly chap. 10; Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation, p. 75.
96. Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews, p. 79.
97. Barkai, From Boycott to Annihilation, p. 118.
98. For the details of this affair and the supporting documentary evidence, see Wolf Gruner, “Die Reichshauptstadt und die Verfolgung der Berliner Juden 1933–1945,” in Reinhard Rürup, ed., Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin: Essays und Studien (Berlin, 1995), pp. 238, 260–61.
99. None of this was apparently mentioned by Speer in his talks with Gitta Sereny. See Gitta Sereny, Albert Speer: His Battle with Truth (New York, 1995).
100. It was the first time that the SD had taken the initiative of arresting a large number of German Jews and sending them to concentration camps. Herbert, Best, p. 213.
101. For the text of the Gestapo memorandum and its historical context, see Wolf Gruner, “‘Lesen brauchen sie nicht zu können’: Die Denkschrift über die Behandlung der Juden in der Reichshauptstadt auf allen Gebieten des öffentlichen Lebens, von Mai 1938,” Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung 4 (1995): 305ff.
102. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 3, p. 452.
103. Hugh R. Wilson to Secretary of State, June 22, 1938, in Mendelsohn, The Holocaust, vol. 1, pp. 139–40.
104. Fromm, Blood and Banquets, p. 274.
105. Undated SD report on the Evian Conference and the Berlin “Judenaktion,” SD-Hauptamt, microfilm MA 557, IfZ, Munich.
106. Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, p. 57.
107. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 3, p. 490.
108. Sybil Milton, “Menschen zwischen Grenzen: Die Polenausweisung 1938,” Menora (1990), pp. 189–90.
109. Carl Ludwig, Die Flüchtlingspolitik den Schweiz in den Jahren 1933 bis 1945: Bericht an den Bundesrat zuhanden der eidgenössischen Räte, Bern, 1957.
110. Conseil Fédéral, “Procès-verbal de la séance du 28 mars 1938,” Documents Diplomatiques Suisses, vol. 12 (1.1.1937–31.12.1938), ed. (under the direction of Oscar Gauye) Gabriel Imboden and Daniel Bourgeois (Bern, 1994), p. 570.
111. For all these details and for relevant documents see Ludwig, Die Flüchtlingspolitik der Schweiz, pp. 124ff.
112. Documents Diplomatiques Suisses, vol. 12, p. 938n. 5.
113. Quoted in Ben-Elissar, La Diplomatic, p. 286.
114. Reproduced in Arad, Guttman, Margalioth, Documents on the Holocaust, pp. 101–2.
115. See mainly Toury, “Judenaustreibung,” pp. 173ff.
116. Maier, District Office Überlingen, to the mayors of the district, 20.9.1938, Unterlagen betr. Entrechtung der Juden in Baden 1933–1940, ED 303, IfZ, Munich.
117. Milton, “Menschen zwischen Grenzen”; Trude Maurer, “Abschiebung und Attentat: Die Ausweisung der polnischen Juden und der Vorwand für die ‘Kristallnacht,’” in Pehle, Der Judenpogrom 1938, pp. 52ff.
118. Maurer, “Abschiebung und Attentat,” pp. 59–66.
119. Sauer, Dokumente, vol. 2, pp. 423ff.
120. For the agreement between Germany and Poland on this matter see DGFP, series D, vol. 5 (Washington, 1953), p. 169.
121. Arndt and Boberach, “Deutsches Reich,” p. 34.
122. Michael R. Marrus, “The Strange Story of Herschel Grynszpan,” American Scholar 57, no.1 (Winter 1987–88): 70–71.
123. Ibid., pp. 71–72.
Chapter 9 The Onslaught
1. Sauer, Dokumente, vol. 2, pp. 25–28.
2. Kulka, “Public Opinion in Nazi Germany and the ‘Jewish Question,’” Jerusalem Quarterly 25 (Fall 1982): 136.
3. Georg Landauer to Martin Rosenblüth, 8 February 1938, in Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 3, Central Zionist Archives, ed. Francis R. Nicosia (New York, 1990), p. 57.
