Notes

Abbreviations

AAS American Antiquarian Society

CCR Colonial Connecticut Records

EPRPW Entertaining Passages Relating to Philip’s War by Benjamin Church, edited by Henry Martyn Dexter

GNNE Good News from New England by Edward Winslow

HIWNE History of the Indian Wars in New England by William Hubbard, edited by Samuel G. Drake

HKPW History of King Philip’s War by Increase Mather, edited by Samuel G. Drake

MHS Massachusetts Historical Society

MR Mourt’s Relation, edited by Dwight B. Heath

NEHGR New England Historical and Genealogical Register

NEQ New England Quarterly

OIC The Old Indian Chronicle, edited by Samuel G. Drake

OPP Of Plymouth Plantation by William Bradford, edited by Samuel Eliot Morison

PCR Plymouth Colony Records, edited by David Pulsifer and Nathaniel Shurtleff

PM The Plymouth Migration by Robert Charles Anderson

SGG The Sovereignty and Goodness of God by Mary Rowlandson, edited by Neal Salisbury

WMQ William and Mary Quarterly

PREFACE-The Two Voyages

On America’s obsessive need for a myth of national origins, see Terence Martin’s Parables of Possibility: The American Need for Beginnings and Ann Uhry Abrams’s The Pilgrims and Pocahontas: Rival Myths of American Origin. My brief account of the voyage of the Seaflower is indebted to Jill Lepore’s The Name of War: King Philip’s War and the Origins of American Identity, pp. 150–70. As Lepore points out, in addition to slaves from Plymouth Colony, there was a group from Massachusetts, requiring the Seaflower ’s captain to have certificates from both Plymouth governor Josiah Winslow and Massachusetts governor John Leverett. Winslow’s “Certificate to Thomas Smith concerning the transportation of Indian prisoners, August 9, 1676” is in the Stewart Mitchell Papers II at MHS. As Almon Wheeler Lauber makes clear in Indian Slavery in Colonial Times within the Present Limits of the United States, the Seaflower was one of many New England ships that transported Native American slaves to Bermuda and the Caribbean during and after King Philip’s War. See also Margaret Newell’s “The Changing Nature of Indian Slavery in New England, 1670–1720” in Reinterpreting New England Indians and the Colonial Experience, edited by Colin Calloway and Neal Salisbury, pp. 128–29. In a letter dated November 27, 1683, and cited by Lepore in The Name of War, the Puritan missionary John Eliot refers to some Indians who may have been part of the Seaflower ’s cargo: “A vessel carried away a great number of our surprised Indians, in the time of our wars, to sell them for slaves; but the nations, wither they went, would not buy them. Finally, she left them at Tangier; there they be, so many as live, or born there. An Englishman, a mason, came thence to Boston: he told me, they desired I would use some means for their return home. I know not what to do in it,” MHS Collections, vol. 3, p. 183. James Drake in King Philip’s War: Civil War in New England, 1675–676 writes convincingly about the degree to which New England was a bicultural community prior to the war: “By 1675 Indian and English polities had so intermeshed that in killing one another in King Philip’s War they destroyed a part of themselves,” p. 196; Drake also insists that “it should not be assumed that the English and the Indians had invariably been headed toward a dramatic confrontation,” p. 3. William Hubbard in HIWNE writes of the region’s Indians being “in a kind of maze,” p. 59. Douglas Leach in Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Philip’s War tells of the proposal to build a wall around the core settlements of Massachusetts, pp. 165–66. For statistics on the death toll and carnage from King Philip’s War, see Eric Schultz and Michael Tougias’s King Philip’s War: The History and Legacy of America’s Forgotten Conflict, pp. 4–5; James Drake’s King Philip’s War, pp. 168–70; and Neal Salisbury’s introduction to Mary Rowlandson’s SGG, p 1.

CHAPTER ONE-They Knew They Were Pilgrims

I have adjusted the spelling and punctuation of all quotations to make them more accessible to a modern audience—something that had already been done by the editors of OPP and MR. When it comes to dates, I have elected to go with the Julian calendar or “Old Style” used by the Pilgrims, with one exception. The Pilgrims’ new calendar year began on March 25; to avoid confusion, I have assumed the new year began on January 1. To bring the dates in synch with the calendar we use today, or the “New Style,” add ten days to the date listed in the text.

My account of the Mayflower ’s voyage to America is largely based on OPP, pp. 58–60, and MR, pp. 4–5. The two dogs are mentioned in MR, p. 45. W. Sears Nickerson’s Land Ho!— 1620: A Seaman’s Story of the Mayflower, Her Construction, Her Navigation, and Her First Landfall is an indispensable analysis of the voyage. Nowhere in OPP or MR is the name of the ship that brought the Pilgrims to America mentioned. If not for the 1623 land division, in which is listed the land given to those who “came first over in the May-Floure,” we might not know it today, although there has been plenty of research that corroborates the name of the Pilgrim ship. Concerning the state of the Mayflower ’s bottom, Nickerson writes that it “must have been extremely foul with grass and barnacles from being in the water all through the hot months,” Land Ho!,p. 28. Although Nickerson’s experience at sea during the late nineteenth century prompted him to speculate that many, if not most, of the passengers were put up in bunks built in the aft cabins of the ship, MR places the Billingtons’ cabin in the ’tween decks, p. 31. Also, Edward Winslow advises future voyagers to America to “build your cabins as open as you can,” suggesting that they were temporary structures built in the ’tween decks, MR, p. 86. On the dimensions of the ’tween decks, see William Baker’s The Mayflower and Other Colonial Vessels, p. 37. On the importance of beer in seventeenth-century England and America, see James Deetz and Patricia Scott Deetz’s The Times of Their Lives: Life, Love, and Death in Plymouth Colony, p. 8.

There has been much speculation as to the nature of the “great iron screw” used to repair the Mayflower. In his introduction to The Pilgrim Press, edited by R. Breugelman, J. Rendel Harris maintained that it was part of a printing press the Pilgrims were bringing over to the New World, pp. 4–5, but as Jeremy Bangs convincingly demonstrates in Pilgrim Edward Winslow: New England’s First International Diplomat, it was undoubtedly a device “to draw heavy timber to a considerable height”—from Joseph Moxon’s Mechanick Exercises of the Doctrine of Handy-Works, first published in 1678–80, and cited by Bangs, pp. 9–10.

Bradford discusses the Pilgrims’ motives for leaving Holland in OPP, pp. 23–27. See also Jeremy Bangs’s Pilgrim Life in Leiden, pp. 41–45. The statistics concerning the mortality rate in early Virginia are from Karen Ordahl Kupperman’s “Apathy and Death in Early Jamestown,” Journal of American History, June 1979, p. 24. The passage about the brutality of Native Americans is in OPP, p. 26. On the Pilgrims’ belief in England’s leadership role in the coming millennium, see Peter Gay’s A Loss of Mastery: Puritan Historians in Colonial America, pp. 5–7; William Haller’s The Elect Nation: The Meaning and Relevance of Foxe’s Book of Martyrs, pp. 68–69; and Francis Bremer’s The Puritan Experiment: New England Society from Bradford to Edwards, p. 42. On the English disdain for Spain’s treatment of the Indians in America and Richard Hakluyt’s insistence that it was England’s destiny to colonize the New World, see Edmund Morgan’s American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia, pp. 15–24. On the comet of 1618, see Keith Thomas’s Religion and the Decline of Magic, p. 354. Interestingly, Phineas Pratt’s A Declaration of the Affairs of the English People That First Inhabited New England refers to the comet as a prelude to the Pilgrims’ settlement in Plymouth: “in the year 1618 there appeared a blazing star over Germany that made the wise men of Europe astonished there,” p. 477. John Navin’s dissertation “Plymouth Plantation: The Search for Community on the New England Frontier” provides an excellent analysis of social, cultural, and interpersonal dynamics at work among the Pilgrims during their time in Holland, pp. 141–83. The comments about the Pilgrims’ strong spiritual bonds are in a December 15, 1617, letter by John Robinson and William Brewster in OPP, pp. 32–34. The full passage in which Bradford uses the term “pilgrim” is as follows: “So they left that goodly and pleasant city [Leiden] which had been their resting place near twelve years; but they knew they were pilgrims, and looked not much on those things, but lifted up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and quieted their spirits,” OPP, p. 47. This passage bears many similarities to the words Robert Cushman had used in “Reasons and considerations touching the lawfulness of removing out of England into the parts of America,” which appears at the end of MR: “But now we are all in all places strangers and pilgrims, travelers and sojourners, most properly, having no dwelling but in this earthen tabernacle; our dwelling is but a wandering, and our abiding but as a fleeting, and in a word our home is nowhere, but in the heavens,” pp. 89–90.

Almost all the information we have about Bradford’s childhood in Austerfield, short of baptismal records, comes from Cotton Mather’s Magnalia Christi Americana, pp. 203–7. See also the biographical sketch of Bradford in Robert Anderson’s The Pilgrim Migration, pp. 62–66. I am indebted to local historian Malcolm Dolby for a tour of both Austerfield and Scrooby and whose monograph William Bradford of Austerfield is extremely helpful; see also Bradford Smith’s Bradford of Plymouth. On the Geneva Bible, which was in essence the Puritan Bible, see Adam Nicolson’s God’s Secretaries: The Making of the King James Bible, pp. 58–59, 68, 229–30. Edmund Haller in The Elect Nation writes of the importance of Foxe’s Book of Martyrs to England’s sense of historical and spiritual entitlement, pp. 14–15.

My account of the Pilgrims’ spiritual beliefs is drawn from a wide range of sources, but I found the following works to be especially helpful: Horton Davies’s Worship and Theology in England: From Cranmer to Hooker, 1534–1603; The Worship of the American Puritans, also by Davies; Francis Bremer’s The Puritan Experiment: New England Society from Bradford to Edwards; Keith Thomas’s Religion and the Decline of Magic; Theodore Bozeman’s To Live Ancient Lives; Philip Benedict’s Christ’s Churches Purely Reformed: A Social History of Calvinism;Diarmaid MacCulloch’s The Reformation; and Patrick Collinson’s The Religion of Protestants. On covenant theology, the stages by which a Puritan tracked the workings of the Holy Spirit, and Separatism, I have looked to Edmund Morgan’s excellent summary of Puritan beliefs in Roger Williams: The Church and the State, pp. 11–27, as well as his Visible Saints: The History of a Puritan Idea, especially pp. 18–32. I am also indebted to James Baker’s invaluable input.

An unattributed pamphlet entitled St. Helena’s Church, Austerfield, Founded 1080 refers to an article by the Reverend Edward Dunnicliffe that claims the date of the stone carving of the snake over the south doorway of St. Helena’s “is much earlier than the rest of the church Viz:—Probably the Eighth Century.” For information on William Brewster and the manor house at Scrooby, see Henry Martyn Dexter and Morton Dexter’s The England and Holland of the Pilgrims, pp. 215–330, and Harold Kirk-Smith’s William Brewster: The Father of New England.Bradford’s account of the Pilgrims’ escape from England is in OPP, pp. 12–15. On the challenges English Separatists experienced in Holland, see Francis Bremer’s The Puritan Experiment, pp. 30–32. Jeremy Bangs, who provided me with an illuminating tour of Pilgrim sites at Leiden, describes De Groene Poort in “Pilgrim Homes in Leiden,” NEHGR 154 (2000), pp. 413–45. Bangs tells of the working life in Leiden in Pilgrim Life in Leiden, pp. 22–23, 28, 41. Edmund Morgan in American Slavery, American Freedom writes, “[T]here were times when the most industrious farmer could find no good way to keep himself and the men he might employ continuously busy…. John Law, writingin 1705…took it for granted that the persons engaged in agriculture would be idle, for one reason or another, half the time,” p. 64. Francis Dillon in The Pilgrims: Their Journeys and Their World provides an insightful analysis of the Pilgrims’ attitude toward the rest of the world: “The Pilgrims were never slow in finding little defects in a man’s character and would pounce very quickly on minor sins, but were continually being foxed by major rogues. Perhaps they suffered from moral myopia caused by staring too hard at the Whore of Babylon,” p. 84.

Bradford provides a moving, heartfelt sketch of Brewster in OPP, pp. 325–28. For a documentary history of King James’s pursuit of William Brewster, see Edward Arber’s The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, pp. 197–228. John Navin in Plymouth Plantationargues that had Brewster been allowed to carry forward the negotiations, “the separatist vanguard might not have lost a major portion of its members,” p. 201. For information on the Virginia Company and the British colonization of America, I have looked to Viola Barnes’s The Dominion of New England: A Study in British Colonial Policy, pp. 1–9, and Bernard Bailyn’s The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century, pp. 2–5. Samuel Eliot Morison in “The Plymouth Colony and Virginia” in the Virginia Magazine, vol. 62, 1954, provides an excellent account of the procedure by which a patent was procured from the Virginia Company, pp. 149–50. See also Peggy Baker’s “The Plymouth Colony Patent” in Pilgrim Society News, fall 2005, pp. 7–8. In England and the Discovery of America, 1481–1620. David Beers Quinn writes of the Blackwell voyage in the context of the English Separatist scene in Holland, pp. 362–63. Bradford’s account of their troubled preparations to leave for America, which include letters from Robert Cushman and others, are in OPP, pp. 356–67. The passage about how Bradford interpreted his financial setbacks in spiritual terms is from Mather’s Magnalia, p. 204. For an account of the Merchant Adventurers and how the deal with the Pilgrims was organized, see Ruth McIntyre’s Debts Hopeful and Desperate, pp. 17–20. Bradford writes of their moving farewell at Delfshaven in OPP, pp. 47–48. In Hypocrisie Unmasked, written in 1646, Edward Winslow looks back to that same scene, pp. 88–91; he also mentions the “large offers” of the Dutch concerning a possible settlement in America.

For information about the Mayflower, I’ve relied on Nickerson’s Land Ho!— 1620. pp. 14–37, and William Baker’s The Mayflower and Other Colonial Vessels, pp. 1–64. Much of the original historical sleuthing regarding the Mayflower and her master and crew is to be found in the following articles: R. G. Marsden’s “The Mayflower ” in English Historical Review, October 1904; J. W. Horrocks’s “The Mayflower ” in several volumes of the Mariner’s Mirror, 1922; and R. C. Anderson’s “A Mayflower Model,” in the 1926 Mariner’s Mirror. Mary Boast’s TheMayflower and the Pilgrim Story: Chapters from Rotherhithe and Southwark provides a good overview of the maritime scene from which the ship and her master came. Charles Banks’s “The Officers and Crew of the Mayflower, 1620–21,” MHS Proceedings, vol. 60, pp. 210–21, is a useful summary. Concerning Master Christopher Jones and his officers, I’ve also relied on the information compiled by Carolyn Freeman Travers in 1997 in “The Mayflower ’s Crew,” an unpublished research manuscript at Plimoth Plantation. Important information regarding one of the ship’s pilots is contained in Irene Wright’s “John Clark of the Mayflower ” in MHS Proceedings, vol. 54, November 1920. For a more general discussion of the maritime culture of the seventeenth century, see David Beers Quinn’s England and the Discovery of America, 1481–1620. pp. 197–226.

When it comes to the origins of the Mayflower ’s passengers, there is an incredible wealth of genealogical research on which to draw. Upon its publication in 1986, Eugene Stratton’s Plymouth Colony: Its History and People, 1620–1691. with biographical sketches written with the research help of Robert Wakefield, became the single source for information about the Pilgrims. Since then, the publication of Robert Anderson’s The Great Migration Begins, 1620–1633 has set a new standard—recently surpassed by the updated biographies contained in Anderson’s The Pilgrim Migration, which incorporates important new research, such as Caleb Johnson’s “The True History of Stephen Hopkins of the Mayflower ” in the American Genealogist, which established, almost for a certainty, that Hopkins was the same Stephen Hopkins who had previously been shipwrecked on Bermuda during a passage to Virginia in 1609. Working in the archives in Leiden, Holland, Jeremy Bangs has done much to broaden our understanding of the Dutch origins of the Pilgrims in articles such as “Mayflower Passengers Documented in Leiden: A List” in the Mayflower Quarterly, May 1985, pp. 57–60, and “The Pilgrims and Other English in Leiden Records: Some New Pilgrim Documents” in the NEHGR,July 1989, plus a series of articles in New England Ancestors, a publication of the New England Historic Genealogical Society, from 2000 to 2005. See also B. N. Leverland’s “Geographic Origins of the Pilgrims” in The Pilgrims in Netherlands—Recent Research, edited by Jeremy Bangs, pp. 9–17. Bradford describes the Billingtons as “one of the profanest families amongst them” in OPP, p. 234. For an intriguing account of the three More children aboard the Mayflower, see David Lindsay’s Mayflower Bastard,which draws largely on Donald Harris’s “The More Children of the Mayflower: Their Shropshire Origins and the Reasons Why They Were Sent Away,” Mayflower Descendant, vols. 43 and 44.

In Saints and Strangers, published in 1945, George Willison set forth a new interpretation of the Pilgrim experience based on the claim that more than half the passengers on the Mayflower were not part of the original congregation from Leiden. In Willison’s view, the Mayflower Compact was an instrument of repression by which the Separatists from Holland were able to assert control over the non-Separatist majority. In the decades since, research by Jeremy Bangs and others has revealed that there were more Leideners aboard the Mayflower than was originally thought and that many of those from London and other parts of England had close connections with the congregation. Although the precise number of Saints aboard the Mayflower is impossible to determine, Bangs has established that there were at least fifty-two (personal communication), putting the Leideners in the majority. The fact remains, however, that a significant number of the passengers aboard the Mayflower were not aligned with the Separatists and that, as Bradford so graphically illustrates, internal conflicts were a problem before, during, and after the voyage to America. As John Navin has shown, the nightmarish preparations for the voyage caused many Leideners to elect to stay in Holland; as a result, “[o]nly a fraction of Robinson’s followers remained in the vanguard headed for New England, perhaps less than one-sixth of the whole,” Plymouth Plantation, p. 264.

