Notes

Prologue

Calculation based on 1880 and 1890 censuses of manufacturing, which calculated “value added” to manufacturing by subtracting the value of materials from the gross value of products. Figures from tables in Bessie Louise Pierce, The Rise of the Modern City, 1871–1893, Vol. 3 of A History of Chicago (New York: Knopf, 1957), pp. 534–35.

Bessie Louise Pierce, From Town to City, 1848–1871, Vol. 2 of A History of Chicago (New York: Knopf, 1940), pp. 67, 110; and Chicago Tribune, May 5, 6, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 3, 1886.

Donald L. Miller, City of the Century: The Epic of Chicago and the Making of America (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1996), pp. 225–26, 228. On Pullman, see Bessie Louise Pierce, ed., As Others See Chicago: Impressions of Visitors, 1673–1933 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1933), pp. 241–49. On Pullman building at Adams and Michigan, see Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 232, n. 102.

Quote in Stanley Buder, Pullman: An Experiment in Industrial Order and Community Planning, 1880–1930 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967), p. 141.

All quotes describing the events of May 4 are from the Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886, unless cited otherwise.

New York Times, May 6, 1886; and Chicago Tribune, May 6, 7, 1886. On the Tribune and its coverage, see Lloyd Wendt, Chicago Tribune: The Rise of a Great American Newspaper (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1969), pp. 282–85, 287–88.

On Medill, see Wendt, Chicago Tribune; Carl Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years and the War Years (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1954), p. 57; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, p. 86, and Vol. 3, p. 411; Gunther Barth, City People: The Rise of Modern City Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 98; and David Paul Nord, “The Public Community: The Urbanization of Journalism in Chicago,” Journal of Urban History 11 (August 1985), p. 439.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

Quotes from Henry David, The History of the Haymarket Affair: A Study in the American Social-Revolutionary and Labor Movements (New York: Russell & Russell, 1936), p. 179; Mary Jones, The Autobiography of Mother Jones (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1925), p. 21; and Paul Avrich, The Haymarket Tragedy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 218.

See Richard Sennett, “Middle-Class Families and Urban Violence: The Experience of a Chicago Community in the Nineteenth Century,” in Stephan Thernstrom and Richard Sennett, eds., Nineteenth-Century Cities: Essays in the New Urban History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969).

Quotes from Sven Beckert, The Monied Metropolis: New York City and the Consolidation of the American Bourgeoisie, 1850–1896 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001), p. 276; and T. J. Jackson Lears, No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880–1920 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), p. 29.

Jeffory A. Clymer, America’s Culture of Terrorism: Violence, Capitalism, and the Written Word (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2003), pp. 36–39; New York Times, May 6, 1886; and Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820–1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 126.

Reverend H. W. Thomas quoted in Carl Smith, Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief: The Great Chicago Fire, the Haymarket Bomb, and the Model Town of Pullman (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), p. 169.

Ibid., p. 168.

Samuel Gompers, Seventy Years of Life and Labor: An Autobiography (New York: Dutton, 1925), pp. 238–39.

Quote from John Higham, Strangers in the Land: Patterns of American Nativism, 1860–1925 (New York: Atheneum, 1977), p. 55. Also see Gary Gerstle, American Crucible: Race and Nation in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2001), p. 102; and Louis Joughin and Edmund M. Morgan, The Legacy of Sacco and Vanzetti (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1948), pp. 208–9.

Quote from Edmund Wilson, Letters on Literature and Politics (New York: Farrar, Straus & Giroux, 1977), p. 154.

Martin J. Burke, The Conundrum of Class: Public Discourse on the Social Order in America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), p. 161; and Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order, pp. 130–31.

George Pullman to Andrew Carnegie, May 5, 1886, Carnegie Papers, Vol. 9, Folio 1445, Library of Congress; and see Buder, Pullman, pp. 33, 37, 140–42. Triumphant Democracy quoted in Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886.