4. Drobisch, Juden unterm Hakenkreuz, pp. 159–60.
5. Hugh R. Wilson to Secretary of State, June 22, 1938, in Mendelsohn, The Holocaust, vol. 1, p. 144.
6. II 112 to I 111, 31.10.1938, SD-Hauptamt, microfilm MA 554, IfZ, Munich.
7. Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 20, p. 113.
8. Adam, “Wie spontan war der Pogrom?” in Pehle, Der Judenpogrom 1938, p. 76. Graml, Anti-Semitism, p. 8.
9. Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 20, p. 374.
10. “50, dann 75 Synagogen brennen: Tagebuchschreiber Goebbels über die Reichskristallnacht,” Der Spiegel, July 13, 1992, p. 126.
11. Walter Buch to Göring, 13.2.1939, Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 12, p. 582.
12. Dieter Obst, “Die ‘Reichskristallnacht’ im Spiegel westdeutscher Nachkriegsprozessakten und als Gegenstand der Strafverfolgung,” Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht 44, no. 4 (1993):212.
13. Goebbels, “50, dann 75 Synagogen brennen,” pp. 126–28.
14. Carl Östreich, “Die letzten Stunden eines Gotteshauses” in Lamm, Von Juden, p. 349.
15. Graml, Anti-Semitism, p. 13.
16. Goebbels, “50, dann 75 Synagogen brennen,” p. 128.
19. Adam, “Wie spontan war der Pogrom?” p. 89. For the orders given on November 9 and 10, see Walk, Das Sonderrecht, pp. 249–54.
20. Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression (Washington, D.C., 1946), vol. 5, doc. no. 3051–PS, pp. 799–800.
21. Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 12, p. 584.
22. The sequence of events in Innsbruck is taken from Michael Gehler, “Murder on Command: The Anti-Jewish Pogrom in Innsbruck 9th–10th November 1938,” LBIY 38 (1993): 119–33. The details about Eichmann’s trip have been corrected.
23. Michalka, Das Dritte Reich, vol. 1, p. 165.
24. Heinz Lauber, Judenpogrom “Reichskristallnacht”: November 1938 in Grossdeutschland (Gerlingen, 1981), pp. 123–24.
25. The Mayor of Ingolstadt to the Government of Upper Bavaria, Munich, 1.12.1938, Monatsberichte des Stadtrats Ingolstadt, 1929–1939 (Stadtarchiv Ingolstadt No. A XVI/142), IfZ, Fa 411.
26. Gestapo Würzburg to…, 6.12.38 (Himmler Archives, Berlin Document Center, microfilm No. 269, Roll 1) LBI, New York, microfilm 133f.
27. Mendelsohn, The Holocaust, vol. 3, p. 301.
28. Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibug, Vernichtung, p. 221. A precise inquiry into the events in Schleswig-Holstein and in North Germany more generally indicates that the concrete murder orders were often decided upon by local middle-ranking SA officers. Thus in Kiel, SA-Stabführer Carsten Vorquardsen of the SA Group Nordmark organized a meeting with delegates from the party district, the SS, the SD, and the Gestapo in which the decision was taken that at least two of the city’s Jewish businessmen, Lask and Leven, were to be put to death in reprisal for Rath’s assassination. The two were severely wounded but survived. In Bremen five Jews (three men and two women) were killed by members of the SA Group Nordsee after receiving their orders from Munich from the leader of their group and mayor of Bremen, Heinrich Böhnker. See Gabriele Ferk, “Judenverfolgung in Norddeutschland,” in Frank Bajohr, ed., Norddeutschland im Nationalsozialismus (Hamburg, 1993), pp. 291–92. It seems therefore that rather than individual initiatives of low-level SA or SS men, the murders were perpetrated after orders were given by regional SA or SS leaders, who “translated” in their own way the orders they received from Munich. The Innsbruck case confirms the same pattern.