Cushman’s colorful letter concerning the tyrannical Christopher Martin and the leaking Speedwell was written to Cushman’s good friend Edward Southworth in London on August 17, 1620; after her husband’s death, Southworth’s wife, Alice, would marry William Bradford in 1623, and it is presumably through Alice that the Cushman letter came into Bradford’s possession. Bradford writes of Reynolds’s duplicity in OPP, p. 54. Concerning the Speedwell, Edward Arber writes in The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers,“Imagine for a moment, what might have occurred had not the trim of the Speedwell been so unfortunately altered…. Most certainly the overmasting of the Speedwell…is one of the Turning Points of modern history,” p. 346. Nathaniel Morton’s claims concerning Christopher Jones’s complicity in the subterfuge of the Dutch are in his New England Memorial: “For [the Pilgrims’] intention…was to Hudson’s river: but some of the Dutch, having notice of their intentions; and having thoughts, about the same time of erecting a Plantation there likewise, they fraudulently hired the said Jones (by delays while they were in England; and now under the pretence of danger of the shoals, &c.) to disappoint them in their going thither,” p. 22. As commentators from Edward Arber to Sears Nickerson have argued, all the evidence points to Jones being a friend to the Pilgrims; it was Reynolds, not Jones, who worked secretly against them. John Robinson’s letter to the Pilgrims is in OPP, pp. 368–71. Edward Winslow speaks of Robinson’s moderating Separatism in Hypocrisie Umasked, pp. 92–93. Jeremy Bangs discusses Edward Winslow’s account of Robinson’s beliefs in Pilgrim Edward Winslow, pp. 414–18. Bradford’s account of the Mayflower ’s voyage is in OPP, pp. 58–60. David Cressy in Coming Over: Migration and Communication between England and New England in the Seventeenth Century makes an excellent case for a kind of “bonding” between passengers during a typical transatlantic voyage. Given the discord that erupted between the Leideners and Strangers when the Mayflower reached Cape Cod, it’s doubtful whether much positive interaction occurred between the two groups during the two-month-long voyage. Both Cressy and I use the phrase “in the same boat,” p. 151. Alan Villiers’s description of the Mayflower II lying ahull is in his “How We Sailed the New Mayflower to America” in National Geographic Magazine, November 1957, p. 667. Sears Nickerson speaks of the effects of the Gulf Stream on the Mayflower, as well as her average speed during the voyage and Jones’s use of a cross-staff in Land Ho!— 1620. pp. 28–33.

CHAPTER TWO-Dangerous Shoals and Roaring Breakers

Anyone writing about the Mayflower ’s first few days on the American coast is indebted to Sears Nickerson’s Land-Ho!— 1620. first published in 1931 and recently reissued by the Michigan State University Press and edited by Delores Bird Carpenter. Nickerson brought a lifetime of sailing the waters of Cape Cod to his analysis of the existing evidence. By determining the phases of the moon and tides on November 9–11, 1620, he was able to reconstruct, as only a veteran sailor could, the conditions experienced by Master Jones and the rest of his crew. Even Samuel Eliot Morison in his own extremely useful “Plymouth Colony Beachhead,” U.S. Naval Institute Proceedings, December 1954, deferred to Nickerson, calling him the “ancient mariner of the Cape who has full knowledge of the winds and currents of those waters,” p. 1348. I have relied on Nickerson throughout this chapter.

Bradford describes them as “not a little joyful” to see land in OPP, p. 59–60; the description of the land being “wooded to the brink of the sea” is in MR, p. 15. John Smith’s map of New England appears in volume 1 of The Complete Works of Captain John Smith, edited by Philip Barbour, pp. 320–21. My description of how Jones conned the Mayflower along the back side of the cape is based on Nickerson, pp. 32–33, 79, as well as Alan Villiers’s account of sailing the replica Mayflower II across the Atlantic in 1957 in “How We Sailed Mayflower II to America,” in the National Geographic, November 1957, pp. 627–72. Nickerson refers to Pollack Rip as “one of the meanest stretches of shoal water” in Land Ho!, p. 66. Barbara Chamberlain speaks of the dangers of the back side of the cape in These Fragile Outposts: “The timbers of more than 3000 vessels lie buried in the offshore sands on the Cape…. The shores of Chatham alone—afew miles of sandy beach—are said to have received half the wrecks of the whole Atlantic and Gulf coastline of the United States,” p. 249. See also John Stilgoe’s “A New England Coastal Wilderness,” in which he cites John Smith’s famous dismissal of the accuracy of existing charts as “so much waste paper, though they cost me more,” p. 90. Nickerson describes Champlain’s 1606 attempt to penetrate the rip, pp. 43–44. Bradford speaks of the “roaring breakers” in OPP, p. 60, in which he also tells of the “discontented and mutinous speeches,” p. 75. William Strachey writes of the “outcries and miseries” of the passengers aboard the Sea Venture in A Voyage to Virginia in 1609, edited by Louis Wright, p. 6. John Navin in Plymouth Plantation writes of the non-Separatists’ lack of cohesiveness and the likelihood that Christopher Martin played a role in standing against the threatened rebellion, pp. 287, 292, as well as the Separatists’ dependence on Robinson’s leadership while in Leiden, where the congregation had “customarily deferred to the authority of their pastor and church elders in virtually all matters of discipline and controversy, both inside and outside the church,” p. 289. For a discussion of how the Mayflower was rigged, see William Baker’s The Mayflower, pp. 44–54.

Edmund Morgan discusses the various views of the relations between church and state that were possible within the Puritan tradition in Roger Williams: The Church and State, pp. 28–85. The Pilgrims stood somewhere between the extremes of the theocracy that came to be established in Massachusetts and the total repudiation of this by Roger Williams. Jeremy Bangs makes a strong case for the importance of Dutch influences on the crafting of the Mayflower Compact in “Strangers on the Mayflower —Part 1” in New England Ancestors, vol. 1, 2000, no. 1, pp. 60–63, and in Part 2, New England Ancestors, vol. 1, 2000, no. 2, pp. 25–27. John Robinson insists on the need for the Pilgrims to become “a body politic” in his farewell letter in OPP, p. 369. In Hidden History, Daniel Boorstin calls the Mayflower Compact “the primeval document of American self-government” and adds, “The transatlantic distance had given to these transplanted Englishmen their opportunity and their need to govern themselves. The tradition of self-government, which had been established in England by the weight of hundreds of years, was being established in America by the force of hundreds of miles.” Boorstin also cites John Quincy Adams’s famous claim that the compact was “perhaps the only instance, in human history, of that positive, original social compact, which speculative philosophers have imagined as the only legitimate source of government,” pp. 68–69. Robinson’s advice about choosing a leader appears in his farewell letter in OPP, p. 370. The description of John Carver as “a gentleman of singular piety” is in Hubbard’s History, cited in Stratton’s Plymouth Colony, p. 259. The Mayflower Compact appears in OPP, p. 75–77, and MR, pp. 17–18; Nathaniel Morton was the only one to list the names recorded on the original document, which has not survived, in his New England’s Memorial, published in 1669. For a discussion of who signed the compact, see Henry Martyn Dexter’s edition of MR,p. 9, n. 27.

The estimate concerning the number of ships that could be contained within Provincetown Harbor is in MR, p.16. Bradford speaks of their voyage “over the vast and furious ocean” and the “hideous and desolate wilderness” in OPP, pp. 61–63. The description of the Pilgrims’ first wood-cutting expedition to Cape Cod is in MR, pp. 18–19. The Pilgrims described the wood they cut as juniper, which was, as Dexter points out (MR, p. 11, n. 32), undoubtedly eastern red cedar, the tallest of the junipers.

CHAPTER THREE-Into the Void

As Thomas Bicknell points out in Sowams, Nathaniel Morton describes the location of Sowams, home of the Pokanokets, as “at the confluence of two rivers in Rehoboth, or Swansea, though occasionally at Mont Haup or Mount Hope, the principal residence of his son, Philip,” p. 157. Although Bicknell argues that Sowams is in Barrington, others have maintained that it is in Warren—both in modern Rhode Island. As Ella Sekatau points out in a personal communication, the word Massasoit is a title, not a name. To avoid confusion, I have used it as the Pilgrims used it, as a name. The exact nature of the plague has been the subject of intense speculation and debate. See Dean Snow and Kim Lanphear, “European Contact and Indian Depopulations in the Northeast: The Timing of the First Epidemics,” Ethnohistory, Winter 1988, pp. 15–33; Alfred Crosby’s “Virgin Soil Epidemics as a Factor in the Aboriginal Depopulation in America,” WMQ, vol. 23, 1976, pp. 289–99, and his “‘God…Would Destroy Them, and Give Their Country to Another People,’” American Heritage, vol. 6, 1978, pp. 39–42; Arthur Spiess and Bruce Spiess’s “New England Pandemic of 1616–1622: Cause and Archaeological Implication,” Man in the Northeast, Fall 1987, pp. 71–83; and David Jones, “Virgin Soils Revisited,” WMQ (Oct. 2003), pp. 703–42. On the effects of the disease on population levels, see S. F. Cook’s The Indian Population of New England in the Seventeenth Century, pp. 35–36. Cook writes about “chronic war” further diminishing the Native population in “Interracial Warfare and Population Decline among the New England Indians,” Ethnohistory, Winter 1973, pp. 2–3. All evidence points to Pokanoket, not Wampanoag, being the name that Massasoit’s people called themselves. According to Kathleen Bragdon in Native People of Southern New England, 1500–1650. “Wampanoag, as an ethnonym, now used to designate the modern descendants of the Pokanokets, was probably derived from the name Wapanoos,first applied by Dutch explorers and map-makers to those Natives near Narragansett Bay…. The term means ‘easterner’ in Delaware, and was probably not an original self-designation,” p. 21. Bragdon cites Daniel Gookin’s estimates of the preplague populations of the Pokanokets and Narragansetts, p. 25. In 1661, Roger Williams recorded that before founding the settlement that would become known as Providence, Rhode Island, he contacted the Narragansett sachems Canonicus and Miantonomi, who said that Massasoit “was their subject, and had solemnly himself, in person, with ten men, subjected himself and his lands unto them at the Narragansett.” Williams then went to Massasoit, who admitted that the Narragansetts were correct but “that he was not subdued by war, which himself and his father had maintained against the Narragansetts, but God, he said, subdued me by a plague, which swept away my people, and forced me to yield.” The Narragansetts complained that Massasoit now “seemed to revolt from his loyalties under the shelter of the English at Plymouth,” The Complete Writings of Roger Williams, vol. 6, pp. 316, 317. Eric Johnson cites Roger Williams’s statement that “[a] small bird is called Sachem” in his Ph.D. dissertation, “‘Some by Flatteries and Others by Threatenings’: Political Strategies among Native Americans of Seventeenth-Century Southern New England, ” p. 69.

William Wood’s account of the Indians’ first sighting of a European ship is included with several other first-contact accounts in William Simmons’s Spirit of the New England Tribes, p. 66. I have written about the voyages of Verrazano, Gosnold, Champlain, and Harlow to New England in Abram’s Eyes, pp. 35–51. For an account of Martin Pring’s visit to the Cape in 1603 and a convincing argument that he built his fort in Truro rather than, as is often claimed, Plymouth, see David Beers Quinn’s England and the Discovery of America, 1481–1620. pp. 425–27. On Epenow’s experiences in England and his return to Martha’s Vineyard, see John Smith’s The General History in The Complete Works, vol. 3, in which Smith states: “[B]eing a man of so great a stature, he was showed up and down London for money as a wonder,” p. 403. Also see Carolyn Foreman’s Indians Abroad, 1493–1938 for a more general discussion of Indian abductions. Phineas Pratt provides an account of the survivors of the 1615 French shipwreck in “A Declaration of the Affairs of the English People That First Inhabited New England” in MHS Collections, vol. 4, 4th ser., pp. 479–80. Thomas Dermer tells of rescuing the French sailors from captivity in a December 27, 1619, letter in Sir Ferdinando Gorges of Maine, edited by James Phinney Baxter, pp. 219–22, n. 276. Bradford also speaks of the French shipwreck and the Indians’ belief that the Mayflower had been sent to revenge the abduction and killing of the sailors in OPP, pp. 83–84.

For an account of Squanto’s life prior to his meeting the Pilgrims, see Jerome Dunn’s “Squanto before He Met the Pilgrims” in Bulletin of the Massachusetts Archaeological Society, Spring 1993, pp. 38–42. Thomas Dermer speaks of the Pokanokets’ “inveterate malice to the English” in a December 27, 1619, letter in Sir Ferdinando Gorges of Maine, edited by James Phinney Baxter, pp. 219–22, n. 276; this letter describes the explorer’s visit, with Squanto as his guide, to Pokanoket. On Squanto, I am indebted to Neal Salisbury’s “Squanto: Last of the Patuxets” in Struggle and Survival in Colonial America, edited by David Sweet and Gary Nash, pp. 228–46. In his December 27, 1619, letter, Thomas Dermer states that he left Squanto with friends in Sawahquatooke, just to the north of Nemasket on the Titicut, now Taunton, River; see the map in OPP,p. 306. Concerning Squanto’s motivations, Salisbury writes, “[H]e sought…a reconstituted Patuxet band under his own leadership, located near its traditional home,” p. 243. On Hobbamock/Cheepi/Squanto, I have relied on Kathleen Bragdon’s chapter “Cosmology,” pp. 184–99, in Native People of Southern New England, especially pp. 189–90.

CHAPTER FOUR-Beaten with Their Own Rod

It has generally been assumed that the authorship of MR was divided between Bradford and Edward Winslow, who clearly wrote some of the later chapters—for example, the description of his journey, along with Stephen Hopkins, to Pokanoket—and whose initials are on the final letter describing the First Thanksgiving. However, the point of view and phrasing of the earlier portions of MR seem to point to Bradford being the author. The descriptions of Bradford getting his foot caught in a deer trap, of the First Encounter, and of their desperate boat journey into Plymouth Harbor exemplify the self-deprecating and yet always lively voice of the author of OPP. As a result, I have taken the liberty of attributing several of the passages of MR to Bradford.

For an account of a typical Puritan Sunday, see Horton Davies’s The Worship of the American Puritans, pp. 51–59. Henry Martyn Dexter speculates on the location of where the Pilgrim women washed in his edition of MR, p. 12, n. 35. For information on blue mussels and shellfish poisoning, I consulted http://www.ocean.udel.edu/mas/seafood/bluemussel.html and http://vm.cfsan.fda.gov/ ~mow/chap37.html. The Pilgrims speak of the whales they saw in Provincetown Harbor in MR, pp. 16, 30; unless otherwise noted, all of the quoted passages in this chapter are from MR. Thomas Morton refers to Miles Standish as “Captain Shrimp” in his New English Canaan, p. 143. John Smith refers to Massachusetts as “the paradise of those parts” in A Description of New Englandin Complete Writings, vol. 1, p. 340. He tells of his frustrations with the Pilgrims in The True Travels, Adventures, and Observations of Captain John Smith and Advertisements: or, The Path-way to Experience to Erect a Plantation; in addition to complaining about how they insisted that “because they could not be equals, they would have no superiors,” he writes of the way in which their “humorous ignorances, caused them for more than a year, to endure a wonderful deal of misery, with infinite patience; saying my books and maps were much better cheap to teach them, than myself” ; he also writes, “such humorists will never believe well, till they be beaten with their own rod,” Complete Writings, vol. 3, pp. 221, 282, 286. Smith attributed much of the Pilgrims’ foolhardy arrogance to their Separatist religious beliefs and the “pride, and singularity, and contempt of authority” that went with that radicalism. John Canup in Out of the Wilderness: The Emergence of an American Identity in Colonial New England writes insightfully about Smith’s opinion of the Pilgrims and their wanderings about Cape Cod, pp. 92–96. I have also benefited greatly from John Seelye’s probing interpretation of the Pilgrims’ adventures on the Cape in Prophetic Waters, pp. 110–15. Seelye insists that the Pilgrims did not use John Smith’s map and book about New England; if they had, he argues, “it seems doubtful they would have spent so much time looking for a river on the Cape—where none appears—and would instead have headed toward the short but broad waterway which Smith shows opening into the mainland somewhat to the north,” p. 119. But as James Baker points out in a personal communication, Smith’s map and book were part of William Brewster’s library.