On Oglesby, see Mark A. Plummer, Lincoln’s Rail-Splitter: Governor Richard J. Oglesby (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2001), pp. 178, 190–91; and quote in Carl S. Smith, “Cataclysm and Cultural Consciousness: Chicago and the Haymarket Trial,” Chicago History 15 (Summer 1986), p. 46.

Chapter One / For Once in Common Front

Chicago Tribune, May 2, 1865.

Chicago Tribune, May 2, 1865; Dorothy Meserve Kunhardt and Philip B. Kunhardt, Jr., Twenty Days: A Narrative in Text and Pictures of the Assassination of Abraham Lincoln and the Twenty Days and Nights That Followed (New York: Castle Books, 1993), p. 235; and quote from Sandburg, Lincoln, p. 740.

Chicago Tribune, May 2, 1865; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, pp. 256, 504–5; Lincoln quoted in James McPherson, Battle Cry of Freedom (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 28.

Chicago Tribune, May 2, 1865.

Quote in Sandburg, Lincoln, p. 742.

First quote in Eric Foner, The Story of American Freedom (New York: Norton, 1998), p. 100. Second quote from Chicago Tribune, May 3, 1865.

James C. Sylvis, The Life, Speeches, Labors and Essays of William H. Sylvis, Late President of the Iron-Moulders’ International Union and also of the National Labor Union (Philadelphia: Claxton, Remsen & Haffelfiner, 1872), pp. 129–30, 169.

Ibid., p. 129.

Ibid., p. 25. Also see David Montgomery, “William H. Sylvis and the Search for Working-Class Citizenship,” in Melvyn Dubofsky and Warren Van Tine, eds., Labor Leaders in America (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1987), pp. 3–29.

Sylvis, The Life, pp. 31–32.

On antebellum labor history, see Norman Ware, The Industrial Worker, 1840–1860 (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1924); and Philip S. Foner, History of the Labor Movement in the United States (New York: International Publishers, 1947), Vol. 1.

Bruce Laurie, Artisans into Workers: Labor in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Hill & Wang, 1989), pp. 75–94, 103–6. In fact, no workers died in strike-related violence until 1850, when New York City police killed two German tailors. Edwin G. Burrows and Mike Wallace,Gotham: A History of New York City to 1898 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 771.

David Montgomery, Beyond Equality: Labor and the Radical Republicans, 1862–1872 (New York: Knopf, 1967), pp. 94–96; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, p. 157.

Sylvis, The Life, p. 15; and P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 1, p. 348.

P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 1, p. 348.

Robert Ozanne, A Century of Labor-Management Relations at McCormick and International Harvester (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967), p. 5; Philip S. Foner and David R. Roediger, Our Own Time: A History of American Labor and the Working Day (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1989), p. 310, n. 46.

Quote in P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 1, p. 361.

J. R. Green, A Short History of the English People (London: Macmillan, 1921), pp. 519, 616; G. D. H. Cole, A Short History of the British Working-Class Movement, 1789–1947 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1948), pp. 95–96; Dorothy Thompson, The Chartists: Popular Politics in the Industrial Revolution (New York: Pantheon, 1984), pp. 116–21. Quote from E. P. Thompson, Customs in Common: Studies in Traditional Popular Culture (New York: New Press, 1991), p. 830.

On Andrew Cameron, see Allen Johnson et al., Dictionary of American Biography (New York: Scribner, 1937), pp. 433–34.

Ibid. Also see Richard Schneirov, “Political Cultures and the Role of the State in Labor’s Republic: A View from Chicago,” Labor History 32 (Summer 1991), pp. 387–93.

Workingman’s Advocate, July 7, 1866.

Workingman’s Advocate, April 28, 1866.

Montgomery, Beyond Equality, pp. 90–91.

P. Foner and Roediger, Our Own Time, p. 86. Also see Montgomery, Beyond Equality, pp. 254–55.

P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 1, p. 364; Steward quoted in Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 251.

George McNeill, ed., The Labor Movement: The Problem of Today (Boston: A. M. Bridgman & Co., 1886), p. 128; and P. Foner and Roediger, Our Own Time, pp. 86, 108, 127.