29. Peter Loewenberg, “The Kristallnacht as a Public Degradation Ritual”, LBIY 32 (1987): 309ff.
30. Gauye, Imboden, and Bourgeois, Documents Diplomatiques Suisses, p. 1020.
31. Alfons Heck, The Burden of Hitler’s Legacy (Frederick, Colo., 1988), p. 62.
32. Some historians have nonetheless attempted to reinterpret the events of November 9 and 10 in terms of a process of chaotic radicalization in which anti-Jewish hatred as such played a minor role, once the initial orders had been given. For such an interpretation, see in particular Dieter Obst, “Reichskristallnacht”: Ursachen und Verlauf des antisemitischen Pogroms vom November 1938 (Frankfurt am Main, 1991).
33. Hitler, Reden und Proklamationen, pp. 971, 973ff.
34. Ulrich von Hassell, Die Hassell Tagebücher 1938–1944, (Berlin, 1988), p. 70.
35. Local Group Hüttenbach to district leader’s office, 25.11.1938, “Hist.” Ordner No. 431, Zuwachs, Fa 506/14, IfZ, Munich.
36. Local Group Hüttenbach to district leader’s office, 7.2.39, ibid.
37. Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 12, p. 581.
38. Hans Mommsen, “Reflections on the Position of Hitler and Göring in the Third Reich,” in Thomas Childers and Jane Caplan, eds., Reevaluating the Third Reich (New York, 1993), pp. 86ff.
39. Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 2, p. 600.
40. For a full text of the meeting see Trial of Major War Criminals Before the International Military Tribunal [hereafter IMT], vol. 28, pp. 499ff.
41. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, pp. 254–55.
42. Ibid., p. 254.
43. IMT, 28, pp. 508–9.
44. Ibid., pp. 509–10.
45. Ibid., pp. 510–11. The benches actually carried the sign FOR ARYANS ONLY (NUR FÜR ARYER). For a photograph of a bench with this sign, see Gerhard Schoenberner, Die Judenverfolgung in Europa, 1933–1945 (Frankfurt am Main, 1982), p. 38.
46. IMT, 28, p. 532.
47. Ibid., pp. 533–35. Heydrich’s opposition to the creation of ghettos in German cities was not new; in the September 9, 1935, memorandum sent to the participants in the conference that had been called in August by Schacht, the chief of the State Police and the SD explicitly took a stand against ghettoization of the Jews. See Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, p. 71.
48. IMT, 28, pp. 536–39.
49. Ibid., pp. 538–539.
50. Freeden, “Das Ende der jüdischen Presse,” p. 8.
51. Ibid., p. 9.
52. Lynn H. Nicholas, The Rape of Europa: The Fate of Europe’s Treasures in the Third Reich and the Second World War (New York, 1994), p. 43.
53. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 256.
54. The Minister of Education…to the Education Administration of the Länder, the Reich Commissary for the Saar, etc…., 15.11.1938, Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft u. Erziehung, microfilm MA–103/1, IfZ, Munich.
55. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 260.
56. Ibid., p. 262. For the full text of the edict see Hans-Adolf Jacobsen and Werner Jochmann, eds., Ausgewählte Dokumente zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus 1933–1945 (Bielefeld, 1961), section D, pp. 2–3.
57. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, pp. 262, 264, 270.
58. Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 12, pp. 614–15.
59. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 261.
60. Criminal police Memmingen to the Mayor of Memmingen, 10.11.1938 (Himmler Archives, Document Center Berlin, microfilm No. 270, Roll 2), LBI, New York, microfilm 133g.
61. Sauer, Dokumente, vol. 2, pp. 47–49. Although the seizure of archives took place immediately all over the Reich, some of the local SA and police units may not have hurried to transfer them to the Gestapo. On May 5, 1939, an order was issued by SA Headquarters in Munich to all regional and local units that Jewish archives seized during the November 1938 action had to be delivered as they were to the Gestapo. Himmler Archives, Berlin Document Center, microfilm No. 269, Roll 1 (LBI, NY 133f).
62. Susanne Heim and Götz Aly, “Staatliche Ordnung und ‘Organische Lösung’: Die Rede Hermann Görings ‘über die Judenfrage’ vom 6 Dezember 1938,” Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung 2 (1993): 387.