Henry Martyn Dexter judges the Pilgrims’ first day of marching to be closer to seven miles rather than the ten they thought it to be in MR, p. 16, n. 48. Even though there is a possibility that at least some of the Pilgrims had seen either references to Indian corn or the actual plant at the University of Leiden’s botanical garden (see Jeremy Bangs’s “The Pilgrims’ Earball,” forthcoming in New England Ancestors ), Bradford explicitly states that they had “never seen any such before,” OPP, p. 65. On the strangeness of corn to Europeans, see Darrett Rutman’s Husbandmen of Plymouth: “Corn was new and strange, alien and, therefore, to the English mind, inferior to the more traditional grains,” p. 10. See also Keith Stavely and Kathleen Fitzgerald’s America’s Founding Food: The Story of New England Cooking, which discusses the discovery of a thousand-yearold cache of maize, p. 8. On the Pilgrims’ shallop, see William Baker’s The Mayflower and Other Colonial Vessels, pp. 65–74. On the weather conditions of seventeenth-century New England relative to Europe, see Karen Ordahl Kupperman’s “The Puzzle of the American Climate in the Early Colonial Period” in American Historical Review, vol. 87, 1982, pp. 1262–89. On the seasonal settlement patterns of Native New Englanders, see Kathleen Bragdon’s Native People of Southern New England, pp. 55–63. As John Canup comments in Out of the Wilderness,it is weirdly ironic that the Pilgrims named the place where they stole the Native seed Corn Hill, then met, only a few months later, Squanto, who had formerly lived in the Corn Hill section of London. Canup, following the lead of John Seelye in Prophetic Waters, speaks of the “prophetic meaning” of the Pilgrims’ experience on the Cape, p. 95. Seelye refers to the two skeletons unearthed by the Pilgrims as “a male Madonna with child” and sees them as prefiguring what Canup calls “a process of acculturation or intermingling between the Old World and the New,” p. 92. In the notes to his edition of MR, Henry Martyn Dexter speculates that the elaborately carved board found by the Pilgrims in the Indian grave depicted a trident, “connecting nautical associations with the grave,” p. 33.

When it comes to re-creating the sequence of deaths during that first winter, there are several sources: Bradford’s “Passengers in the Mayflower” in OPP, pp. 441–48, and information taken from Bradford’s papers (many of which have since been lost) by Thomas Prince and published in his Chronological History of New England in 1736. In his edition of MR, Henry Martyn Dexter provides a useful time line, pp. 157–62. Samuel Eliot Morison speculates that the pilot Robert Coppin’s Thievish Harbor was really Gloucester Harbor in “Plymouth Colony Beachhead,” p. 1352. I am more inclined to agree with John Seelye’s assertion in Prophetic Waters that it was Boston Harbor instead, especially given Coppin’s memory of “a great navigable river,” p. 119. On the technology of firearms in the seventeenth century, see Harold Peterson’s Arms and Armor of the Pilgrims, pp. 13–21. On the technology of the Indians’ bows and arrows, see Patrick Malone’s The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians, pp.15–17, and Howard Russell’s Indian New England before the Mayflower, p. 191. My thanks to Dr. Timothy Lepore, who shared with me his personal experience building and using a replica of the famed “Sudbury bow” at Harvard University. On the psychological effect of Indian war cries on the English, see the section “Native American Vocable Sounds” in Richard Rath’s How Early America Sounded, pp. 150–59. In “The First Encounter” in Early Encounters: Native Americans and Europeans in New England, W. Sears Nickerson claims that the site of the First Encounter was at Boat Meadow Creek, about a mile and a half from the historic marker at First Encounter Beach and about eight-tenths of a mile from the Herring River, which Samuel Eliot Morison believed to be the site of the encounter, OPP, p. 100–101.

MR does not mention the direction of the wind during the shallop’s approach to Plymouth, and the description of how the Pilgrims entered the harbor is open to interpretation. Henry Martyn Dexter and Samuel Eliot Morison, for example, have the wind coming from virtually opposite directions in their accounts of the voyage. One can only wish that Sears Nickerson had also chosen to analyze this part of the Pilgrims’ adventures in the New World. Having approached Plymouth Harbor myself in a small boat, I am inclined to agree with Morison’s account of the approach in “Plymouth Colony Beachhead,” p. 1352; see also his note in OPP, p. 71. In a note in his New England Memorial, Nathaniel Morton claims it was called Clark’s Island “because Mr. Clark, the Master’s mate, first stepped on shore thereon,” p. 34. It is intriguing to speculate that the traditions associated with the first person to step on Clark’s Island, recorded by Morton just forty or so years after the original event, somehow mutated into the more famous traditions concerning who first stepped on Plymouth Rock, originally mentioned by Samuel Davis in “Notes on Plymouth,” MHS Collections, vol. 3, 2nd ser., 1815. According to Davis, “There is a tradition, as to the person who first leaped upon this rock, when the families came on shore, December 11, 1620; it is said to have been a young woman, Mary Chilton,” p. 174. However, descendants of John Alden, including President John Adams, later claimed that Alden had been the first to the Rock. If not for Elder John Faunce’s claim in 1741 that Plymouth Rock was the “place where the forefathers landed,” the Rock might have remained buried within a solid-fill pier to this day. For an exhaustive account of the traditions surrounding the Rock, see John Seelye’s Memory’s Nation: The Place of Plymouth Rock, especially p. 384. See also Francis Russell’s “Pilgrims and the Rock,” American Heritage, October 1962, pp. 48–55; Robert Arner’s “Plymouth Rock Revisited: The Landing of the Pilgrim Fathers,” Journal of America Culture, Winter 1983, pp. 25–35; and John McPhee’s “Travels of the Rock,” New Yorker, February 26, 1990, pp. 108–17. Like the skeletons in the Indian graves in Truro, the Rock has become much more important to subsequent generations than it was to the Pilgrims themselves.

Concerning Dorothy Bradford, Cotton Mather writes in his Magnalia, “at their first landing, his dearest consort accidentally falling overboard, was drowned in the harbor,” p. 205. In 1869, in a story entitled “William Bradford’s Love Life” in Harper’s New Monthly Magazine,Jane Goodwin Austin claimed that she had seen documents proving that Dorothy had committed suicide on learning of her husband’s love for Alice Southworth, the woman he would eventually marry in 1623. As George Bowman has shown in “Governor William Bradford’s First Wife Dorothy (May) Bradford Did Not Commit Suicide,” in the Mayflower Descendant, July 1931, Austin’s article was a fabrication, pp. 97–103. However, just because Austin misrepresented the facts does not eliminate the possibility that Dorothy Bradford killed herself. Samuel Eliot Morison writes that Bradford’s “failure to mention [her death] in the History is consistent with his modest reticence about his own role of leadership in the colony; but it may be that he suspected (as do we) that Dorothy Bradford took her own life, after gazing for six weeks at the barren sand dunes of Cape Cod,” OPP, p. xxiv. In “William Bradford’s Wife: A Suicide,” W. Sears Nickerson claims that according to family tradition still current on Cape Cod when he was growing up at the end of the nineteenth century, Dorothy Bradford did, in fact, kill herself. He also points out that “[i]t is a well-known fact among sailors that acute melancholia frequently results from scurvy,” in Early Encounters: Native Americans and Europeans in New England, p. 98. Also to be considered is the psychic trauma of the immigration experience. As Leon Grinberg and Rebecca Grinberg demonstrate in Psychoanalytic Perspectives on Migration and Exile, the stresses associated with the early stages of immigration can have a crippling effect on a person: “[I]n the first stage, the predominant feelings are intense pain for all that one has left behind or lost, fear of the unknown, deep-rooted loneliness, need, and helplessness. Paranoid, disorienting, and depressive anxieties may alternate with one another, leaving the person prone to periods of total disorganization,” p. 97. Bradford tells of the settlers’ fear of being abandoned on the Cape in OPP, p. 92. Sears Nickerson suggests in Land Ho!—1620 that she may have fallen from the poop deck: “I have often wondered if this was the spot from which Dorothy Bradford dropped overboard to her death in Provincetown Harbor,” p. 21. The four lines of poetry are from a much longer poem Bradford wrote toward the end of his life that appears in Nathaniel Morton’s New England’s Memorial, p. 172.

CHAPTER FIVE-The Heart of Winter

Unless otherwise noted, all quotations are from MR, pp. 38–50, and OPP, pp. 77–87. As noted in the previous chapter, when it comes to re-creating the sequence of deaths during that first winter, there are several sources: Bradford’s “Passengers in the Mayflower” in OPP, pp. 441–48, and information taken from Bradford’s papers (many of which have since been lost) by Thomas Prince and published in his Chronological History of New England in 1736. In his edition of MR, Henry Martyn Dexter provides a useful timeline, pp. 157–62. Both Champlain and John Smith visited Plymouth Harbor and left descriptions of the area and its people; see introduction to MR, pp. xix–xxiii. On the stunning plentitude of fish, lobsters, and clams at this time, see William Cronon’s Changes in the Land, pp. 22–23, 30–31. I cite Roger Williams’s account of the Narragansetts’ fleeing disease in Abram’s Eyes, p. 50.

My account of the Pilgrims listening to the cries of Indians owes much to Richard Rath’s How Early America Sounded, particularly his chapter entitled “The Howling Wilderness,” pp. 145–72. See Keith Thomas’s Religion and the Decline of Magic on how the Reformation of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries increased a sense of “Satan’s immediacy”: “For Englishmen of the Reformation period the Devil was a greater reality than ever…. Influential preachersfilled the ears of their hearers with tales of diabolic intervention in daily life…. Hugh Latimer assured his audience that the Devil and his company of evil spirits were invisible in the air all around them,” p. 561.

On the construction techniques the Pilgrims employed that first winter, I have relied on the James Deetz and Patricia Deetz’s The Times of Their Lives, pp. 171–84. My thanks to Pret Woodburn and Rick McKee, interpretive artisans at Plimoth Plantation, for their insights into the construction techniques employed by the Pilgrims. On the configuration of the town, see “The Meersteads and Garden Plots of [Those] Which Came First, Laid Out 1620,” reproduced in Arber’s The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 381. Jeremy Bangs writes of the possible Dutch military influence on the town plan of Plymouth in Pilgrim Life in Leiden, p. 36. Robert Wakefield carefully weighs the evidence in determining how the Pilgrims were divided up among the first structures during the first year in “The Seven Houses of Plymouth,” Mayflower Descendant, January 1994, pp. 21–23.

On English mastiffs see “The History of the Mastiff” at http://www.mastiff web.com/history.htm. On eastern cougars see http://staffweb.lib.jmu.edu/users/ bolgiace/ECF/abouteasterncougars.htm. William Cronon’s Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England contains excellent chapters about the Indians’ land management; see especially pp. 19–33. On the background of Miles Standish, see Robert Anderson’s The Pilgrim Migration, pp. 451–57; Standish refers to getting cheated out of his rightful inheritance in his will. John Lyford refers to Standish as a “silly boy” in a letter referred to by William Bradford in OPP, p. 156. Bradford’s remarks concerning John Billington’s “opprobrious speeches” was recorded in Thomas Prince’s A Chronological History of New England, vol. 3, p. 38. The ages of those orphaned during the first winter (some of which are estimates) are from PM. Concerning the Pilgrims’ attempts to create the impression that they were stronger than they actually were, Phineas Pratt in “A Declaration” writes, “[T]hey were so distressed with sickness that they, fearing the savages should know it, had set up their sick men with their muskets upon their rests and their backs leaning against trees,” MHS Collections, vol. 4, 4th ser., p. 478. On the demographics of death during the first winter, see John McCullough and Elaine York’s “Relatedness and Mortality Risk during a Crisis Year: Plymouth Colony, 1620–1621” in Ethology and Sociobiology, vol. 12, pp. 195–209; their findings indicate that those who were part of a family had a slightly better chance of survival and that children with one or more surviving parents had a much greater chance of survival. John Navin also provides a useful analysis of how the deaths of the first winter impacted the makeup of the colony in Plymouth Plantation, pp. 392–418. James Thacher in his appendix to The History of the Town of Plymouth tells of how a “freshet” revealed the bones of the Pilgrims during the first winter, p. 327. My thanks to James Baker for bringing this reference to my attention.

For information on the Pilgrims’ “great guns,” see Harold Peterson’s Arms and Armor of the Pilgrims, pp. 24–27. Richard Rath in How Early America Sounded writes suggestively about the importance the colonists placed on thunder and lightning, pp. 10–42. MR describes Samoset as simply saying “Welcome” to the Pilgrims, but Prince, whose chronology was apparently based on Bradford’s original (now lost) notes, has him saying, “Welcome, Englishmen! Welcome, Englishmen!” in A Chronological History of New England, vol. 3, p. 33.

CHAPTER SIX-In a Dark and Dismal Swamp

Unless otherwise noted, all quotations are from MR, pp. 50–59, and OPP, pp. 79–87. Although the Pilgrims did not comment on Samoset’s skin color, they later noted that the Indians are “of complexion like our English gypsies,” MR, p. 53. John Humins in “Squanto and Massasoit: A Struggle for Power” in NEQ, vol. 60, no. 1, speculates that Samoset’s two arrows symbolized war and peace, p. 56. In Indians and English: Facing Off in Early America, Karen Ordahl Kupperman states that “the name [Samoset] gave to the Pilgrims was probably ‘Somerset,’ given him by the fishermen,” p. 185.

Bradford tells of the three-day meeting in “a dark and dismal swamp” in OPP, p. 84. Quoting from William Wood, William Cronon writes of swamps: “The Indians referred to such lowlands as ‘abodes of owls,’ and used them as hiding places during times of war,” in Changes in the Land, p. 28. According to Kathleen Bragdon in Native People of Southern New England, Indians “retreated to deep swampy places in times of war, where they were not only harder to find but had stronger links to their other-than-human protectors,” p. 192. On the role of powwows, I have looked to the chapter “Religious Specialists among the Ninnimissinuok” in Bragdon’s Native People of Southern New England, pp. 200–216 as well as William Simmons’s “Southern New England Shamanism: An Ethnographic Reconstruction,” Papers of the Seventh Algonquian Conference, 1975, edited by William Cowan, pp. 217–56. The description of Passaconaway’s ability to “metamorphise himself into a flaming man” and his remarks concerning his inability to injure the English appear in William Simmons’s Spirit of the New England Tribes: Indian History and Folklore, 1620–1984. pp. 61, 63.

Neal Salisbury in “Squanto: Last of the Patuxets” in Struggle and Survival in Colonial America, edited by David Sweet and Gary Nash, states that Squanto’s “most potent weapon was the mutual distrust and fear lingering between English and Indians; his most pressing need was for a power base so that he could extricate himself from his position of colonial dependency. Accordingly, he began maneuvering on his own,” p. 241; Salisbury also cites Phineas Pratt’s claim that Squanto assured Massasoit that if he sided with the English, “enemies that were too strong for him would be constrained to bow to him,” p. 238. Bradford in OPP speaks of Squanto’s insistence that the Pilgrims possessed the plague, as does Thomas Morton in New England Canaan: “And that Salvage [Squanto] the more to increase his [Massasoit’s] fear, told the Sachem that if he should give offense to the English party, they would let out the plague to destroy them all, which kept him in great awe,” p. 104.

In GNNE, Edward Winslow writes of the “wicked practice of this Tisquantum [i.e., Squanto]; who, to the end he might possess his countrymen with the greater fear of us, and so consequently of himself, told them we had the plague buried in our store-house; which, at our pleasure, we could send forth to what place or people we would, and destroy them therewith, though we stirred not from home,” p. 16. Neal Salisbury in Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500–1643 comments on Quadequina’s insistence that the Pilgrims put away their guns, p. 120.

On the Mayflower ’s return to England and her eventual fate, see Sears Nickerson’s Land Ho!— 1620. pp. 34–35. I’ve also relied on the information compiled by Carolyn Freeman Travers in 1997 and posted on the Plimoth Plantation Web site at http://www.plimoth.org/Library/mayflcre.htm. Although some have argued that Squanto learned to use fish as a fertilizer from English farmers in Newfoundland, this claim has been authoritatively refuted, at least to my mind, by the late Nanepashemet in “It Smells Fishy to Me: An Argument Supporting the Use of Fish Fertilizer by the Native People of Southern New England,” Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife Annual Proceedings, 1991, pp. 42–50. On Native agriculture, see Kathleen Bragdon’s Native People of Southern New England, pp. 107–10. The duel between Edward Doty and Edward Leister is mentioned in Thomas Prince’s Chronological History of New England, vol. 3, p. 40.

CHAPTER SEVEN-Thanksgiving

Unless otherwise noted, all quotations are from MR, pp. 59–87, and OPP, pp. 87–90. According to the genealogist Robert Anderson in a personal communication, “Three months was the average interval between the death of a spouse and remarriage…and I have seen a few instances in the six-week range.” On marriage in Puritan New England, see Horton Davies’s The Worship of the American Puritans, pp. 215–28. For an excellent account of the seasonal rhythms of the Indians’ lives, see the chapter “Seasons of Want and Plenty” in William Cronon’s Changes in the Land, pp. 34–53. On the historic importance of the Titicut or Taunton River to the Native Americans and English, see Henry Holt’s Salt Rivers of the Massachusetts Shore, pp. 14–16, as well as Michael Tougias’s A Taunton River Journey, pp. 1–19, and Alfred Lima’s The Taunton Heritage River Guide,pp. 18–30. On Miles Standish’s assertion that Sowams was “the garden of the Patent,” see John Martin’s Profits in the Wilderness, p. 80.