Marx quoted in P. Foner and Roediger, Our Own Time, p. 82.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, pp. 168, 174; Workingman’s Advocate, April 28, 1866.

Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 176; Sylvis, The Life, pp. 349–50.

Quotes from John R. Commons et al., eds., Documentary History of American Industrial Society (Cleveland: A. H. Clark, 1910), Vol. IX, p. 145.

E. Foner, American Freedom, pp. 99, 106.

Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 306; and Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, p. 175.

McNeill, ed., The Labor Movement, p. 130.

Quote in Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, p. 176.

Boston Daily Evening Voice, April 6, 1867, quoted in Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 307.

Quote in Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 254.

Workingman’s Advocate, September 28, 1867.

Miller, City of the Century, p. 121.

Chapter Two / A Paradise for Workers and Speculators

Chicago Tribune, May 16, 1866.

Miller, City of the Century, p. 114; William Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West (New York: Norton, 1991), p. 230.

Miller, City of the Century, p. 89; Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis, p. 90; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, p. 50.

Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis, pp. 91–92.

Ibid., p. 91; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, pp. 67, 71, 81–82, 110, 158, and quote on p. 103; John B. Jentz, “Class and Politics in an Emerging Industrial City: Chicago in the 1860s and 1870s,” Journal of Urban History 17 (May 1991), p. 231; Robin Einhorn, Property Rules: Political Economy in Chicago, 1833–1872 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), p. 209; Ozanne, Century, p. 5; and Arthur C. Cole, The Era of the Civil War (Springfield: Illinois State Historical Society, 1919), pp. 381–82.

Miller, City of the Century, p. 114; Chicago Tribune, April 23, 1866; and see Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis, pp. 149, 163, 230.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, p. 482; and Jentz, “Class and Politics,” pp. 231–32.

Quote from Miller, City of the Century, pp. 143–44.

Workingman’s Advocate, April 28, 1866.

Montgomery, Beyond Equality, pp. 231, 248, 254–57, 380–81.

Quote ibid., p. 308.

Description from Illinois Staats-Zeitung, May 2, 3, 1867, quoted in Hartmut Keil and John B. Jentz, “German Working Class Culture in Chicago,” Gulliver 9 (1981), pp. 254–55, 257.

Ozanne, Century, pp. 6–7, including quote; and Montgomery, Beyond Equality, pp. 309–10.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, pp. 178, 258, 505; and Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 309.

Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 310.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, p. 179.

Montgomery, Beyond Equality, pp. 310–11; and Montgomery, “William H. Sylvis,” p. 15.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, p. 179; Montgomery, Beyond Equality, pp. 226–27; and Workingman’s Advocate, August 17, September 28, 1867.

Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 227.

P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 1, pp. 376–77.

Workingman’s Advocate, July 4, 1868.

Montgomery, Beyond Equality, p. 263.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, p. 185; and Workingman’s Advocate, April 24, 1869.

Charlotte Todes, William H. Sylvis and the National Labor Union (New York: International Publishers, 1942), pp. 74–76.

Ibid., pp. 75, 106–9.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 2, pp. 18, 159; Jentz, “Class and Politics,” pp. 235, 237–38, 241, 243; and see Richard Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics: Class Conflict and the Origins of Modern Liberalism in Chicago, 1864–97 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), pp. 38–39, 54.

“Annual Report of the Agent of the German Society of Chicago,” April 1, 1870, quoted in Hartmut Keil and John B. Jentz, eds., German Workers in Chicago: A Documentary History of Working-Class Culture from 1850 to World War I (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), p. 40.

Ibid., pp. 39–40; and Miller, City of the Century, p. 135.

Miller, City of the Century, p. 134.

Einhorn, Property Rules, Table 1, Property Ownership, p. 250. Mean total wealth in 1870 was $19,257 for native-born, $2,475 for German, $2,580 for Irish and $2,227 for Scandinavian. Edward Bubnys, “Nativity and the Distribution of Wealth: Chicago, 1870,” Explorations in Economic History 19 (April 1982), Tables 2 and 3, pp. 104–5.