63. Ibid., 391–92.
64. Ibid., 384.
65. Ibid., 393ff.
66. Ibid., 387.
67. Ibid., 384.
68. Ibid., 385–86.
69. Ibid., 386.
70. Ibid., 387–88.
71. Gestapo Würzburg to office heads…9.12.1938, Himmler Archives, LBI, New York, pp. 133ff.
72. Frick to Reichsstatthalter, Interior Ministers of the Länder,…4.12.1938, Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft u. Erziehung, microfilm MA 103/1. IfZ, Munich.
73. Department East, memorandum, 13.12.1938, Amt Osten, microfilm MA 128/3 IfZ, Munich.
74. A summary of the meeting, uncovered in the Hamburg municipal archives, was first published in 1991. See Susanne Heim and Götz Aly, eds., Beiträge zur Nationalsozialistischen Gesundheits- und Sozialpolitik, vol. 9, Bevölkerungsstruktur und Massenmord: Neue Dokumente zur deutschen Politik der Jahre 1938–1945 (Berlin, 1991), pp. 15ff.
75. For Göring’s decree see Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 12, pp. 615–16; see also Ursula Büttner, “The Persecution of Chistian-Jewish Families in the Third Reich,” LBIY 34 (1989): 284.
76. Klepper, Unter dem Schatten deiner Flügel, p. 726. Quoted and translated in Büttner, “The Persecution of Christian-Jewish Families,” 284.
77. Sauer, Dokumente, vol. 2, p. 84.
78. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 292.
79. Alexander Kirk to Secretary of State, May 11, 1939, in Mendelsohn, The Holocaust, vol. 1, pp. 189–90.
80. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 275.
81. Minister of Justice, 15.2.1939, Reichsjustizministerium, Fa 195/1939, IfZ, Munich.
82. Minister of Justice to the President of the Reich Supreme Court,…7.3.1939, idem.
83. Heinrich Himmler, Geheimreden 1933 bis 1945 und andere Ansprachen, ed. Bradley F. Smith and Agnes F. Peterson (Berlin, 1974), pp. 37–38.
84. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 137.
85. Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP (abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 247.
86. Schmitthenner to the Minister of Religion and Education, Karlsruhe, 10.11.1938, Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft u. Erziehung microfilm MA 103/1, IfZ, Munich.
87. Minister of Religion and Education, Karlsruhe, to the Reich Ministry of Education, 24.11.1938, idem.
88. Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung, p. 222.
89. Sauer, Dokumente, vol. 1, p. 246.
90. District Leader Neustadt a. d. Aisch to Fritz Kestler, Ühlfeld, 21.11.1938 (Himmler Archives, Berlin Document Center, microfilm No. 270, Roll 2), LBI, New York, microfilm 133g.
91. Ogilvie-Forbes to Halifax, Nov. 16, 1938, Documents on British Foreign Policy 1919–1938, Third Series, vol. 3, 1938–39, (London, 1950), pp. 275–76.
92. De Montbas to Bonnet, 15.11.38, Documents Diplomatiques Français 1932–1939, 2nd series (1936–1939), vol. 12 (3 Octobre-30 Novembre 1938) (Paris, 1978), p. 570.
93. Kulka, “Public Opinion in Nazi Germany,” p. 138.
94. Deutschlandberichte 5 (1938): 1352ff. For the excerpt and translation see Detlev J. K. Peukert, Inside Nazi Germany: Conformity, Opposition and Racism in Everyday Life (New Haven, Conn., 1987), p. 59.
95. Albert Speer, Inside the Third Reich (London, 1970), p. 111.
96. Sereny, Albert Speer, p. 164.
98. Ibid., p. 165.
99. Gutteridge, Open Thy Mouth for the Dumb! pp. 188–89ff.
100. Report, 8.12.1938, Die Kirchliche Lage in Bayern, vol. 2, p. 301.
101. Saul Friedländer, Pius XII und das Dritte Reich (Hamburg, 1965), p. 70.
102. Helmreich, The German Churches under Hitler, p. 294.
103. Klaus Schwabe, Rolf Reichardt, and Reinhard Hauf, eds., Gerhard Ritter: Ein politischer Historiker in seinen Briefen (Boppard, 1984), p. 339.