Kathleen Bragdon discusses Native games of chance in Native People of Southern New England, pp. 222–23. Henry Martyn Dexter surmises that the fish Massasoit caught for Winslow and Hopkins were large striped bass, MR, p. 108, n. 354. Francis Billington’s discovery of the Billington Sea is described in MR, p. 44. Kathleen Bragdon writes of the pniese in Native People of Southern New England, pp. 214–15. John Seelye writes of Standish’s role as Joshua to Bradford’s Moses in Prophetic Waters, p. 123. Dexter identifies Corbitant’s headquarters as Gardner’s Neck in MR, p. 54, n. 379. As Neal Salisbury notes in Manitou and Providence, the only copy of the September 13, 1621, treaty appears in Nathaniel Morton’s New England’s Memorial, pp. 119–20. On the Pilgrims’ parochialism relative to the Puritans, see Seelye, Prophetic Waters, pp. 91, 120. On the Pilgrims’ First Thanksgiving, I am indebted to James Deetz and Patricia Deetz’s The Times of Their Lives, pp. 1–9; the Deetzes argue that instead of being what the Puritans would have considered a Thanksgiving, the celebration in 1621 was more in keeping with a secular harvest festival. For a contrasting view, see Jeremy Bangs’s “Thanksgiving on the Net: Bull and Cranberry Sauce,” www.SAIL1620.org. Bangs argues that even though the Pilgrims did not use the term themselves, the gathering was, in essence, a Thanksgiving. On the history of domesticated turkeys in the New and Old Worlds, I have relied on Keith Stavely and Kathleen Fitzgerald’s America’s Founding Food, pp. 161–62. On winter being the time to hunt turkeys, see William Wood’s New England Prospect: “Such as love turkey hunting must follow it in winter after a new fallen snow, when he may follow them by their tracks,” p. 51. On the changing colors of autumn leaves I have looked to “Fantasy, Facts and Fall Color” at www.agricul ture.purdue.edu/fnr/html/faculty/Chaney/FallColor.pdf. In 1675, in the days before the beginning of King Philip’s War, Metacom told the Quaker John Easton that “when the English first came their king’s father was as a great man and the English as a little child, [and] he constrained other Indians from wronging the English and gave them corn and showed them how to plant and was free to do them any good and had let them have a 100 times more land, than now the king had for his own people,” “John Easton’s Relation,” in Narratives of the Indian Wars, edited by Charles Lincoln, p. 10.

CHAPTER EIGHT-The Wall

My account of the arrival of the Fortune is based on OPP, pp. 90–126, and MR, pp. 84–96. On how the arrival of the Fortune affected the demographics of Plymouth, I have relied on the analysis of John Navin in Plymouth Plantation, pp. 397–98. A portion of Robert Cushman’s sermon “The Sin of Self-Love” appears in the notes of Ford’s edition of OPP, vol. 1, pp. 235–36. Unless otherwise indicated, my account of the Narragansett challenge and the other events chronicled in this chapter is based on OPP, pp. 96–115, and Edward Winslow’s GNNE, pp. 7–24. My description of the wall the Pilgrims built around the settlement is based, in part, on Emmanuel Altham’s September 1623 letter, reprinted in Three Visitors to Early Plymouth¸ edited by Sydney James Jr., p. 24; in 1624 John Smith wrote, “The town is impaled about half a mile in compass,” in notes to Emmanuel Altham’s March 1624 letter in Three Visitors, p. 37. For information on the differences between English and American felling axes, see volume 3 of New England Begins, edited by Jonathan Fairbanks and Robert Trent, p. 543. My account of the impaling of Plymouth is indebted to discussions with Pret Woodburn and Rick McKee, interpretive artisans at Plimoth Plantation, who brought the existence of the Jamestown trenching tool to my attention. In a note in OPP, Samuel Eliot Morison speaks of stool ball, p. 97. On the importance of boundaries and enclosures to the Puritans of seventeenth-century New England, see Keith Stavely and Kathleen Fitzgerald’s America’s Founding Food, pp. 148–49.

Karen Ordahl Kupperman makes note of the irony that the Pilgrims found themselves trusting two Indians, Squanto and Hobbamock, who were named for the god that the Pilgrims considered to be the devil, in Indians and English, p. 185. Bradford’s unwillingness to surrender Squanto to Massasoit may have had something to do with what Leon and Rebecca Grinberg have called in Migration and Exile the immigrant’s need for “a familiar someone” ; this longing for “a trustworthy person who can take over or neutralize the anxieties and fears he feels toward the new and unknown world can be compared to that of a child who is left alone and desperately searches for the familiar face of his mother…. Onemodel that comes close to this idea is the ethnologist’s notion of ‘imprinting,’” pp. 76–77. Eric Johnson talks about Indian assassinations in “Some by Flatteries and Others by Threatenings”: “How frequent they were is not known; but several assassinations or attempted assassinations were reported, although not all can be proved,” p. 194. Whatever the case may be, the similarities between Massasoit’s possible assassination of Squanto and his son Philip’s reputed assassination of the interpreter Sassamon fifty-three years later are striking. In Early Encounters: Native Americans and Europeans in New England, Sears Nickerson claims the Indian skeleton that was “washed out of a hill between Head of the Bay and Crow’s Pond” at Monomoyick around 1770 was probably Squanto’s, p. 200.

CHAPTER NINE-A Ruffling Course

Unless otherwise noted, my account of the Wessagussett attack and the events leading up to it is based on OPP, pp. 116–19; GNNE, pp. 23–56; and Phineas Pratt’s account of his days at Wessagusett, written in 1668 and titled “A Declaration of the Affairs of the English People that First Inhabited New England,” MHS Collections, vol. 4, 4th ser., 1858, pp. 474–87. On the lethal malaise that overtook the English settlers at Jamestown, see Karen Kupperman’s “Apathy and Death in Early Jamestown,” Journal of American History, June–September 1979, pp. 24–40. On the use of groundnuts as food, see Howard Russell’s Indian New England before the Mayflower, p. 156. As Kupperman points out in “Thomas Morton, Historian” in NEQ, vol. 50, 1977, pp. 660–64, Morton’s New English Canaan provides a probing account of the Wessagussett raid that is very different from those of Bradford and Winslow.

The description of typhus comes from Roger Schofield’s “An Anatomy of an Epidemic” in The Plague Reconsidered, p. 121. My thanks to Carolyn Travers, research manager at Plimoth Plantation, for bringing this reference to my attention. In New English Canaan, Morton claims that Standish and his men “pretended to feast the Salvages of those parts, bringing with them pork and things for the purpose, which they set before the Salvages,” p. 110. Morton also accuses Standish and company of having no real interest in saving any of Weston’s men: “But if the Plimoth Planters had really intended good to Master Weston or those men, why had they not kept the Salvages alive in custody until they had secured the other English? Who, by means of this evil managing of the business, lost their lives,” p. 111. Morton makes the claim that after Wessagussett, the Pilgrims were known as “stabbers” or “cutthroats” by the Massachusetts, p. 111. Bradford and Isaac Allerton write of their inability to trade with the Indians after the Wessagussett raid in a September 8, 1623, letter reprinted in the American Historical Review, vol. 8, 1903, p. 297. In Facing East from Indian Country: A Native History of Early America, Daniel Richter writes, “It is quite possible…that there had not, in fact, been anything like a Wampanoag or Pokanoket nation until Massasoit invented it from the surviving remnants who coalesced at Mount Hope Neck and a few other locations such as Mashpee on Cape Cod in the 1620s,” p. 99.

In the chapter “Liquidation of Wessagusset” in Saints and Strangers, George Willison maintains that the Pilgrims’ account of the Indian plot “was fabricated after the event in an effort to justify a series of treacherous actions of which the Pilgrims were always a little ashamed,” p. 224. For a withering critique of Willison’s account, see Jeremy Bangs’s Indian Deeds, pp. 13–14. On the other extreme is Charles Francis Adams’s version in Three Episodes of Massachusetts History. While pointing out that “[h]ad the situation been reversed, and the Indians, after similar fashion, set upon the Europeans in a moment of unsuspecting intercourse, no language would have been found strong enough to describe in the page of history their craft, their stealth and their cruelty,” p. 100, Adams maintains that the Pilgrims did what they had to do: “Yet, admitting everything which in harshest language modern philanthropy could assert, there is still no reasonable doubt that, in the practical working of human events, the course approved in advance by the Plymouth magistrates, and ruthlessly put in execution by Standish, was in this case the most merciful, the wisest and, consequently, the most justifiable course,” p. 100–101. According to the “moral calculus” of William Vollmann’s Rising Up and Rising Down: Some Thoughts on Violence, Freedom, and Urgent Means, violent deterrence of the kind the Pilgrims inflicted on the Massachusetts Indians is unjustified “when it is executed proactively as both deterrence and retribution,” volume MC, p. 113, which appears to have been the case—at least as far as Standish was concerned—at Wessagusett. John Robinson’s letter critical of the Pilgrims’ actions at Wessagussett is in OPP, pp. 374–75. The festivities surrounding Bradford’s marriage to Alice Southworth (including the raising of the blood-soaked flag in tribute to Massasoit) are in Emmanuel Altham’s September 1623 letter in Three Visitors to Early Plymouth, edited by Sydney James, pp. 29–32.

CHAPTER TEN-One Small Candle

Unless otherwise noted, the quotations that appear in this chapter come from OPP, pp. 120–347. For information on the great Migration, see David Hackett Fischer’s Albion’s Seed: Four British Folkways in America, pp. 13–17, and Karen Kupperman’s Settling with the Indians, p. 21. The December 18, 1624, letter from the Merchant Adventurers referring to the Pilgrims as “contentious, cruel and hard hearted” appears in Governor William Bradford’s Letter Book, reprinted from the Mayflower Descendant, p. 4. John Demos in “Demography and Psychology in the Historical Study of Family-Life: A Personal Report,” cited in John Navin’s Plymouth Plantation: The Search for Community on the New England Frontier, claims that Plymouth Colony was typified by “an extraordinary degree of contentiousness among neighbors,” p. 660. Navin claims that “the early settlers were far more inclined to become engaged in disputes with newcomers than with each other,” p. 660; he also states that in the aftermath of the Reverend John Lyford’s expulsion from Plymouth, the colony lost approximately a quarter of its residents, Plymouth Plantation, p. 498.

The published material about Thomas Morton and Merrymount is voluminous (see Michael Zuckerman’s “Pilgrims in the Wilderness: Community, Modernity, and the Maypole at Merry Mount” ; Minor Major’s “William Bradford versus Thomas Morton” ; and Daniel Shea’s “Our Professed Old Adversary: Thomas Morton and the Naming of New England,” for just a sampling), but perhaps the most probing words ever written about the future ramifications of the incident come from Nathaniel Hawthorne in his short story “The MayPole of Merry Mount”: “The future complexion of New England was involved in this important quarrel. Should the grizzly saints establish their jurisdiction over the gay sinners, then would their spirits darken all the clime, and make it a land of clouded visages, of hard toil, of sermon and psalm forever,” in The Complete Novels and Selected Tales of Nathaniel Hawthorne (New York: Modern Library, 1965), pp. 886–87. On the marriage of Elizabeth Warren and Richard Church and their son Benjamin, see Robert Wakefield’s “The Children and Purported Children of Richard and Elizabeth (Warren) Church” in the American Genealogist, July 1984, pp. 129–39. According to Richard Slotkin in Regeneration through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860. “Daniel Boone and Leatherstocking are [Morton’s] lineal descendants,” p. 63. Morton tells of Standish’s attack and the Pilgrims’ lack of humanity in New English Canaan, pp. 113, 146. William Hubbard writes of Miles Standish in his General History of New England, pp. 110–11. Harold Peterson in Arms and Armor of the Pilgrims notes that Standish’s sword, which is on display at Pilgrim Hall, “is about six inches shorter than the average rapier, which would have made it easier to handle for a small man,” p. 9. Isaack de Rasiere’s 1627 account of Plymouth on a Sunday is in Three Visitors to Early Plymouth, pp. 76–77. John Navin in Plymouth Plantation speaks of the militaristic nature of the Plymouth settlement, pp. 576, 631. Bradford writes of his frustrations with Isaac Allerton in OPP, pp. 226–34, 237–44. For a view that is more sympathetic to Isaac Allerton, see Cynthia Van Zandt’s “The Dutch Connection: Isaac Allerton and the Dynamics of English Cultural Anxiety,” in Connecting Cultures: The Netherlands in Five Centuries of Transatlantic Exchange, edited by Rosemarijn Hoefte and Johanna Kardux, pp. 51–76. George Langdon provides an excellent summary of Plymouth’s financial dealings in Pilgrim Colony, pp. 32–33.

Edward Winslow writes of New England being a place “where religion and profit jump together” in GNNE, p. 70. For an example of a modern economist who looks to Bradford’s decision to abandon a collective approach to farming as the beginning of the capitalist miracle that would become the United States, see Thomas DiLorenzo’s How Capitalism Saved America: The Untold History of Our Country, from the Pilgrims to the Present, pp. 57–62. Unfortunately in the case of the Pilgrims, their early experimentation with capitalism did not later translate into the financial success they had originally hoped for. For an account of the financial history of Plymouth Colony, see Ruth McIntyre’s Debts Hopeful and Desperate, especially pp. 47–67.

For transcriptions of the deeds associated with Massasoit’s sale of land to Plymouth Colony, see Jeremy Bangs’s Indian Deeds: Land Transactions in Plymouth Colony, 1620–1691. pp. 260–324. Robert Cushman maintains that it is “lawful now to take a land which none useth” in “Reasons and Considerations touching the lawfulness of removing out of England into the parts of America” in MR, p. 92. Bangs makes a strong case for Roger Williams’s influence on Plymouth’s policy of purchasing Indian land in Indian Deeds, pp. 15–18, where he also speaks of the reason behind the insistence on court-approved sale of Indian lands, as does George Langdon in Pilgrim Colony, pp. 154–55. Kathleen Bragdon writes insightfully about the Indians’ relationship to the land in Native People of Southern New England: “In a sense, ‘land ownership’ was about identity…. Technically ‘controlled’ by the sachem and the corporate groups, access to land was in fact predicated on need and active engagement with it, usually within the context of the household. To make use of land was to be a member of the corporate community, to eat its products was to ‘own’ the land from which they were gathered,” pp. 138–39. Bangs cites the 1639 treaty between Massasoit and the colony in Indian Deeds, p. 62. David Bushnell refers to lands bought from the Indians in modern Freetown, Massachusetts, being subsequently sold at a 500 percent profit in “The Treatment of the Indians in Plymouth Colony,” NEQ, March 1953, pp. 196–97; Bushnell maintains, however, that the Pilgrims “were no more to blame than the Indians themselves for what was a natural consequence of economic laws. Lands effectively brought within the range of world-wide economic forces by the expansion of English settlement were obviously worth more than a native hunting reservation, and the profit was not necessarily speculative when lands were improved before being resold.” Soon after the outbreak of King Philip’s War in 1675, Josiah Winslow insisted that all the land in Plymouth “was fairly obtained by honest purchase of the Indian proprietors,” cited in Bangs’s Indian Deeds, p. 22. Dennis Connole, on the other hand, in The Indians of the Nipmuck Country in Southern New England, 1630–1750. believes that the colonial laws curtailing individuals from purchasing Indian land “were placed on the books with only one purpose in mind: to suppress the fledgling real estate market in the colonies. If a free market had existed, the demand was such that the price of land would have skyrocketed,” p. 251.

In an April 12, 1632, entry, of his Journal, edited by Richard Dunn et al., John Winthrop describes the Narragansett attack on Massasoit, pp. 64–65; in an August 4, 1634, entry, Winthrop describes the trick the sachem played on Edward Winslow. Samuel Drake in his Book of the Indians of North America claims that Massasoit changed his name to Usamequin after the Narragansett attack at Sowams, p. 25.

In “Darlings of Heaven” in Harvard Magazine, November 1976, Peter Gomes deftly summarizes the relationship between the Pilgrims and Puritans: “[T]he Atlantic Ocean made them both (Boston and Plymouth) Separatists, and the hegemony of Boston made them both Puritans,” p. 33. For more on the distinction between Pilgrim and Puritan, see Gomes’s “Pilgrims and Puritans: Heroes and Villains in Creation of the American Past” in MHS Proceedings, vol. 45, 1983, pp. 1–16, and Richard Howland Maxwell’s “Pilgrim and Puritan: A Delicate Distinction” in Pilgrim Society Notes, series 2, March 2003. On the differences between Puritan and Pilgrim requirements for church membership, see George Langdon’s Plymouth Colony, pp. 126–31, as well as Edmund Morgan’s Visible Saints; according to Morgan, “[the New England Puritans’] only radical difference from the Separatist practice lay in the candidate’s demonstration of the work of grace in his soul,” p. 90. Langdon in Plymouth Colony provides a useful summary of the development of governance in Plymouth, pp. 79–99. William Hubbard speaks of Billington’s execution in General History of New England, p. 101. Thomas Morton describes how the Puritans burned his house in New English Canaan, pp. 171–72. On Bradford’s 1645 refusal to allow religious tolerance, and Plymouth and Massachusetts-Bay’s persecution of the Quakers, see George Langdon’s Pilgrim Colony, pp. 63–65, 71–78. Stratton in Plymouth Colony cites the quote from the Quaker sympathizer James Cudworth: “Now Plymouth-saddle is on the Bay horse,” p. 92; Stratton also speaks of the disenfranchisement of Isaac Robinson, p. 345.

My account of the economic development of New England in the 1630s is based, in large part, on Bernard Bailyn’s The New England Merchants in the Seventeenth Century, pp. 16–44. Adam Hirsch discusses how the attack on the Pequot fort changed the attitude toward war in “The Collision of Military Cultures in Seventeenth-Century New England” in the Journal of American History, vol. 74, pp. 1187–1212. William Cronon in Changes in the Land looks to Miantonomi’s speech to the Montauks as an exemplary analysis of the ecological impact the Europeans had on New England, pp. 162–64. Miantonomi’s death at the hands of the Mohegans is discussed in John Sainsbury’s “Miantonomo’s Death and New England Politics, 1630–1645” in Rhode Island History, vol. 30, no. 4, pp. 111–23, and Paul Robinson’s “Lost Opportunities: Miantonomi and the English in Seventeenth-Century Narragansett Country” in Northeastern Indian Lives, 1632–1816. edited by Robert Grumet, pp. 13–28. Edward Johnson describes Miantonomi’s unfortunate use of an English corselet in Wonder-Working Providence, 1628–1651. pp. 220–21. Jeremy Bangs discusses the possible Dutch influences on the formation of the United Colonies of New England in Pilgrim Edward Winslow; he also cites John Quincy Adams’s remarks concerning the confederation, pp. 207–12.