Miller, City of the Century, pp. 120, 127–31.

Alfred T. Andreas, History of Chicago from the Earliest Period to the Present Time (New York: Arno Press, 1975), Vol. 2, pp. 769, 775; Paul Andrew Hutton, Phil Sheridan and His Army (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1985), pp. 117, 153. Bismarck quoted in Miller, City of the Century, p. 131.

Quote in Miller, City of the Century, p. 121.

Twain’s novel The Gilded Age was published in 1874. See H. Wayne Morgan, “An Age in Need of Reassessment,” in H. Wayne Morgan, ed., The Gilded Age: A Reappraisal (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1963), p. 1. Whitman quoted in John Tipple, “The Robber Baron in the Gilded Age,” in Morgan, ed., Gilded Age, p. 32.

Walt Whitman, “Democratic Vistas,” reprinted in Perry Miller, ed., Major Writers of America (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1962), Vol. 1, pp. 1086–87, 1104.

Ibid., pp. 1087, 1100. Last Whitman quote in Robert Falk, “The Writers’ Search for Lost Reality,” in Morgan, ed., Gilded Age, p. 200.

Chapter Three / We May Not Always Be So Secure

See Frank Jellinek, The Paris Commune of 1871 (1937; reprint, New York: Grosset & Dunlap, 1965), pp. 61–173; quote on p. 90.

Philip M. Katz, From Appomattox to Montmarte: Americans and the Paris Commune (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1998), pp. 18–19.

Quote ibid.

Jellinek, Paris Commune, pp. 338–70.

Katz, From Appomattox, pp. 69, 71, 75, 83, 85.

See Richard Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation: The Myth of the Frontier in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Atheneum, 1992), pp. 91–92.

Quote from Katz, From Appomattox, pp. 149, 153–54.

Workingman’s Advocate, July 8, 1871.

Workingman’s Advocate, July 8, 1871; and Karl Marx’s The Civil War in France, in Workingman’s Advocate, July 17, 1871.

Workingman’s Advocate, July 8, August 19, 1871.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 191.

Quotes in Miller, City of the Century, pp. 159, 171; and Karen Sawislak, Smoldering City: Chicagoans and the Great Fire, 1871–1874 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), p. 44.

Smith, Urban Disorder (see Prologue, n. 14), p. 49.

Quote ibid., p. 51. I have relied here upon Smith’s discussion of the hanging rumors, ibid., pp. 53, 55–57.

See ibid., p. 34.

Ibid., pp. 33, 71, 73.

Miller, City of the Century, p. 164; and Einhorn, Property Rules, p. 234.

Sawislak, Smoldering City, pp. 79, 44; and Miller, City of the Century, p. 167.

Quotes in Katz, From Appomattox, pp. 124–25.

Quote ibid., p. 125.

Einhorn, Property Rules, pp. 235–36.

Sawislak, Smoldering City, p. 44. Also see Miller, City of the Century, pp. 134, 147–48.

Einhorn, Property Rules, p. 236.

Sawislak, Smoldering City, p. 93. On Medill, see Nord, “The Public Community,” p. 423; Einhorn, Property Rules, p. 236.

Quote in Einhorn, Property Rules, p. 236.

Ibid., pp. 236, 239, 250.

John J. Flinn, History of the Chicago Police from the Settlement of the Community to the Present Time (Chicago: Police Book Fund, 1887), pp. 137–38, 140.

Quote from ibid., pp. 142, 144.

Jentz, “Class and Politics,” p. 261.

Quote ibid., p. 248.

See Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 61; Einhorn, Property Rules, pp. 219–21, 226–27.

Quote in Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 19, 194.

Katz, From Appomattox, p. 169.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 194, 196, 240–41.

Einhorn, Property Rules, pp. 233–34, Sawislak, Smoldering City, pp. 87–88, 97; and Miller, City of the Century, pp. 162–63.

Quote from Floyd Dell, “Socialism and Anarchism in Chicago,” in J. Seymour Currey, ed., Chicago: Its History and Its Builders (Chicago: S. J. Clarke Publishing Co., 1912), p. 366.