104. Ibid., n.1.
105. Ibid., pp. 769ff.
106. Hugo Ott, “Der Freiburger Kreis,” in Rudolf Lill and Michael Kissener, eds., 20. Juli 1944 in Baden und Württemberg (Constance, 1994), p. 147; Klaus Schwabe, “Der Weg in die Opposition,” in John, Martin, Mück, and Ott, Die Freiburger Universität, p. 201.
107. The text runs as follows: “Um der Liebe zum eigenen Volke willen muss jedoch der Christ die Augen offen halten, ob enge Berührung oder gar Vermischung mit anderen Rassen sich nicht schädlich auswirken kann für Leib und Seele,” in Schwabe, Reichardt, and Hauf, Gerhard Ritter, p. 769.
108. Schwabe, “Der Weg in die Opposition…,” p. 201. Whether the other members of the Freiburg Circle as well as other related opposition groups were aware of Dietze’s text is not entirely clear, but, as has been shown by Christoph Dipper, Carl Goerdeler’s ideas were no different; these ideas had been presented in Freiburg in late 1942. All in all Dietze expressed the themes of a conservative anti-Semitism accepted by most of the German resistance to Hitler—and by the great majority of the German academics. For the anti-Semitism of the German conservative resistance see Christoph Dipper,” Der Deutsche Widerstand und die Juden,” Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 9, no. 3 (1983): esp. pp. 367ff.
109. Bertram to Rust, 16.11.1938, Akten deutscher Bischöfe, vol. 4, 1936–1939, ed. Ludwig Volk (Mainz, 1981), pp. 592–93.
110. Goebbels, Tagebücher, part 1, vol. 3, p. 532.
111. Mendelsohn, The Holocaust, vol. 3, p. 241.
112. Lipstadt, Beyond Belief, p. 99.
113. Martin Gilbert, “British Government Policy towards Jewish Refugees (November 1938–September 1939), Yad Vashem Studies, vol. 13, 1979, p. 150.
114. Wyman, Paper Walls, p. 221.
115. Ibid., pp. 75ff.
116. Haskel Lookstein, Were We Our Brothers’ Keepers? The Public Response of American Jews to the Holocaust, 1938–1944 (New York, 1985), p. 82.
117. For the details see, among others, Arthur Morse, While Six Million Died: A Chronicle of American Apathy (New York, 1968), pp. 270ff.
118. Mann, The Letters, p. 297.
119. Vicki Caron, “Prelude to Vichy: France and the Jewish Refugees in the Era of Appeasement,” Journal of Contemporary History 20 (1985): 161. According to a memorandum of December 20, 1938, circulated by Sonderreferat Deutschland (Germany Department), the following countries protested against the pogrom, usually in relation to damages caused to their Jewish nationals living in Germany: Italy, Britain, the Netherlands, Hungary, Brazil, Lithuania, the USSR, Guatemala, Latvia, Finland, Poland, the United States of America. Cf. Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series D (1937–1945), Vol. 5, Poland et al…., June 1937–March 1939, Washington/London, 1951, pp. 916–7.
120. Caron, “Prelude to Vichy,” p. 163.
121. Documents on German Foreign Policy, Series D, vol. 4, October 1938–March 1939 (London, 1951), pp. 481ff. The great majority of the French population’s fear of war, and the widespread belief that the Jews were the instigators of a military confrontation with Nazi Germany, were exacerbated by the Sudeten crisis. In September 1938, anti-Jewish incidents took place in Paris and in a number of other French cities. The prevailing tension prompted Julien Weill, the Grand Rabbi of Paris, to warn his correligionists to avoid gatherings in front of synagogues during the High Holidays. Some French Jewish personalities again expressed their hostility to the foreign Jews in their midst, who supposedly were responsible for anti-German incitement. Michael R. Marrus and Robert O. Paxton, Vichy France and the Jews (New York, 1981), p. 40. The pogrom of November 9–10 did not change some of these attitudes and declarations. Thus, on November 19, Grand Rabbi Weill declared to the daily Le Matin that the Consistoire was unable to make “the least contribution” to the refugee question: the problem could be solved only on an international scale and France could not take in more refugees. Moreover, the Grand Rabbi declared, he did not want to take any initiative “that could in any way hamper the attempts presently made for a Franco-German rapprochement.” On the other hand, the Comte de Paris, the pretender to the French throne, stressed in an interview of December 1938 that the French Jews were Frenchmen equal to all others and that “excluding them…meant weakening the country.” For both quotations see Ralph Schor, L’Antisémitisme en France pendant les années trente (Bruxelles, 1992), pp. 215, 221.