CHAPTER ELEVEN-The Ancient Mother

On Edward Winslow’s diplomatic career, see Jeremy Bangs’s Pilgrim Edward Winslow, pp. 315–400. Samuel Maverick describes Winslow as “a smooth tongued cunning fellow” in his “Brief Description of New England,” written about 1660, MHS Proceedings, vol. 1, 2nd ser., p. 240. In his introduction to OPP, Samuel Eliot Morison tells of how Bradford might have become “the sole lord and proprietor of Plymouth Colony,” p. xxv. John Demos in “Notes on Plymouth Colony” in WMQ, 3rd ser., vol. 22, no. 2, writes of the extraordinary mobility of the Pilgrims and their children and grandchildren, particularly compared to Massachusetts-Bay: “The whole process of expansion had as one of its chief effects the scattering of families, to an extent probably inconceivable in the Old World communities from which the colonists had come,” p. 266. For an excellent look at those leading the development of towns in Plymouth, including John Brown and Thomas Willett, see John Frederick Martin’s Profits in the Wilderness, pp. 79–87. Martin also discusses Bradford’s fears about the evil influences of growth in the colony, p. 111. For information about John Brown, Thomas Prence, and Thomas Willett, see the biographies in Robert Anderson’s The Pilgrim Migration, pp. 81, 374–81, 497–503. Roger Williams’s reference to “God Land” is in his Complete Writings, vol. 6, p. 319. John Canup in Out of the Wilderness: The Emergence of an American Identity in Colonial New England cites the reference to Joseph Ramsden’s living “remotely in the woods” in the Plymouth records, p. 51. George Langdon provides a good summary of what was involved in purchasing a lot and building a house in a typical Plymouth town in Pilgrim Colony, pp. 146–47. On the amount of wood required to build a house in the seventeenth century, see Oliver Rackham’s “Grundle House: On the Quantities of Timber in Certain East Anglian Buildings in Relation to Local Supplies,” p. 3; on the wood consumption of an average seventeenth-century New England home and town, see Robert Tarule’s The Artisan of Ipswich: Craftsmanship and Community in Colonial New England, p. 36. My thanks to Pret Woodburn and Rick McKee of Plimoth Plantation for bringing these two resources to my attention.

The Granger execution is detailed by Bradford in OPP, pp. 320–21. Langdon in Pilgrim Colony discusses Bradford’s 1655 ultimatum, p. 67. Bradford’s mournful note about the congregation’s “most strict and sacred bond” begins, “O sacred bond, whilst inviolably preserved! How sweet and precious were the fruits that flowed from the same! But when this fidelity decayed, then their ruin approached,” OPP, p. 33, n. 6. Bradford Smith in Bradford of Plymouth describes Bradford’s extended family and the difficulty his son John had being assimilated, pp. 210–12, as does John Navin in Plymouth Plantation, pp. 584–86. Bradford writes of the speed with which the Indians took to hunting with muskets in OPP, p. 207. In The Skulking Way of War, Patrick Malone discusses the “excellent judgment” the Indians possessed when it came to their preference for flintlocks over matchlocks, pp. 31–33; Malone also chronicles colonial attitudes toward selling guns to the Indians, pp. 42–51. Bradford writes of the danger of armed Indians in the poem “In This Wilderness,” which can be found in the extremely useful collection The Complete Works of the Mayflower Pilgrims, edited by Caleb Johnson, pp. 486–95. Isidore Meyer in “The Hebrew Preface to Bradford’s History of the Plymouth Plantation” in American Jewish Historical Society Publications, no. 38, part 4, cites Bradford’s own words about learning Hebrew, p. 291. Cotton Mather writes of Bradford’s last days in the Magnalia, book 2, pp. 207–8.

My account of the Indian burials at Burr’s Hill is based on Burr’s Hill: A Seventeenth-Century Wampanoag Burial Ground in Warren, Rhode Island, edited by Susan Gibson, especially pp. 13–14. Eric Schultz and Michael Tougias in King Philip’s War: The History and Legacy of America’s Forgotten Conflict refer to the existence of “a copper necklace thought to have been presented by Edward Winslow to Massasoit,” p. 238. Constance Crosby in “From Myth to History, or Why King Philip’s Ghost Walks Abroad” in The Recovery of Meaning, edited by Mark Leone and Parker Potter, cites William Wood’s reference to the Indians’ initial amazement over the “strange inventions” of the English, pp. 194–95; Crosby also cites Roger Williams’s discussion of “manitoo” and speaks of the meaning of “manit,” pp. 192–94, 198. Virginia DeJohn Anderson writes of “intercultural borrowing” in “King Philip’s Herds: Indians, Colonists, and the Problem of Livestock in Early New England” in WMQ, 3rd ser., vol. 51, p. 613. On the symbolic importance of Western goods to the Indians, see Elise Brenner’s “Sociopolitical Implications of Mortuary Ritual Remains in Seventeenth-Century Native Southern New England” in The Recovery of Meaning, edited by Mark Leone and Parker Potter, pp. 173–74.

I have written about the Indians’ relationship with Christianity in Abram’s Eyes, where I cite Zaccheus Macy’s account of an Indian church meeting on Nantucket, pp. 123–24. See also David Silverman’s “The Church in New England Indian Community Life: A View from the Islands and Cape Cod,” in Reinterpreting New England Indians and the Colonial Experience, edited by Colin Calloway and Neal Salisbury, pp. 264–98. John Eliot’s account of Massasoit’s remarks concerning Christianity are in The Glorious Progress of the Gospel amongst the Indians in New England, MHS Collections, 3rd ser., vol. 4, p. 117. William Hubbard in The History of the Indian Wars in New England recounts Massasoit’s attempt to include a proscription against missionary activities in the sale of some lands in Swansea, pp. 46–47.

On English attitudes toward the wilderness, see John Canup’s Out of the Wilderness, pp. 46–51. Peter Thomas in “Contrastive Subsistence Strategies and Land Use as Factors for Understanding Indian-White Relations in New England” cites Merrill Bennett’s estimates concerning the amount of corn an Indian consumed each year in Ethnohistory, Winter 1976, p. 12. On the manner in which the English adapted Native foods, see Keith Stavely and Kathleen Fitzgerald’s America’s Founding Food: The Story of New England Cooking, pp. 4-48. On the use of wampum, see Howard Russell’s Indian New England before the Mayfower, p. 185, and Walter McDougall’s Freedom Just Around the Corner, p. 63. On the concept of the frontier in New England prior to King Philip’s War, see Frederick Turner’s “The First Official Frontier of the Massachusetts-Bay” in Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, vol. 17, pp. 250–71. Darrett Rutman in Husbandmen of Plymouth: Farms and Villages in the Old Colony, 1620–1692 tells of how “the towns straggled” in Plymouth, p. 24. On the word “netop” and the use of language in seventeenth-century New England, see Ives Goddard’s “The Use of Pidgins and Jargons on the East Coast of North America” in The Language Encounter in the Americas, 1492–1800. edited by Edward Gray and Norman Fiering, pp. 72–73. Francis Baylies writes revealingly of the intimacy that typified the Indians and English in Plymouth Colony in Historical Memoir of…New-Plymouth, edited by Samuel Drake: “The English and the Indians were so intermixed that they all had personal knowledge of each other. The hospitalities of each race were constantly and cordially reciprocated. Although their dwellings were apart, yet they were near, and the roving habits of the Indians, and frequent visits had familiarized them as much with the houses of the English as with their own wigwams,” vol. 2, p. 17.

On the Peach trial, see OPP, pp. 299–301, and two letters written by Roger Williams to John Winthrop in August 1638 in Letters of Roger Williams, vol. 1, pp. 110–16. Yasuhide Kawashima writes suggestively about the trial in Igniting King Philip’s War, pp. 117–18. James Drake in King Philip’s War writes that during the midpoint of the seventeenth century “the Indians and English entered into a period of cultural accommodation and negotiation. If anything, the two groups perceived more similarity between themselves than there really was, in what functioned as a type of mutual misunderstanding,” p. 45.

The 1657 deed in which Massasoit traced a pictograph is at the Plymouth County Commissioners Office, Plymouth, Massachusetts; see also Jeremy Bangs’s Indian Deeds, p. 277. For an account of Usamequin/Massasoit’s “other life” as a Nipmuck sachem, see Dennis Connole’s The Indians of Nipmuck Country in Southern New England, 1630–1750. pp. 65–66, 76, 78. One of the first scholars to be aware of Massasoit/Usamequin’s presence among the Nipmucks was Samuel Drake, who in the Book of the Indians cites documents referring to Massasoit/Usamequin’s 1661 complaint to Massachusetts officials concerning Uncas and the Mohegans, pp. 102–3; in a note, Drake writes, “By this it would seem that Massasoit had, for some time, resided among the Nipmucks. He had, probably, given up Pokanoket to his sons.” Interestingly, in a document cited by Drake, John Mason, a Connecticut official sympathetic to Uncas, claims in a letter to Massachusetts officials that “Alexander, alias Wamsutta, sachem of Sowams, being now at Plymouth, he challenged Quabaug Indians to belong to him; and further said that he did war against Uncas this summer on that account,” p. 103. On the relationship of the Nipmucks to other tribes in New England, see Bert Swalen’s “Indians of Southern New England and Long Island: Early Period” in Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 15, edited by Bruce Trigger, p. 174. According to a letter dated “28 of the 1st [16]61,” from John Eliot, Massasoit/Usamequin had by that point changed his name once again to Matchippa, MHS Proceedings, vol. 3, pp. 312–13. See also Josiah Temple’s History of North Brookfield, pp. 42–48, and the April 21, 1638, and March 7, 1644, entries of John Winthrop’s Journal, edited by James Hosmer, vol. 1, p. 269, and vol. 2, p. 160. The last reference to Massasoit/Usamequin in the Plymouth Court Records is dated May 4, 1658, in which he and his son are suspected of harboring an Indian guilty of murder, PCR, vol. 2, p. 133; there is a 1659 deed with Massasoit/Usamequin’s name on it, but it is unsigned; see Bangs, Indian Deeds, p. 293. Richard Smith’s claim that he did not know about the Plymouth ban on purchasing land from the Indians is in Bangs’s Indian Deeds, pp. 285–86. Bangs refers to Wamsutta’s refusal to part with a portion of the land his father had agreed to sell to the English, p. 84. On John Sassamon, see Yasuhide Kawashima’s Igniting King Philip’s War, pp. 76–87; Kawashima suggests that Sassamon may have urged Wamsutta to acquire English names for himself and his brother; the request is dated June 13, 1660, PCR, vol. 2, p. 192. William Hubbard in The History of the Indian Wars in New England recounts how Massasoit brought his two sons to John Brown’s house, pp. 46–47.

CHAPTER TWELVE-The Trial

George Langdon in Pilgrim Colony writes, “For the people who left England to settle Plymouth, the working out of this relationship with God in a new world offered excitement and the challenge of great adventure. By 1650 the adventure was over, the spontaneity which had fired the hearts of the early settlers gone,” p. 140; Langdon also writes of the Half-Way Covenant and its impact on Plymouth, pp. 130–33. Joseph Conforti provides an excellent account of the second generation of English in Plymouth Colony in Imagining New England, pp. 36–78. The reference to “a strange vine” comes from the Plymouth Church Records, vol. 1, p. 151. On the economic development of New England and the impact of the Restoration, see Bernard Bailyn’s The New England Merchants in Seventeenth Century, pp. 75–142. Langdon writes of Plymouth’s relative poverty and the teasing prospect of a port at Mount Hope in Pilgrim Colony, p. 142. Jeremy Bangs in Indian Deeds refers to the reserve tracts of 1640, in which Causumpsit Neck, i.e., Mount Hope Neck, “is the chief habitation of the Indians, and reserved for them to dwell upon,” p. 63. Russell Shorto writes of the fall of New Netherland to the English in The Island at the Center of the World, pp. 284–300. Samuel Maverick, who had been one of the first settlers in Massachusetts, was appointed one of Charles II’s commissioners and in a 1660 manuscript account of New England describes Plymouth residents as “mongrel Dutch” and speaks of their “sweet trade” with New Netherland. On Thomas Willett and his relationship to John Brown, as well as the locations of their homes in Swansea (modern Central Falls, Rhode Island), see Thomas Bicknell’s Sowams, pp. 134, 141. Langdon discusses Plymouth’s lack of a royal charter in Pilgrim Colony,pp. 188–200. In March 4, 1662, Thomas Willett was instructed by Plymouth Court to “speak to Wamsutta about his estranging land, and not selling it to our colony,” PCR, vol. 4, p. 8.

For information on Josiah Winslow and his wife Penelope, see Pene Behrens’s Footnotes: A Biography of Penelope Pelham, 1633–1703. as well as The Winslows of Careswell in Marshfield by Cynthia Hagar Krusell. Samuel Drake’s The Old Indian Chronicle(OIC ) provides an excellent account of the events leading up to Alexander’s death, pp. 31–43; Drake judiciously draws primarily on William Hubbard’s The History of the Indian Wars in New England (HIWNE ) and Increase Mather’s History of King Philip’s War (HKPW ). Hubbard in HIWNE insists that Alexander’s “choler and indignation” were what killed him, p. 50. Eric Schultz and Michael Tougias cite Maurice Robbins’s reference to a doctor’s theory that Alexander died of appendicitis and that the surgeon’s “working physic” would only have worsened the sachem’s condition, in King Philip’s War, p. 24. William Bradford’s belated account of the incident is related in a letter from John Cotton to Increase Mather, March 19, 1677; Cotton also refers to the “flocking multitudes” that attended the festivities surrounding Philip’s rise to sachem, in The Mather Papers, MHS Collections, 4th ser., vol. 8 (1868), pp. 233–34. Just prior to the outbreak of war in 1675, Philip and his counselors told John Easton and some others from Rhode Island that they believed Alexander had been “forced to court as they judged poisoned,” in Narratives of the Indian Wars, edited by Charles Lincoln, p. 11. George Langdon in Pilgrim Colony refers to Winslow’s decision to send his family to Salem and to hire twenty men to guard his home, p. 170.

Philip Ranlet provides a detailed look at the events of 1662–1675 in “Another Look at the Causes of King Philip’s War,” NEQ, vol. 61, 1998, pp. 79–100, as does Jenny Pulsipher in Subjects unto the Same King: Indians, English, and the Contest for Authority in Colonial New England, pp. 69–100. For a description of the geology of Mount Hope, see Shepard Krech III’s “Rudolf F. Haffenreffer and the King Philip Museum” in Passionate Hobby: Rudolf F. Haffenreffer and the King Philip Museum, edited by Krech, pp. 56–57. Yasuhide Kawashima in Igniting King Philip’s War refers to the tradition that Philip threw a stone all the way to Poppasquash Neck, p. 54. In HIWNE, Hubbard claims that Philip was nicknamed King Philip for the “ambitious and haughty spirit” he displayed during his 1662 appearance before Plymouth Court, p. 52. In The Book of the Indians, Samuel Drake quotes an undated letter of Philip’s to a representative of the governor of Massachusetts: “Your governor is but a subject of King Charles of England. I shall not treat with a subject. I shall treat of peace only with the king, my brother. When he comes, I am ready,” book 3, p. 24. Philip’s words to the Plymouth Court in 1662 are recorded in PCR, vol. 4, p. 25.

Peter Thomas in “Contrastive Subsistence Strategies and Land Use as Factors for Understanding Indian-White Relations in New England” in Ethnohistory, Winter 1976, claims that “less than twenty percent of the New England landscape had a high agricultural productiveness,” p. 4. John Demos in A Little Commonwealth: Family-Life in Plymouth Colony includes statistics concerning the size of families in Plymouth Colony, p. 192. S. F. Cook in The Indian Population of New England in the Seventeenth Century writes that between 1634 and 1675 the Wampanoags “had enjoyed as stable an existence as was possible for natives during the seventeenth century,” p. 37. See Virginia DeJohn Anderson’s “King Philip’s Herds: Indians, Colonists, and the Problem of Livestock in Early New England,” WMQ, October 1994, on Philip as a hog farmer, pp. 601–2, as well as her book Creatures of Empire: How Domestic Animals Transformed Early America. John Sassamon’s undated letter to Governor Prence communicating Philip’s desire not to sell any more land for at least seven years is at Pilgrim Hall and reprinted in MHS Collections, vol. 2, p. 40; Jeremy Bangs, who has transcribed the manuscript material at Pilgrim Hall, has assigned the probable date of 1663 to the letter. The deed for Philip’s 1664 sale of land to Taunton is in Bangs’s Indian Deeds, pp. 326–27.

Kathleen Bragdon in “‘Emphatical Speech and Great Action’: An Analysis of Seventeenth-Century Native Speech Events Described in Early Sources,” in Man in the Northeast, vol. 33, 1987, cites Roger Williams’s reference to how a person of lesser rank approached a sachem, p. 104; see also Bragdon’s Native People of Southern New England, 1500–1650. pp. 146–48, where she cites Williams’s and Gookin’s remarks concerning a sachem’s relationship to his followers. John Josselyn reported seeing Philip on the streets of Boston in 1671, when, on the urging of John Eliot, he spoke to Massachusetts authorities, in John Josselyn, Colonial Traveler, edited by Paul Lindholdt, p. 101. On Philip’s appearance on Nantucket in 1665, see my Abram’s Eyes, pp. 118–21, in which I rely primarily on accounts by local historians Zaccheus Macy, whose unpublished account is in the Nantucket Historical Association’s Collection 96, Folder 44, and Obed Macy, whose account is in his History of Nantucket, pp. 54–56. Nantucket’s Indians vowed to “disown Philip” at a town meeting in August 1675. S. F. Cook in The Indian Population of New England in the Seventeenth Century estimates that there were five thousand Wampanoags in 1675, p. 39.