Ibid., p. 365. Horace White quoted in Bruce C. Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs: A Social History of Chicago’s Anarchists (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1988), p. 53.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 53; and quote in Herbert Gutman, “The Workers’ Search for Power,” in Morgan, ed., Gilded Age, pp. 61–63.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 54; Chicago Tribune, December 23, 24, 25, 29, 1873, January 2, 1874.

Quotes from Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 58; and Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 345.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 53–54.

Morris Hillquit, History of Socialism in America (New York: Russell & Russell, 1965), p. 186.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 54.

Jentz, “Class and Politics,” p. 249.

See Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 57; Ozanne, Century, p. 8; and quotes from Gutman, “Workers’ Search,” p. 45.

Quotes from Gutman, “Workers’ Search,” p. 45.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 59.

Chapter 4 / A Liberty-Thirsty People

Michael J. Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists (Chicago: Shulte & Co, 1889), p. 49.

On southern migrants to Chicago, see Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 21.

On the Levee District, see Richard C. Lindberg, Chicago Ragtime: Another Look at Chicago, 1880–1920 (South Bend, IN: Icarus Press, 1985), pp. 119–20.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 408.

Nord, “The Public Community,” pp. 416–17.

Ibid., pp. 419–21, and quote on pp. 431–32.

Albert R. Parsons, “Autobiography of Albert R. Parsons,” in Philip S. Foner, ed., The Autobiographies of the Haymarket Martyrs (New York: Humanities Press, 1969), p. 30.

Ibid., p. 27.

Ibid., pp. 29–31.

See W. E. B. DuBois, Black Reconstruction (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1935), pp. 553, 556. By the middle of 1868 more than 400 Texas blacks had been killed in the violence, most of them murdered by white desperadoes. Some white men died as well, including some racists killed by army and militiamen, and some northerners, like seven men from Illinois murdered by a mob because they were carpetbaggers. See Randolph B. Campbell, Grass-Roots Reconstruction in Texas, 1865–1880 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1997), pp. 17–18, 165, 176–78, 184.

Albert Parsons to George A. Schilling, in Lucy Parsons, ed., The Life of Albert R. Parsons (Chicago: Lucy Parsons, 1903), p. 217; and A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 29.

Campbell, Grass-Roots Reconstruction, pp. 17–20.

Parsons to Schilling in L. Parsons, The Life, p. 216.

Campbell, Grass-Roots Reconstruction, pp. 19–20; A. Parsons to Schilling in L. Parsons, The Life, p. 218; and A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 29.

A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” pp. 29–30.

Carolyn Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons: American Revolutionary (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1976), pp. 14, 268; and Chicago Tribune, July 22, 1886.

Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, pp. 14, 268; and Rima Lunin Schultz and Adele Hast, “Lucy Parsons,” in Rima Lunin Schultz and Adele Hast, eds., Women Building Chicago, 1790–1990: A Biographical Dictionary (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001), pp. 668–69.

Lucy Parsons quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 11.

DuBois, Black Reconstruction, pp. 561, 624, 684, 708.

William J. Adelman, Haymarket Revisited: A Tour Guide of Labor History Sites and Ethnic Neighborhoods Connected with the Haymarket Affair (Chicago: Illinois Labor History Society, 1976), pp. 65–75; and Christine Harzig, “Chicago’s German North Side, 1880–1900: The Structure of a Gilded Age Ethnic Neighborhood,” in Hartmut Keil and John B. Jentz, eds., German Workers in Industrial Chicago, 1850–1910: A Comparative Portrait (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1983), pp. 127–44.

United States Department of the Interior, Census Office, Statistics of the Population of the United States at the Tenth Census, 1880 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1883), pp. 417, 448.

United States Department of the Interior, Census Office, Statistics of the Population of the United States at the Eleventh Census, 1890 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1893), p. 374; United States Department of the Interior, Census Office, Report on the Manufactures of the United States at the Tenth Census, 1880 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1883), p. 870. Quote in Bruce Carlan Levine, “Free Soil, Free Labor, and Freimanner: German Chicago in the Civil War Era,” in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers in Industrial Chicago, pp. 176–77.