122. Jean-Baptiste Duroselle, La Décadence 1932–1939 (Paris, 1979), p. 385.
123. Marrus, “The Strange Story,” p. 73.
124. Ibid., pp. 74–78.
125. Report of February 6, 1939, Deutschlandberichte der Sozialdemokratischen Partei Deutschlands (SOPADE) 1934–1940, p. 219. Translated by Dieter Kuntz in Sax and Kuntz, Inside Hitler’s Germany, p. 422.
126. Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung, pp. 207, 225; Toury, “Judenaustreibung,” p. 180.
127. Stefan Keller, Grüningers Fall: Geschichten von Flucht und Hilfe (Zurich, 1993).
128. Grüninger was sentenced in 1941. He died in 1972 and was rehabilitated by the Swiss cantonal and federal authorities in the fall of 1995.
129. David Kranzler, “The Jewish Refugee Community of Shanghai, 1938–1945,” Wiener Library Bulletin 26 (1972–73): 28ff.
131. Documents on German Foreign Policy, series D, vol. 5, p. 936.
132. Dalia Ofer, Escaping the Holocaust: Illegal Immigration to the Land of Israel, 1939–1944 (New York, 1990), chapter 1; Yehuda Bauer, Jews for Sale? Nazi-Jewish Negotiations 1933–1945 (New Haven, Conn., 1994), chap. 3.
133. Bernard Wasserstein, Britain and the Jews of Europe, 1939–1945 (Oxford, 1988), p. 40.
134. Eichmann was replaced in Vienna by SS-Hauptsturmführer Rolf Günther and Haupsturmführer Alois Brunner.
135. George F. Kennan, From Prague after Munich: Diplomatic Papers 1938–1940 (Princeton, N.J., 1968), p. 86.
Chapter 10 A Broken Remnant
1. National Socialism/1939 (misc.), LBI, New York. On German ships carrying mainly German passengers, Jewish emigrants were segregated as they were in the Reich. In the dining rooms, for example, their tables were set in the “Jewish corner.” Benz, Das Tagebuch der Hertha Nathorff, p. 163.
2. Noam and Kropat, Juden vor Gericht, pp. 41–45.
3. Reich Minister of Justice to presidents of regional higher courts, 22.6.1939, Reichsjustizministerium/Fa 195/1939, IfZ, Munich.
4. Hitler, Reden und Proklamationen, part 1, vol. 2, p. 955.
5. Ibid., p. 1055.
6. Ibid., pp. 1056–58.
7. For a presentation and an analysis of these various statements by Hitler see Burrin, Hitler and the Jews, pp. 60–61.
8. Hitler, Reden und Proklamationen, p. 955.
9. Michaelis and Schraepler, Ursachen, vol. 12, pp. 616ff.
10. Friedländer, L’Antisémitisme Nazi: Histoire d’une psychose collective (Paris, 1971), p. 197.
11. Ibid., p. 198.
12. Richard Breitman, The Architect of Genocide: Himmler and the Final Solution (New York, 1991), p. 58.
13. Ibid., p. 59.
14. II 112 to II, 19.1.39, SD-Hauptamt, MA–554, IfZ, Munich.
15. Wildt, Die Judenpolitik des SD, p. 48.
16. Pätzold, Verfolgung, Verteibung, Vernichtung, pp. 212–13.
17. These negotiations have often been described. For excellent summaries see, among others, Ben-Elissar, La Diplomatie, pp. 378–415, 434–56; Bauer, Jews for Sale? pp. 30–44.