Since Philip’s son was said to be nine years old in 1676, he must have been born in 1667; since the birth of a child often prompts a parent to draft a will, I have postulated that Philip’s rift with Sassamon occurred soon after the birth of his son; by September 1667, Philip had a new interpreter named Tom. On the life of John Sassamon, see Yasuhide Kawashima’s Igniting King Philip’s War, pp. 76–87, and Jill Lepore’s “Dead Men Tell No Tales: John Sassamon and the Fatal Consequences of Literacy” in American Quarterly, December 1994, pp. 493–97. In A Relation of the Indian War, John Easton reported the Pokanokets’ claim that Sassamon “was a bad man that King Philip got him to write his will and he made the writing for a great part of the land to be his but read as if it had been as Philip would, but it came to be known and then he run away from him,” in Narratives of the Indian Wars, edited by Charles Lincoln, p. 7; Easton also records Philip’s claim that all Christian Indians are “dissemblers,” p. 10. I refer to Philip’s comparison of Christianity to the button on his coat in Abram’s Eyes, p. 120. Philip’s troubles over a suspected French-Dutch conspiracy in 1667 can be traced in PCR, vol. 4, pp. 151, 164–66. Philip’s sale of land to Thomas Willett on September 17, 1667, with Tom, the interpreter, listed as a witness, is in Jeremy Bangs’s Indian Deeds, p. 382; Bangs also discusses the new pressures that the creation of Swansea put on the Pokanokets, pp. 127–28, and quantifies the accelerating pace of Indian land sales, p. 163.

William Hubbard discusses the strategy Prence and Winslow used to handle the sachems of the Wampanoags and Massachusetts and the disastrous consequences that strategy had with respect to King Philip’s War in A General History of New England, pp. 71–72. Jeremy Bangs points to Josiah Winslow’s use of mortgaging Indian property to pay off debt as “tantamount to confiscating land” in Indian Deeds, p. 141. When it comes to the subject of Philip’s supposed bravery, Samuel Drake writes, “I nowhere find any authentic records to substantiate these statements. On the other hand, I find abundant proof that he was quite destitute of such qualities,” in a note to Drake’s edition of William Hubbard’s HIWNE, p. 59. Philip and his counselors spoke of when Massasoit was “a great man” and the English were “as a little child” to John Easton of Rhode Island in June 1675, in Narratives of the Indian Wars, edited by Charles Lincoln, p. 10.

Hubbard in HIWNE refers to the “petite injuries” that caused Philip to threaten war in 1671, p. 53. Hugh Cole’s 1671 report of seeing Narragansett Indians at Mount Hope, where the Indians were “employed in making bows and arrows and half-pikes, and fixing up guns” is in Collections of the MHS, vol. 6, 1799, p. 211, and is cited in Richard Cogley’s account of John Eliot’s involvement in Philip’s negotiations with the colonies of Plymouth and Massachusetts in 1671, in John Eliot’s Mission to the Indians, pp. 200–203. Francis Baylies’s Historical Memoir of…New-Plymouth, vol. 2, edited by Samuel Drake, provides the most detailed account of what happened between the Pokanokets and the English in 1671, particularly at Taunton; Baylies quotes the reproof Massachusetts-Bay officials sent Plymouth: “[T]he treatment you have given him, and proceedings towards him, do not render him such a subject [of your colony],” p. 23. I have also looked to Samuel Drake’s account of the events of that year in OIC, pp. 63–86, and Jenny Pulsipher’s Subjects unto the Same King, pp. 94–100. Much of the documentary record from this crucial summer is contained in PCR, vol. 5, pp. 63–80. Josiah Winslow refers to Philip’s supposed scheme to abduct and ransom both himself and Governor Prence in a note on a March 24, 1671, letter from Governor Bellingham to Governor Prence, Winslow Papers II, MHS. William Hubbard in HIWNE writes of the unnamed warrior who disavowed Philip after the sachem capitulated at Taunton in April 1671: “[O]ne of his captains, of far better courage and resolution than himself, when he saw [Philip’s] cowardly temper and disposition, [did] fling down his arms, calling him a white-livered cur, or to that purpose, and saying that he would never own him again, or fight under him, and from that Time hath turned to the English, and hath continued to this day a faithful and resolute soldier in this quarrel,” pp. 58–59. Hubbard in HIWNE also describes how the son of the Nipmuck sachem Matoonas “being vexed in his mind that the design against the English, intended to begin [in] 1671, did not take place, out of mere malice and spite against them, slew an English man traveling along the road,” p. 44. William Harris in A Rhode Islander Reports on King Philip’s War, edited by Douglas Leach, claimed that Philip’s plan to attack the English in 1671 was prevented “twice at least by great rains, which afterward was made known by some Indians,” p. 21. The September 1, 1671, letter from James Walker to Governor Prence describing Philip’s drunken rant against Sassamon is in MHS Collections, 1st ser., vol. 6, 1799, pp. 196–97.

Concerning the state of the Pokanokets’ war plans after 1671 Samuel Drake writes, “Much…was to be done, before a war could be undertaken with any prospect of success on their part. The Wampanoags, who were to begin it, were almost without firearms, and it would require much time to obtain a supply,” OIC, p. 86. Jeremy Bangs describes Philip’s final sell-off of his land holdings around Mount Hope in Indian Deeds, pp. 162–65. Hubbard in HIWNE states that some Narragansett Indians later revealed that their tribe had promised “to rise [with the Pokanokets] with four thousand fighting men in the spring of this present year 1676,” p. 58. William Harris in A Rhode Islander Reports on King Philip’s War, edited by Douglas Leach, wrote that the Pokanokets on Mount Hope had “laid up great quantities of corn, not in the usual manner, but a year ahead of time, as a supply for the war…. The intention of the Indians is alsorevealed by their accumulation of powder, shot, and arrows. The English perceiving this and inquiring about it, the Indians pretended it was a preparation against the Mohawks, but actually it was aimed only at the English,” p. 23. Samuel Drake refers to the annulment of the order to prohibit selling powder to the Indians in the fall of 1674 in OIC, p. 96.

For information on the murder trial of John Sassamon, I have looked to Yasuhide Kawashima’s Igniting King Philip’s War, pp. 88–111; Jill Lepore’s “Dead Men Tell No Tales” in American Quarterly, December 1994; James P. Ronda and Jeanne Ronda’s “The Death of John Sassamon: An Exploration in Writing New England History” in American Indian Quarterly; and James Drake’s “Symbol of a Failed Strategy: The Sassamon Trial, Political Culture, and the Outbreak of King Philip’s War” in American Indian Culture and Research Journal. In a November 18, 1675, letter to John Cotton, Thomas Whalley refers to Josiah Winslow’s “weakness” and “frail body,” Curwen Papers, AAS. In addition to hearing the testimony of an Indian witness, the jurors at the Sassamon trial were told that Sassamon’s corpse had begun “a bleeding afresh, as if it had newly been slain” when it was approached by Tobias; known as “cruentation,” this ancient test of guilt in a murder case was of dubious legal value; see Kawashima’s Igniting King Philip’s War, p. 100.

According to William Hubbard in HIWNE, Philip would have lacked the courage to launch the war “if his own life had not now been in jeopardy by the guilt of the foresaid murder of Sassamon,” p. 58. In a note to William Harris’s reference to the Indians’ preference for fighting in the summer and the English preference for winter in A Rhode Islander Reports on King Philip’s War, Douglas Leach writes, “The English, fearing ambush, disliked fighting against Indians in the months when foliage was thick and when the swamps were miry and difficult to penetrate,” p. 63. Samuel Drake cites the traditions concerning Philip’s inability to control his warriors in June 1675, as well as his anguished response to the death of the first Englishman in OIC, pp. 56–57; see John Callender’s An Historical Discourse on the Civil and Religious Affairs of the Colony of Rhode-Island for the family traditions about Philip’s reluctance to go to war: “He was forced on by the fury of his young men, for against his own judgment and inclination; and that though he foresaw and foretold the English would in time by their industry root out all the Indians, yet he was against making war with them, as what he thought would only hurry on and increase the destruction of his people,” p. 73. Francis Baylies in Historical Memoir of…New-Plymouth, vol. 2, edited by Samuel Drake, writes of the Indians’ intimate knowledge of both the English and the countryside: “They knew the habits, the temper, the outgoings, the incomings, the power of defense, and even the domiciliary usages of every [English] family in the colony. They were minutely acquainted with every river, brook, creek, bay, harbor, lake, and pond, and with every local peculiarity of the country. They had their friends and their enemies amongst the English; for some they professed a fond attachment; others they disliked and avoided. In short, they seemed as much identified with the English as Greeks with Turks,” p. 17.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN-Kindling the Flame

In this and subsequent chapters, I have relied on Henry Martyn Dexter’s edition of Benjamin Church’s Entertaining Passages Relating to Philip’s War (EPRPW); Dexter’s extensive knowledge of New England history and geography makes the edition an invaluable resource. Another excellent edition is that edited by Alan and Mary Simpson and published in 1975; in addition to a solid introduction, their edition includes a wide variety of helpful illustrations. Samuel Drake collected several important contemporary accounts of King Philip’s War in the volume The Old Indian Chronicle (OIC), most notably Nathaniel Saltonstall’s three extended articles about the war and an account by Richard Hutchinson. Also of importance is the account by John Easton in which Easton describes the unsuccessful attempt by a delegation of Rhode Island Quakers to bring about a peaceful resolution to Philip’s difficulties with Plymouth; the account also includes much important information about the early months of the war. Two Puritan ministers wrote histories of the conflict: Increase Mather was the first out with his hastily assembled History of King Philip’s War (HKPW), soon followed by William Hubbard’s History of the Indian Wars in New England (HIWNE), which received the official blessing of the Massachusetts colonial government. I have used Samuel Drake’s editions of the two works; his edition of Mather’s history also includes that written by his son Cotton Mather. Another important contemporary source is the letters written by William Harris, which have been collected and edited by William Leach in the volume A Rhode Islander Reports on King Philip’s War. Daniel Gookin’s Historical Account of the Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians in New England in the Years1675–1677 is unique in that it provides a sympathetic portrayal of the plight of the Praying Indians during the conflict. Neal Salisbury has edited an excellent edition of Mary Rowlandson’s account of her capture by the Indians, titled The Sovereignty and Goodness of God; Rowlandson’s book, published in 1682, became one of America’s first bestsellers and invented the genre of the Indian captivity narrative. Richard Slotkin and James Folsom’s So Dreadfull a Judgment: Puritan Responses to King Philip’s Waris a useful collection of contemporary accounts from the period. Large and important collections of unpublished letters from the period are located at the Massachusetts Historical Society and the American Antiquarian Society. Although authentic Native voices are tragically lacking in almost all of these sources, there is one notable exception. During the winter of 1676, two Praying Indians, Job Kattenanit and James Quanapohit, volunteered to act as spies for the English. On January 24, 1676, after his return to Boston from the western portion of the colony, where he had lived for weeks with the enemy, James was interrogated by Massachusetts officials. There are two versions of his testimony: a highly edited transcript, published by the MHS, and a much longer, unabridged version reprinted in J. H. Temple’s invaluable History of North Brookfield, pp. 112–18. James’s testimony provides information found nowhere else concerning Philip’s movements during the summer, fall, and winter of 1675–76. The testimony of another Praying Indian, George Memicho (also reprinted in Temple’s History of North Brookfield, pp. 100–101), provides additional information about Philip.

When it comes to secondary accounts of the war, the best place to start is George Ellis and John Morris’s King Philip’s War; published in 1906, this book contains a host of fascinating photographs of war sites. Another book published that same year is George Bodge’s Soldiers in King Philip’s War; in addition to listing the names of the soldiers in each colonial company, Bodge provides an excellent narrative of the war and reprints a large number of contemporary letters. Douglas Leach’s Flintlock and Tomahawk, first published in 1958, remains an essential resource. More recently, Richard Slotkin has written insightfully about Benjamin Church’s place in American literature and culture in Regeneration through Violence, pp. 146–79, and in his introduction, “Benjamin Church: King of the Wild Frontier,” to Church’s narrative reprinted in the collection So Dreadfull a Judgment, pp. 370–91. The Red King’s Rebellion: Racial Politics in New England, 1675–1678 by Russell Bourne is an engaging narrative that integrates the findings of recent anthropological and archaeological scholarship. Michael Puglisi’s Puritans Besieged: The Legacies of King Philip’s War in the Massachusetts-Bay Colony examines how the effects of the war reached far beyond 1676. Jill Lepore’s The Name of War: King Philip’s War and the Origins of American Identity provides provocative readings of the many written texts created during and after the conflict and demonstrates how the trauma of interracial war was fundamental to forging a uniquely American identity. In addition to providing a readable and richly detailed narrative of the war, Eric Schultz and Michael Tougias’s King Philip’s War: The History and Legacy of America’s Forgotten Conflict identifies countless war sites across New England. In King Philip’s War: Civil War in New England, James Drake persuasively argues that the conflict was much more than a racial war. Jenny Hale Pulsipher’s analysis of Indian-English relations throughout the seventeenth century in Subjects unto the Same King: Indians, English, and the Contest for Authority in Colonial New England puts King Philip’s War in a complex and richly textured historical and cultural context.

There is a wealth of books on the nature of the Indian-English warfare in colonial America. One of the best is Patrick Malone’s The Skulking Way of War: Technology and Tactics among the New England Indians. Malone demonstrates how the English adopted Native ways of fighting during King Philip’s War. In Conquering the American Wilderness: The Triumph of European Warfare in the Colonial Northeast, Guy Chet begs to disagree with Malone’s thesis, claiming that the Indians had little influence on the way war was ultimately fought in America. To my mind, John Grenier in The First Way of War: American War Making on the Frontier convincingly demonstrates that Malone’s thesis cannot be so easily dismissed. Armstrong Starkey’s European and Native American Warfare, 1675–1815 is also useful, as is John Ferling’s A Wilderness of Miseries: War and Warriors in Early America.

All quotations from Church’s narrative in this chapter are from EPRPW, pp. 1–48; the description of Philip’s warriors is from Church, who describes a dance among the Sakonnets in which Awashonks had worked herself into a “foaming sweat.” Perhaps not unexpectedly, there is much conflicting information concerning the outbreak of King Philip’s War. In November 1675 Governor Josiah Winslow and Thomas Hinckley authored “A Brief Narrative of the Beginning and Progress of the Present Trouble between Us and the Indians,” which is in vol. 10 of PCR, pp. 362–64; they maintain that “our innocency made us very secure and confident it would not have broke out into a war.” They were not the only ones who believed that the threat of war had passed. On June 13, 1675, Roger Williams wrote Connecticut governor John Winthrop Jr., “[P]raise be God the storm is over. Philip is strongly suspected but the honored court at Plymouth (as we hear) not having evidence sufficient, let matters sleep and the country be in quiet, etc,” Correspondence of Roger Williams, vol. 2, p. 691.

Patrick Malone discusses the typical modifications made to a garrison house in The Skulking Way of War, p. 96. Eric Schultz and Michael Tougias provide an excellent description of where the various garrisons were located in Swansea in King Philip’s War, pp. 98–103. John Callender in the notes to An Historical Discourse on the Civil and Religious Affairs of the Colony of Rhode-Island, published in 1739, writes, “I have heard from some old people, who were familiarly acquainted with the Indians, both before and after the war, that the powwows had likewise given out an other ambiguous oracle…viz., that they promised the Indians would be successful if the English fired the first gun. It is certain the Indians long delayed and designedly avoided firing on the English, and seemed to use all possible means, to provoke the English to fire first,” pp. 73–74. Saltonstall in OIC describes the Indians asking an Englishman to grind their hatchet on Sunday, July 20, p. 126. Increase Mather speaks of June 24 being “a day of solemn humiliation through that colony, by fasting and praying, to entreat the Lord to give success to the present expedition,” in HKPW, p. 54. Josiah Winslow writes of the colony’s innocence respecting the Indians and the fairness of the Sassamon trial in a July 29, 1675, letter to Connecticut governor John Winthrop Jr., MHS Collections, 5th ser., vol. 1, pp. 428–29. John Easton writes of the “old man and a lad” shooting at the Indians pilfering a house and killing one of them in “A Relation of the Indian War” in Narratives of the Indian Wars, edited by Charles Lincoln, p. 12. Saltonstall in OIC writes of the scalping and killing of the father, mother, and son, pp. 128–29. On the history of scalping, see James Axtell and William Sturtevant’s “The Unkindest Cut, or Who Invented Scalping?” WMQ, 3rd ser., 1980, pp. 451–72. Hubbard in HIWNE describes the eclipse of the moon on June 26, pp. 67–68.