Hartmut Keil, “Chicago’s German Working Class,” in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers in Industrial Chicago, pp. 28, 31; Harzig, “Chicago’s German North Side,” p. 129.

The following account is based on August Spies, “Autobiography of August Spies,” in P. Foner, Autobiographies, pp. 59–69.

Quotes ibid., p. 66.

Manufactures at the Tenth Census, p. 392.

Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, pp. 170, 175–76; Hartmut Keil, “Immigrant Neighborhoods and American Society: German Immigrants on Chicago’s Northwest Side in the Late Nineteenth Century,” in Hartmut Keil, ed., German Workers’ Culture in the United States, 1850 to 1920 (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988), pp. 25–58.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 22–23; Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, pp. 34, 170–71, 176.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 23; and Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, pp. 160–68, 176–81.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 123.

Kathleen Neils Conzen, “Ethnicity as Festive Culture: Nineteenth-Century German America on Parade,” in Werner Sollors, ed., The Invention of Ethnicity (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 49–50.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 489.

Hartmut Keil and Heinz Ickstadt, “Elements of German Working-Class Culture in Chicago, 1880 to 1990,” and Christine Heiss, “Popular and Working-Class German Theater in Chicago, 1870–1910,” in Keil, ed., German Workers’ Culture, pp. 94–95, 181–202; Christa Carajal, “German-American Theater,” in Maxine Schwartz Seller, ed., Ethnic Theater in the United States (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1983), pp. 178–79, 183, 185.

Manufactures at the Tenth Census, p. 540; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 31; and Odd S. Lovoll, “A Scandinavian Melting Pot in Chicago,” in Philip J. Anderson and Dag Blanck, eds., Swedish-American Life in Chicago: Culture and Urban Aspects of an Immigrant People, 1850–1930(Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992), p. 62.

Quote in Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 28–29; Lovoll, “Scandinavian Melting Pot,” p. 63; S. N. D. North, The Newspaper and Periodical Press at the Tenth Census, 1880 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1884), p. 221.

Lovoll, “Scandinavian Melting Pot,” p. 60; and see Robert H. Wiebe, Who We Are: A History of Popular Nationalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2002), pp. 65–72.

Conzen, “Ethnicity as Festive Culture,” pp. 45, 63, 65.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 345.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 53, 59; Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 148.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 59; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 253; Christine Heiss, “German Radicals in Industrial America: The Lehr-und-wehr Verein in Gilded Age Chicago,” in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers in Industrial Chicago, pp. 211, 214, 224.

Heiss, “German Radicals,” p. 214.

Spies, “Autobiography,” p. 67.

Medill quoted in Wayne Andrews, Battle for Chicago (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1946), p. 68; A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” pp. 30–31; Parsons quoted in John D. Lawson, ed., American State Trials (St. Louis: F. H. Thomas Law Book Co., 1919), p. 310.

George A. Schilling, “A History of the Labor Movement in Chicago,” in L. Parsons, The Life, p. xxii.

Ibid., p. xxiii. On Schilling, see Hartmut Keil, “The German Immigrant Working Class of Chicago, 1875–90: Workers, Labor Leaders and the Labor Movement,” in Dirk Hoerder, ed., American Labor and Immigration History, 1877–1920s: Recent European Research (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), pp. 165–66.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 23. On southwestern humor, see Falk, “Writers’ Search for Lost Reality,” in Morgan, ed., Gilded Age, p. 215.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 22; Chicago Tribune, quoted in Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 244; A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 31.

Chapter Five / The Inevitable Uprising

Quotes from Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 157–58, 202.

Advertisement in Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper, April 7, 1877, reprinted in Joshua Freeman et al., From the Gilded Age to the Present, Vol. 2 of Who Built America? Working People and the Nation’s Economy, Politics, Culture, and Society (New York: Pantheon, 1992), p. 26.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 477.