18. Vogel, Ein Stempel, p. 194.
19. Ben-Elissar, La Diplomatie, p. 377.
20. Strauss, “Jewish Emigration from Germany,” I, p. 326.
21. The most recent computation, that of Arndt and Boberach, gives the following breakdown: 177,000 full Jews emigrated between the census of June 1933 and that of May 1939; the surplus of deaths over births until the end of 1939 was 47,500; between 15,000 and 17,000 Jews were expelled in October 1938. The authors evaluate the number of full Jews living in the Reich at the end of 1939 at approximately 190,000; it would mean that emigration between May 1939 and December 1939 amounted to approximately 30,000. Arndt and Boberach, “Deutsches Reich,” p. 34.
22. II 112, 15.6.1939, SD-Hauptamt, microfilm MA 554, IfZ, Munich.
24. Gruner, “Die Reichshauptstadt,” p. 239.
25. Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 3 pp. 93–94. (Translation somewhat revised.)
26. Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung, p. 225.
27. Ibid., p. 222.
28. Arad, Gutman, and Margalioth, Documents on the Holocaust, p. 140.
29. Ibid., pp. 141–42.
30. Ibid., pp. 125–26. (Translation slightly revised.)
31. Himmler Archives (misc.) (Berlin Document Center, microfilm 270, Roll 2), LBI, New York, microfilm 133g.
32. Konrad Kwiet, “Forced Labor of German Jews in Nazi Germany,” LBIY 36 (1991): 392.
33. Pätzold, Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung, p. 228, see also Sauer, Dokumente, vol. 2, p. 77.
34. Ibid., vol. 2, p. 75.
36. Ibid., p. 76.
37. District Governor, Hildesheim, to heads of administrative regions and mayors of the district, 29.8.1939, Ortspolizeibehörde Göttingen, microfilm MA 172, IfZ, Munich.
38. Gruner, “Die Reichshauptstadt,” pp. 241–42.
39. Ibid., p. 242.
41. For the prior stages of this story see chapter 1, pp. 33–34 and chapter 5, pp. 157–58. Regarding Ada Berthold’s letter see Mommsen, “Die Geschichte,” p. 357.
42. Ibid., p. 358.
43. Ibid., p. 361.
44. Ibid., pp. 362–63.
45. Ibid., p. 365.
46. Valentin Senger, No. 12 Kaiserhofstrasse: The Story of an Invisible Jew in Nazi Germany, New York, 1980.
47. District Leader’s Office, Bernburg to District Leader’s Office Rosenheim, 6.2.39, Himmler Archives (misc.), (Berlin Document Center, microfilm 270, Roll 2) LBI, New York, microfilm 133g.
48. Gendarmerie Station Fischbach to Labor Office Augsburg, 6.5.39, Idem.
49. Monthly report, 8.2.39, Die Kirchliche Lage, vol. 2…, pp. 305–6. In March 1937 the Gestapo had seized all the copies of the new catechism published under Cardinal Bertram’s responsibility by the vicar-general of Breslau. Question and answer no. 17, which quoted these words of Jesus about the Jews, were considered “a glorification of the Jewish race.” On this whole matter, see Bertram’s March 20, 1937, letter of protest sent to Minister of Religious Affairs Kerrl and to the Gestapo in Berlin. Bertram’s argument was that the sentence had to be read in a purely religious way: Jesus, the Savior, came from the Jewish fold. See Akten Deutscher Bischöfe, vol. 4, 1936–1939, edited by Ludwig Volk (Mainz, 1981), pp. 184ff.
50. Monthly report, 7.1.1939, ibid., p. 303.
51. Hans Donald Cramer, Das Schicksal der Goslarer Juden 1933–45 (Goslar, 1986), p. 42.
52. Klemperer, Ich will Zeugnis ablegen, vol. 1, p. 447.
53. An interpretation of the events assuming the widespread presence in Germany society at large, throughout the modern era, of an “eliminationist anti-Semitism,” craving the physical annihilation of the Jews, is not convincing on the basis of the material presented in this study. For such an interpretation see Goldhagen, Hitler’s Willing Executioners.
54. Frick to Reichsstatthalter, Reich Commissaries, etc…, 10.1939, Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft u. Erziehung, microfilm MA 103/1, IfZ, Munich.