Concerning Church’s sprint from Taunton to Swansea, Douglas Leach writes in Flintlock and Tomahawk, “Perhaps Church would not have thought himself so clever if the enemy had laid an ambush between him and the main force which he was supposed to be shielding,” p. 38. Saltonstall in OIC describes Samuel Moseley as “an old privateer at Jamaica, an excellent soldier, and an undaunted spirit,” pp. 127–28. George Bodge in Soldiers in King Philip’s War provides a detailed description of Moseley’s activities before and during the war and how he put together his company of volunteers, pp. 59–78. Concerning the relationship between Moseley and Church, Bodge writes, “Moseley was the most popular officer of the army, and undoubtedly excited Church’s anger and perhaps jealousy by ignoring and opposing him,” p. 73. For an example of a buff coat, once owned by Massachusetts governor Leverett, see New England Begins, edited by Jonathan Fairbanks and Robert Trent, vol.1, p. 56. Increase Mather in HKPW tells of the “many profane oaths of…those privateers” and how they prompted a soldier to lose control of himself and proclaim that “God was against the English,” p. 58.

On European military tactics in the seventeenth century and how they were adapted to the unique conditions of an Indian war, see Patrick Malone’s The Skulking Way of War, especially chapter 4, “Proficiency with Firearms: A Cultural Comparison,” pp. 52–66; George Bodge in Soldiers in King Philip’s War writes of how matchlocks quickly gave way to flintlocks in the early days of the war, pp. 45–46. Daniel Gookin in Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians mentions the belief prior to the war that “one Englishman was sufficient to chase ten Indians,” p. 438. Hubbard in HIWNE speaks of how Moseley and his men “ran violently down” on the Indians and of the wounding of Perez Savage, p. 70, as well as of the torn Bible pages, p. 76. Saltonstall in OIC writes of Cornelius the Dutchman’s arrival at Philip’s newly abandoned village, and how he placed the sachem’s hat upon his head, p. 130; Hubbard in HIWNE tells of the many masterless Indian dogs and the fields of corn, p. 72. In a July 6, 1675, letter to Sir John Allin, Benjamin Batten writes of the English taking a horse on Mount Hope “which by the furniture they suppose to be King Philip’s,” Gay Transcripts, Plymouth Papers, MHS. Roger Williams refers to the Narragansetts’ query as to why the other colonies did not leave Plymouth and Philip “to fight it out” in a June 25, 1675, letter to John Winthrop Jr., in Correspondence, vol. 2, p. 694.

Hubbard describes the Indians of New England as being “in a kind of maze” in HIWNE, p. 59. John Easton tells of Weetamoo’s unsuccessful attempts to surrender herself to authorities on Aquidneck Island in “A Relation of the Indian War” in Narratives of the Indian Wars,edited by Charles Lincoln, pp. 12–13; he also speaks of the promise made to neutral Indians that “if they kept by the waterside and did not meddle…the English would do them no harm,” pp. 15–16. Saltonstall describes the assault of Cornelius the Dutchman on the Indians attempting to land their canoes on Mount Hope, p. 130. Easton tells of Philip’s statement that “fighting was the worst way,” p. 9. On the enslaving of the Indians from Dartmouth and Plymouth, see Almon Lauber’s Indian Slavery in Colonial Times, pp. 146–47. Lauber also writes of Indian slavery in the Pequot War, pp. 123–24, while James Muldoon in “The Indian as Irishman” in Essex Institute Historical Collections, October 1975, discusses how English policies in the colonization of Ireland anticipated much of what happened in America, pp. 267–89. On Church’s efforts to ensure that the Indians of Sakonnet were treated fairly after the war, see Alan and Mary Simpson’s introduction to their edition of Church’s narrative, p. 39; they also cite his inventory at his death, which includes a “Negro couple” valued at £100, p. 41. William Bradford Jr. writes of the battle in the Pocasset cedar swamp in a July 21, 1675, letter to John Cotton reprinted by the Society of Colonial Wars in 1914. Hubbard in HIWNE describes in detail how bewildered the English soldiers were in the swamp, pp. 84–87. Saltonstall in OIC relates how the Indians would run over the mucky surface of the swamp “holding their guns across their arms (and if occasion be) discharge in that posture,” p. 134. James Cudworth also writes of the engagement and outlines his plan for building a fort at Pocasset and creating a small “flying army” in a July 20, 1675, letter to Josiah Winslow, MHS Collections, 1st ser., vol. 6, pp. 84–85.

Hubbard in HIWNE tells of Philip and Weetamoo’s escape across the Taunton River and of the hundred women and children left behind at Pocasset; he also details the encounter at Nipsachuck and Philip’s eventual escape to Nipmuck country, pp. 87–93; see also Increase Mather’s HKPW, p. 65. The best source on the encounter at Nipsachuck is Nathaniel Thomas’s August 10, 1675, letter reprinted in the appendix of HKPW, pp. 227–33. In a July 3, 1675, letter Tobias Sanders informed Major Fitz-John Winthrop that Mohegan sachem Uncas had been “in counsel with Philip’s messengers three days together in the woods privately and received of them peag [wampum] and coats,” MHS Collections, 5th ser., vol. 1, p. 427. The Praying Indian George Memicho recounts the condition of Philip and his people when they arrived at Menameset on August 5, 1675, in testimony reprinted in Temple’s History of North Brookfield; Memicho reports “that Philip said, if the English had charged upon him and his people at the swamp in his own country one or two days more they had been all taken, for their powder was almost spent; he also said that if the English had pursued him closely [at Nipsachuck], as he traveled up to them, he must needs have been taken,” pp. 100–101; Memicho also tells of how the Nipmuck sachems accepted Philip’s wampum. Saltonstall in OIC speaks of Philip’s coat of wampum, p. 154. Hubbard writes of how Philip succeeded in “kindling the flame of war” in HIWNE, p. 91.

CHAPTER FOURTEEN-The God of Armies

On the attack at Brookfield, see Hubbard in HIWNE, pp. 98–104; Increase Mather in HKPW, pp. 76–70; and Thomas Wheeler’s Narrative of the attack in So Dreadfull a Judgment, edited by Richard Slotkin and James Folsom, pp. 243–57. Hubbard in HIWNEtells of the battle of South Deerfield, pp. 109–110. Saltonstall in OIC tells of the powwows’ prediction after the hurricane on August 29, 1675, p. 158. A letter quoted in Increase Mather’s HKPW describes the sins ( “intolerable pride in clothes and hair,” etc.) of which New England was guilty, p. 83; Hubbard speaks of the “most fatal day” at Bloody Brook in HIWNE, pp. 113–17; he also describes Moseley’s subsequent battle with the Indians, pp. 117–19. Daniel Gookin was particularly outspoken concerning the outrages Moseley committed against the Indians in Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians, pp. 455, 464; George Bodge reprints the October 16, 1675, letter in which Moseley adds the postscript: “This aforesaid Indian was ordered to be torn in pieces by dogs” in Soldiers in King Philip’s War, p. 69. John Pynchon’s October 5, 1675, letter describing the attack on Springfield appears in the appendix of HKPW, pp. 244–45. Hubbard describes the Indians as “children of the devil” in HIWNE, p. 123. Gookin tells how “submissively and Christianly and affectionately” the Praying Indians conducted themselves as they were transported to Deer Island on October 20, 1675, in Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians, p. 474.

The proposal to build a defensive wall around the core settlements of Massachusetts is mentioned by Douglas Leach in Flintlock and Tomahawk, pp. 165–66. Ellis and Morris in King Philip’s War write of the traditions that sprang up in the Connecticut River valley concerning Philip’s activities during the fall of 1675 and add, “but his hand is hard to trace in the warfare of the valley,” p. 96. J. R. Temple in the History of North Brookfield insists that the Nipmucks were the dominant Native force throughout the war: “There is more reason for calling the conflict of 1675–6 a Quabaug and Nashaway War, than King Philip’s War. Philip’s power was broken at the outset. The Wampanoags, his own tribe, deserted him…. The Quabaug Alliance heartily espoused, and never deserted thecause, till it became hopeless,” p. 99. James Quanapohit provides the best information we have concerning Philip’s activities in the fall and winter of 1675–76; according to James, “a chief captain of [the] Hadley and Northampton Indians who was a valiant man…had attempted to kill Philip and intended to do it; alleging that Philip had begun a war with the English that had brought great trouble upon them,” reprinted in Temple’s History of North Brookfield, pp. 114–15. Mary Pray’s October 20, 1675, letter to Massachusetts authorities urging that action be taken against the Narragansetts is in MHS Collections, 5th ser., vol. 1, pp. 105–8. Increase Mather in HKPW writes of the “sword having marched eastward and westward and northward, now beginneth to face toward the south again,” p. 102. William Harris claims that if a pan-Indian force had struck a coordinated blow against the English in the beginning “in an hour or two the Indians might have slain five thousand souls, small and great. And before the English could have been in any good capacity to defend themselves, and begun to fight, the enemy regrettably might have killed another five thousands souls, so uncertain is our safety here,” A Rhode Islander Reports, edited by Douglas Leach, p. 65.

In my account of the Great Swamp Fight and the Hungry March, I have relied primarily on Benjamin Church’s EPRPW, pp. 48–64; Hubbard in HIWNE, pp. 137–65; Increase Mather in HKPW, pp. 102–17; Saltonstall in OIC, pp. 178–98; Welcome Green’s “The Great Battle of the Narragansetts,” Narragansett Historical Register, December 1887, pp. 331–43, and George Bodge in Soldiers in King Philip’s War, pp. 179–205. Increase Mather speaks of “the God of armies” in HKPW, p. 104. Hubbard credits Moseley with capturing thirty-six Indians on December 12, p. 139; however, Church claims to have brought in eighteen that same night, indicating that Hubbard’s number probably included the Indians brought in by both Moseley and Church. James Oliver’s December 26, 1675, letter describing the night spent sleeping “in the open field” the night before the attack on the Narragansetts is in Bodge, pp. 174–75. Hubbard refers to the companies of Johnson and Davenport charging “without staying for word of command,” in HIWNE,p. 144; Hubbard claims that God “who as he led Israel sometime by the pillar of fire…through the wilderness; so did he now direct our forces upon that side of the fort where they might only enter,” p. 145. Eric Schultz and Michael Tougias argue that what the Puritans took to be an unfinished feature of the fort “was intentionally planned by the Narragansett…to ensure that the English would attack at a well-defended point…. Had the Narragansett not run out of gunpowder during the fight…this contrived entrance might have been viewed not as a weakness but as a brilliant military tactic…in a smashing Narragansett victory,” p. 260. In a note to his edition of Hubbard’s HIWNE, Samuel Drake writes of Captain Davenport: “Being dressed in a full buff suit, it was supposed the Indians took him for the commander-in-chief, many aiming at him at once,” p. 146. Hubbard in HIWNE claims that “the soldiers were rather enraged than discouraged by the loss of their commanders,” p. 148. Benjamin Church does not mention Samuel Moseley by name, but as several commentators have noted, there is no mistaking the identity of the Massachusetts captain who arrogantly refused to allow General Winslow to enter the Narragansett fort. Concerning the decision to burn the fort and march that night to Wickford, Hubbard writes in HIWNE, “[M]any of our wounded men perished, which might otherwise have been preserved, if they had not been forced to march so many miles in a cold and snowy night, before they could be dressed,” p. 151. Bodge, on the other hand, feels that “from the standpoint of military strategy, the immediate retreat to Wickford was best,” p. 189. My thanks to Michael Hill for providing me with the comparative casualty rates at D-day and Antietam. Hubbard writes of the supply vessels frozen in at Cape Cod, HIWNE, p. 154. Saltonstall in OIC talks of the mounting fears back in Boston when it took five days for word of the fighting to reach the settlement: “[M]any fears arose amongst us that our men were lost either by the enemy or the snow, which made many a heartache among us,” p. 185. Bodge’s reference to the Great Swamp Fight as a “glorious victory” is from Soldiers of King Philip’s War, p. 189. Hubbard in HIWNE tells of how the English soldiers found the treaty in a wigwam of the fort and how it proved that the Indians “could not be ignorant of the articles of agreement,” p. 160. Most of what we know about Joshua Tefft comes from a January 14, 1676, letter from Roger Williams to Massachusetts governor John Leverett, in which Williams recounts in great detail Tefft’s testimony, Correspondence, vol. 2, pp. 711–17. See also Colin Calloway’s “Rhode Island Renegade: The Enigma of Joshua Tift,” Rhode Island History, vol. 43, 1984, pp. 137–45, and Jill Lepore’s The Name of War, pp. 131–36. Hubbard expresses his disdain for Tefft in HIWNE, p. 162. James Quanapohit reported that the first Narragansetts who approached the Nipmucks with two English scalps were “shot at” and told that “they were Englishmen’s friends all last summer and would not credit the first messengers; afterward came other messengers from Narragansetts and brought more heads…and then these Indians believed the Narragansetts and received the scalps…and now they believed that the Narragansetts and English are at war, of which they are glad,” in Temple’s History of North Brookfield, p. 116.

CHAPTER FIFTEEN-In a Strange Way

James Quanapohit provides a detailed account of Philip’s meeting with the French in his January 24, 1676, testimony; all quotes ascribed to the French diplomat are from that testimony reprinted in Temple’s History of North Brookfield, pp. 115–16. Increase Mather in HKPW writes, “[A] French man that came from Canady had been amongst [the Indians], animating them against the English, promising a supply of ammunition, and that they would come next summer and assist them,” p. 177. Before his execution, Joshua Tefft claimed that “Philip hath sent [the Narragansetts] word that he will furnish them [powder] from the French. He saith they have carried New England money to the French for ammunition, but the money he will not take but beaver or wampum. [Tefft] said the French have sent Philip a present viz. a brass gun and bandoliers suitable,” Correspondence of Roger Williams, vol. 2, p. 712. New York governor Andros writes that “Philip and 3 or 400 North Indians, fighting men, were come within 40 or 50 miles of Albany northerly” in a January 6, 1676, letter in Colonial Connecticut Records (CCR), vol. 2, p. 397. On February 25, 1675, Thomas Warner, a former prisoner with the Indians, testified that “he saw 2,100 Indians, all fighting men, [of] which 5 or 600 [were] French Indians, with straws in their noses,” in A Narrative of…King Philip’s War, edited by Franklin Hough, p. 145. According to Neal Salisbury in a personal communication, “Mohawk enmity with the French and their Indian allies dated back to at least 1609 and possibly earlier.” Increase Mather’s account of Philip’s failed attempt to win the Mohawks’ support is in HKPW, where he writes, “Thus hath he conceived mischief and brought forth falsehood; he made a pit and digged, and is fallen into the ditch which he hath made, his mischief shall return upon his own head,” pp. 168–69. On March 4, 1676, Andros wrote from Albany that “about three hundred Mohawk soldiers…returned the evening afore from the pursuit of Philip and a party of five hundred with him, whom they had beaten, having some prisoners and the crowns, or hair and skin of the head, of others they had killed,” in Documents Relative to the Colonial History of the State of New York, edited by John Brodhead, vol. 3, p. 255. Stephen Webb provides an excellent account of Philip’s winter in New York in 1676: The End of American Independence, pp. 367–71.

James Quanapohit’s testimony in which he describes his and Job Kattenanit’s spy mission is reprinted in J. H. Temple’s History of North Brookfield, pp. 112–18. Daniel Gookin tells of how Job’s arrival at his home in Cambridge on the night of February 9 triggered the attempt to save Lancaster in Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians, pp. 488–91. All quotations from Mary Rowlandson come from The Sovereignty and Goodness of God, edited by Neal Salisbury, pp. 63–112. For information on Rowlandson and her family, I have depended on Salisbury’s introduction, pp. 7–20. Hubbard in HIWNE quotes the message left by James the Printer at Medfield, p. 171. Francis Jennings in The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest refers to an August 8, 1675, letter from Richard Smith to Connecticut officials in which Smith claims that Weetamoo and a hundred men, women, and children had been delivered to him by a Narragansett sachem, p. 311, n. 36. On a woman’s pocket in seventeenth-century New England, see Laurel Ulrich’s Good Wives: Image and Reality in the Lives of Women in Northern New England: “a woman’s pocket was not attached to her clothing, but tied around her waist with a string or tape…. A pocket could be a mended and patched pouch of plain homespunor a rich personal ornament boldly embroidered in crewel,” p. 34. Ulrich also writes revealingly of Rowlandson’s captivity, pp. 226–34. On the meeting between Philip and Canonchet on March 9, 1676, see Temple’s History of North Brookfield, pp. 127–28. Richard Scott’s rant against Daniel Gookin appears in Simon Willard’s March 4, 1676, “Deposition of Elizabeth Belcher, Martha Remington, and Mary Mitchell,” at MHS. Jenny Pulsipher points out that Scott had served under Captain Moseley in Subjects unto the Same King, p. 155. Gookin writes of the threatened attack on the Praying Indians on Deer Island in Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians, p. 494.

The court order requiring all of Nemasket’s Praying Indians to relocate to Clark’s Island is in PCR, vol. 5, p. 187. All quotations from Benjamin Church are from EPRPW, pp. 66–71. My account of the Pierce massacre is based primarily on Hubbard’s HIWNE,pp. 172–77; Leonard Bliss’s History of Rehoboth, pp. 88–95; Harris, A Rhode Islander Reports, edited by Douglas Leach, pp. 41–43; and Increase Mather in HKPW, pp. 125–27. In an April 19, 1676, letter the Rehoboth minister Noah Newman writes, “The burial of the slain [from Pierce’s Fight] took us three days,” Curwen Papers, AAS. In a letter written in early April 1676, John Kingsley describes the attack on Rehoboth: “They burnt our mills, wreck the stones, yea, our grinding stones; and what was hid in the earth they found, corn and fowls, killed cattle and took the hind quarters and left the rest,” CCR, vol. 2, p. 446; he refers to the resident who was killed with the Bible in his hands as a “silly man.” Roger Williams describes the attack on Providence and his meeting with the Indians in an April 1, 1676, letter to his brother Robert Williams living on Aquidneck Island in Correspondence, vol. 2, pp. 720–24. Increase Mather in HKPW writes of the “sore and (doubtless) malignant colds prevailing everywhere. I cannot hear of one family in New England that hath wholly escaped the distemper…. We in Boston have seen…coffins meetingone another, and three or four put into their graves in one day,” pp. 153–54. Most of the quotations describing the capture and execution of Canonchet are from volume 2 of Hubbard’s HIWNE, pp. 55–60. Saltonstall in OIC tells how the Pequots, Mohegans, and Niantics “shared in the glory of destroying so great a prince,” p. 232. The Nipmuck sachems’ scornful response to possible negotiations on April 12, 1676, is cited by Dennis Connole in The Indians of the Nipmuck Country in Southern New England, p. 200. On groundnuts going to seed in early summer, see Howard Russell’s Indian New England before the Mayflower, p. 156. The much more conciliatory letter from the Nipmuck Sagamore Sam is also cited by Connole, p. 201.