55. Karl Schué to local group leader Dornbusch (Frankfurt am Main), 14.1.39, Max Kreuzberger Research Papers, AR 7183, Box 8, Folder 9, LBI, New York.
56. Gendarmerie Station Theilheim to the Prosecution, Land Court Schweinfurt, 12 July 1939, Würzburg Gestapo Akten 1933–1945 (St-Archiv Würzburg), Fa 168/4, IfZ, Munich.
57. Gestapo Würzburg, 20 Juli 1939, ibid.
58. Criminal police office Würzburg to Gestapo Würzburg, 20 März 1941, ibid.
59. J. S. Conway, The Nazi Persecution of the Churches, 1933–45 (London, 1968), p. 230.
60. Helmreich, The German Churches Under Hitler, pp. 233–34. At the Wartburg Luther translated the New Testament into German.
61. Main Education Office of the NSDAP to Main Security Office, 17.3.39; II 112 to Main Education Office, 26.4.39, SD Hauptamt, microfilm MA 554, IfZ, Munich.
62. Klee, “Die SA Jesu Christi,” pp. 137–38.
63. For the correspondence among Krebs, Rust, and Hess on this matter, see Max Kreuzberger Research Papers, AR 7183, Box 8, Folder 9, LBI, New York.
64. For the 1937 list see Oliver Rathkolb, Führertreu und Gottbegnadet: Künstlereliten im Dritten Reich (Vienna, 1991), pp. 25ff.
65. From 1937 on Hinkel was increasingly taking charge of the demands made in the minister’s name. See Reichskulturkammer files Fa 224/1, Fa 224/2, Fa 224/3, and Fa 224/4, IfZ, Munich.
66. President, Reich Music Chamber to Reich Propaganda Minister, 25.2.1939, Reichskulturkammer file Fa 224/4, IfZ, Munich.
67. List of Jewish authors (Vorlaüfige Zusammenstellung des Amtes Schriftumspflege bei dem Beauftragten des Führers für die Überwachung der gesamten geistigen und weltanschaulichen Schulung und Erziehung der NSDAP und der Reichsstelle für Förderung des deutschen Schrifttums [Temporary compilation at the Führer’s delegate office for the supervision of the entire spiritual and ideological education of the NSDAP and the Reich office for the fostering of German letters], part VI, S-V), MA 535, IfZ, Munich. According to the U.S. National Archives, the provenance of this item is unknown.
68. Christiane Hoss, “Die Jüdischen Patienten in rheinischen Anstalten zur Zeit des Nationalsozialismus,” in Mathias Leipert, Rudolf Styrnal, Winfried Schwarzer, eds., Verlegt nach unbekannt: Sterilization und Euthanasie in Galkhausen 1933–1945 (Cologne, 1987), p. 68.
69. Klee, Die “SA Jesu Christi,” p. 132.
70. Walk, Das Sonderrecht, p. 230.
71. Administration of the municipal hospital Offenburg, 29.12.38; municipal hospital, Singen, 5.1.39, Unterlagen betr. Entrechtung der Juden in Baden 1933–1940, ED 303, IfZ, Munich.
72. Klee, Die “SA Jesu Christi,” p. 132.
73. Friedlander and Milton, Archives of the Holocaust, vol. 20, pp. 202–3.
74. Ibid., p. 204.
75. Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, pp. 99ff. See also Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, pp. 39ff.
76. Burleigh, Death and Deliverance, pp. 98, 111–12. See also Friedlander, The Origins of Nazi Genocide, pp. 40ff.
77. Norbert Frei, Der Führerstaat: Nationalsozialistische Herrschaft 1933 bis 1945 (Munich, 1987), p. 86.
78. Hilmar Hoffmann, “Und die Fahne führt uns in die Ewigkeit”: Propaganda im NS-Film (Frankfurt, 1988), p. 197.
79. Max Kreuzberger Research Papers, AR 7183, Box 8, Folder 9, LBI, New York. The play was first performed in November 1937 in London. See The Plays of J. B. Priestley, vol. 3 (London, 1950), pp. 69ff. (Lochner’s report has been slightly revised.)