Samuel Moseley’s belated request for “fifty or sixty apt or other trusty Indians, to be armed at the country’s charge,” is in the May 5, 1676, minutes of the Massachusetts General Court in Records of Massachusetts-Bay, edited by Nathaniel Shurtleff, vol. 5, p. 95. Gookin describes the return of the Praying Indians from Deer Island as “a jubilee” in Doings and Sufferings, p. 517. On the battle at Turner’s Falls, see Hubbard’s HIWNE, pp. 229–34. Sagamore Sam refers to how the attacks by Turner and Captain Henchman “destroyed those Indians” and how Philip and Quinnapin “went away to their own country again” in a June letter to Governor Leverett; see OIC, p. 272.

CHAPTER SIXTEEN-The Better Side of the Hedge

All quotations from Benjamin Church are from EPRPW, pp. 71–182. For more information on Awashonks, see Ann Marie Plane’s “Putting a Face on Colonization: Factionalism and Gender Politics in the Life History of Awashunkes, the ‘Squaw Sachem’ of Saconet,” in Northeastern Indian Lives, 1632–1816. edited by Robert Grumet, pp. 140–65. Increase Mather writes of the attack on Swansea on June 16, 1676, in HKPW, p. 162. Hubbard in HIWNE details the June 26 killing and beheading of Hezekiah Willett, p. 242. In his diary, Samuel Sewall writes about how the Pokanokets mourned Willett’s death, p. 25; Sewall also reports that Willett’s black servant “related Philip to be sound and well, about 1,000 Indians (all sorts) with him, but sickly: three died while he was there,” p. 25. The June 28, 1676, testimony of Awashonks’s son Peter and some other Sakonnet Indians appears in PCR, vol. 5, pp. 200–203. In locating the beach where Church and the Sakonnets finally found each other, I am indebted to Maurice Robbins’s The Sandwich Path: Church Searches for Awashonks, cited in Schultz and Tougias’s King Philip’s War, pp. 119–20. According to John Callender in An Historical Discourse on…Rhode Island, “The Powwows had foretold Philip, no Englishman should ever kill him, which accordingly proved true; he was shot by an Indian,” p. 73. Hubbard in HIWNE tells how the defection of the Sakonnets “broke Philip’s heart,” p. 272. Talcott refers to the Narragansett woman sachem as “that old piece of venom” in a July 4, 1676, letter in CCR, vol. 2, pp. 458–59. Hubbard describes the torture of the Narragansett captive in excruciating detail in HIWNE, vol. 2, pp. 62–64. William Harris in A Rhode Islander Reports, edited by Douglas Leach, writes of Talcott’s company: “These Connecticut men capture very many Indians, and kill all they capture except some boys and girls. This so frightens the Indians that they hasten to surrender themselves to Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Rhode Island, where their lives are spared, excepting known notorious murderers,” p. 77. James Drake compares the level of violence in the English civil war to that of King Philip’s War and how a “victor’s justice” began to assert itself at the end of both conflicts in “Restraining Atrocity: The Conduct of King Philip’s War,” New England Quarterly, vol. 70, 1997, pp. 37–38; he also speaks of the lack of rape in King Philip’s War, pp. 49–50, and how many Puritans looked to slavery as a humane alternative: “Slavery, in this particular historical context, seemed to many colonists an especially benevolent, and rewarding, alternative to execution,” p. 55. Almon Lauber in Indian Slavery in Colonial Times cites John Eliot’s June 13, 1675, letter to the Massachusetts-Bay governor in which he objects to enslaving the Indians, p. 305.

Daniel Gookin in Doings and Sufferings of the Christian Indians tells of the Indians’ insistence on “a deep silence in their marches and motions” and how they refused to tolerate the sounds made by English shoes and leather pants, p. 442. New England Begins,edited by Jonathan Fairbanks and Robert Trent, compares Church’s sword (at the MHS) to the weapons of “buccaneers in the Caribbean,” pp. 55–56. In his introduction to Church’s narrative in So Dreadfull a Judgment, Richard Slotkin writes of the nautical aspects of Church’s vocabulary: “terms like ‘pilot’ come more naturally to him then ‘guide’ or ‘scout,’ and he speaks of Indians ‘tacking about’ in battle. Natty Bumppo, who in some ways resembles Church, is wholly a creature of the land and woods; Church still has the smack of salt water,” p. 372. Cotton Mather’s comparison of Church’s accomplishments to “the silly old romances, where the knights do conquer so many giants” is in HKPW, p. 197. A transcription of William Bradford’s July 24, 1676, letter to John Cotton appears in the January 15, 1876, issue of the Providence Journal. Hubbard in HIWNE writes of the July 31, 1676, encounter between the Bridgewater militia and the Indians and adds, “’[T]is said that [Philip] had newly cut off his hair, that he might not be known,” p. 261. Hubbard also writes of the Indians being forced to kill their own children, p. 276; William Harris in A Rhode Islander Reports, edited by Douglas Leach, writes, “The Indians frequently kill their children, partly because they lack food for them. Also the Indians give a reward to a cruel woman among them to kill their children,” p. 61. Saltonstall in OIC tells of the Indians’ arms shaking so badly that they could not fire their weapons, p. 281. In a note to EPRPW, Henry Dexter lists Thomas Lucas’s long record of public drunkenness, p. 135. Increase Mather in HKPW writes of Weetamoo’s death and the “diabolical lamentation” of her people when they saw her dissevered head, p. 191. Mather in HKPW writes of Sagamore John’s execution of Matoonas, p. 185. Samuel Sewall records the hanging deaths of the Nipmuck sachems on Boston Common in his diary, p. 27. The description of Totoson’s death is from Church. According to a personal communication from Ella Sekatau, Totoson survived and escaped to Connecticut, and his descendants include Sekatau.

George Langdon in Pilgrim Colony compares the percentage casualty rate in World War II to that of Plymouth Colony in King Philip’s War, pp. 181–82; my thanks to Michael Hill for providing me with the casualty rate for the Civil War. Sherburne Cook in “Interracial Warfare and Population Decline among the New England Indians,” Ethnohistory, vol. 20, Winter 1973, provides the statistics concerning the Native American losses during King Philip’s War, p. 22. Stephen Webb in 1676: The End of American Independence writes that “the Anglo-Iroquoian attack on Philip’s forces in February 1675/6 had been the decisive action in the war,” p. 370. Philip was ahead of his time in recognizing the importance of having a European ally in a war against the English. In The Dominion of War: Empire and Liberty in North America, Fred Anderson and Andrew Cayton write, “By the 1720s, nothing could have been clearer than that any [Native] people who wished to defend its autonomy needed a European ally and arms-supplier to do so. In every clash between colonists and natives, from Metacom’s War to the destruction of the Yamassees, what weighed decisively in favor of the English colonies was not the martial skill of the militia—which was mostly negligible—but rather that the colonists had the ability to replenish exhausted stocks of arms, ammunition, and food while the Indians—except for those who had a European ally to supply them—did not,” p. 88. Increase Mather in HKPW claims that during his final night Philip “dreamed that he was fallen into the hands of the English,” p. 194. My account of the workings of a flintlock musket are based on the description provided by Patrick Malone in The Skulking Way of War, p. 34. The drawing and quartering of notorious rebels was expected in seventeenth-century England; soon after the Restoration, Oliver Cromwell’s body was exhumed and then drawn and quartered. The account of how the Plymouth church reaffirmed its covenant on July 18 and Church’s arrival with Philip’s head on the day of Thanksgiving on August 17 are in Plymouth Church Records, vol. 1, pp. 151, 152–53. In his Magnalia, Cotton Mather writes of his strange, and telling, response to seeing Philip’s head at Plymouth: “[U]pon a certain occasion [I] took off the jaw from the exposed skull of that blasphemous leviathan,” p. 197; according to Jill Lepore in The Name of War, “By stealing Philip’s jawbone, his mouth, [Mather] put an end to Philip’s blasphemy (literally, his evil utterances),” pp. 174–75. Schultz and Tougias in King Philip’s War describe the building of the palisade fort at Plymouth during the war and write, “It was on this palisade that Philip’s head was set after his death,” pp. 125–26. Ebenezer Peirce, who was commissioned by Zerviah Mitchell, a descendant of Massasoit’s, to write Indian History, Biography, and Genealogy, accuses Benjamin Church of exaggerating his accomplishments in the war, especially when it came to the descent down the rock face prior to capturing Annawon, pp. 207–8. While Annawon’s Rock, located in Rehoboth and marked by a plaque (see Schultz and Tougias’s King Philip’s War, p. 131), may not be as steep as Church suggests, an observer only has to imagine the circumstances under which he attempted the descent to appreciate the daring it required. Hubbard in HIWNE writes of Annawon’s reference to the Praying Indians and the young warriors being the primary causes of the war, as well as his views about “a Great God that overruled all,” pp. 277–78. In June 1677, Josiah Winslow sent most of Philip’s royalties as a gift to the king of England; in the accompanying letter, he described them as “these few Indian rarities, being the best of the spoils, and best of the ornaments and treasure of sachem Philip the grand rebel, the most of them taken from him by Capt. Benjamin Church (a person of great loyalty and the most successful of our commanders) when he was slain by him; being his crown, his gorge, and two belts of their own making of their gold and silver,” in MHS Proceedings, 1863–64, p. 481. As Schultz and Tougias relate in King Philip’s War, the royalties and letter were sent via Winslow’s brother-in-law in Essex, England, who appears never to have delivered them to the king. Where the artifacts are now “remains a mystery,” p. 140. Hubbard in HIWNE claims that Church and his men brought in seven hundred Indians between June and the end of October 1676, and that another three hundred had “come in voluntarily,” pp. 272–73.

EPILOGUE-Conscience

Almon Lauber in Indian Slavery in Colonial Times writes of the departure of Captain Sprague from Plymouth with 178 slaves, as well as the law concerning the removal of all male Indians over fourteen years of age, pp. 125, 145. Jill Lepore in The Name of Warprovides an excellent discussion of slavery in King Philip’s War and the controversy surrounding what to do with Philip’s son, pp. 150–63. Sherburne Cook in “Interracial Warfare and Population Decline” carefully computes the number of Indians sold into slavery throughout New England and estimates that at least 511 Indians were sold at Plymouth, p. 20. James Drake in King Philip’s War calculates that while “in 1670 Indians constituted nearly 25 percent of New England’s inhabitants, by 1680 they made up only 8–12 percent,” p. 169; not only had the Indian population been dramatically reduced by the war, the English population had significantly increased by 1680. Jeremy Bangs in Indian Deeds writes of Plymouth’s inability to purchase the Mount Hope Peninsula in 1680, p. 184. Stephen Webb in 1676 claims that “Per-capita incomes in New England did not recover their 1675 levels until 1775. They did not exceed this pre-1676 norm until 1815,” p. 243. Webb also writes, “[T]he puritan purge of the ‘heathen barbarians’ from their midst not only externalized but also reinforced the native barrier to New England’s growth. A frontier line, between colonists and natives…replaced the cellular structure of mixed Indian and colonial villages, and was a far more effective limit on New England expansion. King Philip’s War had sapped the physical (and psychic) strength of Puritanism, limited the territorial frontiers of New England, and dramatically reduced the corporate colonies’ ability to resist the rising tide of English empire either politically or economically,” p. 412. See also T. H. Breen’s essay “War, Taxes, and Political Brokers” in Puritans and Adventurers. Richard Slotkin in Regeneration through Violence writes, “What [the Pilgrims] desired above all was a tabula rasa on which they could inscribe their dream: the outline of an idealized Puritan England,” p. 38. Benjamin Church chronicles his five post–King Philip’s War expeditions against the French and Indians in the second part of EPRPW; see Henry Martyn Dexter’s introduction to the second volume, pp. vii–xxxii. Richard Slotkin in his introduction to Church’s narrative in So Dreadfull a Judgment writes of Church becoming “immensely fat” in old age and needing assistance from two Indian guards, p. 375. In 1718, Church’s weight would literally be the death of him when his horse stumbled and threw him over his head; according to an account provided by his descendants, “the colonel being exceeding fat and heavy, fell with such force that a blood vessel was broken, and the blood gushed out of his mouth like a torrent. His wife was soon brought to him; he tried but was unable to speak to her, and died in about twelve hours,” quoted in Alan and Mary Simpson’s introduction to Church’s narrative, pp. 39–41.

For a concise account of the travels of Bradford’s manuscript, see Samuel Eliot Morison’s introduction in OPP, pp. xxvii–xl. On the various editions of Church’s narrative, see Dexter’s introduction to EPRPW, pp. vii–xiv. I have based my account of the legend of Maushop on five different versions collected in William Simmons’s Spirit of the New England Tribes, pp. 176–91. The earliest, recorded by Benjamin Basset in 1792, was told by the Wampanoag Thomas Cooper, whose Native grandmother had witnessed the arrival of the English on Martha’s Vineyard in 1643. The reference to Maushop beating his wife and children comes from an English writer who grew up on Martha’s Vineyard in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries and heard the legend from his Wampanoag nurse, p. 183. Maushop’s disappearance “nobody knew whither” was recorded by James Freeman in 1807, p. 178. I have written about how Native American legends reflect ever-changing historical truths in Abram’s Eyes, which provides a reading of the Native history of Nantucket through the legends of Maushop, pp. 13–15. On what happened to the Indians of New England after King Philip’s War, see Daniel Mandell’s Behind the Frontier: Indians in Eighteenth-Century Eastern Massachusetts and After King Philip’s War: Presence and Persistence in Indian New England, edited by Colin Calloway. After 1701, the Sakonnet Indians who had fought with Benjamin Church were granted 190 acres between Sakonnet and Assawompsett, in Mandell, p. 51. The population statistics for the Sakonnets in the eighteenth century come from Benjamin Wilbour’s Notes on Little Compton, p. 15.

On the travels of Plymouth Rock, see Francis Russell’s “The Pilgrims and the Rock,” American Heritage, October 1962, pp. 48–55. Jill Lepore writes of how the writings of Washington Irving and William Apess and the play Meta-mora reflected changing attitudes toward King Philip’s War in The Name of War, pp. 186–226. She also cites traditions concerning Massasoit’s descendant Simeon Simon during the American Revolution, p. 235. See E. B. Dimock’s article about Simon reprinted in the Narragansett Dawn, September 1935, pp. 110–11, and cited by Lepore. Records of Simon’s service throughout the war are at the National Archives in Washington, D.C. My thanks to Richard Peuser, the supervisory archivist for the Old Military and Civil Records, for bringing these documents to my attention. Ebenezer Peirce, no fan of Benjamin Church, writes gleefully of his traitorous grandson in Indian History, Biography, and Genealogy and adds, “Were we a Mather, doubtless we should say, ‘thus doth the Lord retaliate,’” p. 162. On the evolution of the myth of the Pilgrims, see James Deetz and Patricia Scott Deetz’s The Times of their Lives,pp. 10–25; John Seelye’s monumental Memory’s Nation: The Place of Plymouth Rock; and Joseph Conforti’s Imagining New England, pp. 171–96. James Baker in “Haunted by the Pilgrims” in The Art and Mystery of Historical Archaeology: Essays in Honor of James Deetz, edited by Anne Elizabeth Yentsch and Mary C. Beaudry, writes of how it was not until the early twentieth century that the First Thanksgiving “ousted the Landing and the older patriotic images from the popular consciousness” of the Pilgrims, pp. 350–51. E. J. V. Huiginn in The Graves of Myles Standish and Other Pilgrims writes of the 1891 exhumation of Standish’s grave, pp. 122–29, 159. My thanks to Carolyn Travers, research manager at Plimoth Plantation, for bringing this source to my attention. The statistics concerning the number of Mayflower descendants appear in “Beyond the Mayflower ” by Cokie Roberts and Steven Roberts in USA Weekend, November 22–24, 2002, pp. 8–10. On the influence of Church’s narrative on the development of the American literary tradition, see Slotkin’s introduction in So Dreadfull a Judgment, pp. 386–90, and his Regeneration through Violence, pp. 146–79. On the creation and evolution of Plimoth Plantation, see the Deetzes’ The Times of Their Lives, pp. 273–91. James Deetz claims that the evidence for the Clark garrison being located on the grounds of Plimoth Plantation is “practically conclusive” in “Archaeological Identification of the Site of the Eel River Massacre,” an unpublished paper at the Plimoth Plantation Library; my thanks to Carolyn Travers for bringing this document to my attention. In their introduction to Church’s narrative, the Simpsons write, “No one was less committed to a war of extermination than Benjamin Church,” p. 63. Church writes of Conscience in EPRPW, pp. 181–82.

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