Chicago Tribune, July 4, 1876.

William J. Adelman, Pilsen and the West Side: A Tour Guide (Chicago: Illinois Labor History Society, 1983), revised 1983 version, photocopy in the author’s possession, courtesy of the Illinois Labor History Society.

Richard Schneirov, “Free Thought and Socialism in the Czech Community in Chicago, 1875–1887,” in Dirk Hoerder, ed., “ Struggle a Hard Battle”: Essays on Working-Class Immigrants (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1986), pp. 123–24, 127, 129, 133. Quote from Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 33.

Schneirov, “Free Thought,” pp. 125, 128, 133. On Czech socialist exiles in Chicago, see Thomas Capek, The Czechs (Bohemians in America: A Study of Their National, Cultural, Political, Social, Economic, and Religious Life (New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1920), pp. 140, 148.

Schneirov, “Free Thought,” p. 126; and Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 103.

Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 151.

Ibid.; Schneirov, “Free Thought,” p. 133.

Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 151, 158.

Ibid., pp. 158–59.

Ibid.

Ibid., p. 159; Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, pp. 17–18.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 55; Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” pp. xvi–xxvii.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 254, 346, 351, 539; Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 15; Schneirov, “Free Thought,” p. 197; and Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 103, 140.

Richard Digby-Junger, The Journalist as Reformer: Henry Demarest Lloyd and Wealth Against Commonwealth (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1996), pp. 21–48; and John L. Thomas, Alternative America: Henry George, Edward Bellamy, Henry Demarest Lloyd, and the Adversary Tradition (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1983), p. 77.

See Robert V. Bruce, 1877: Year of Violence (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1959), pp. 74–114.

Quotes from Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 154, 159–60.

Ibid., p. 159.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 246; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 71. Handbill reproduced in Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, following p. 98.

Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 160–61; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 71.

Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” p. xviii. See Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 29–30; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 72; and A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p.

Speech quoted in Adelman, Pilsen, p. 13.

The following account of the railroad strike in Chicago is based on Bruce, 1877, pp. 235–53.

Miller, City of the Century, p. 232.

Bruce, 1877, pp. 239–40; Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 165.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 73.

Ibid., pp. 74, 105–10.

Quoted in Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 250.

Spies, “Autobiography,” p. 68.

Adelman, Pilsen, p. 50.

Miller, City of the Century, p. 233; Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 199, 208.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 251.

Chicago Tribune quoted in Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 203; and see Richard C. Marohn, “The Arming of the Chicago Police in the Nineteenth Century,” Chicago History 11 (Spring 1982), pp. 42, 44, 46.

Wolfgang Abendroth, A Short History of the European Working Class (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1972), p. 40.

For a revealing study of how widespread the uprising of 1877 became and how it pulled thousands of nonstrikers from local communities into the protesting crowds, including many middle-class city dwellers who had been alienated from the railroad companies by their invasion and destruction of urban space, see David O. Stowell, Streets, Railroads, and the Great Strike of 1877 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).

McNeill, ed., The Labor Movement, pp. 459–60.

L. Parsons, The Life, p. 120; McNeill, ed., The Labor Movement, pp. 459–61.

Gompers, Seventy Years (see Prologue, n. 16), pp. 46–47.

The following account is from A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” pp. 32–34.

Chapter Six / The Flame That Makes the Kettle Boil

Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” p. xviii; and see Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 57–58.

Quote in Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 58.

Ibid.

Ibid.

Heiss, “German Radicals in Industrial America” (see chap. 4, n. 40), pp. 216, 219–20. A. Parsons quoted in Chicago Tribune, April 26, 1878.

Quotes in Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 87; and Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 59.

Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 34.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 60.

Harzig, “Chicago’s German North Side” (see chap. 4, n. 20), p. 218; and Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” p. xix.

Chicago Tribune, March 23, 1879.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 62–64; quote in Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” p. xix.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 91. The Socialistic Labor Party sent three more members to the Common Council, where they worked with Democratic aldermen to employ factory inspectors, to abolish labor for children under twelve years old, to open public baths and water closets and to gain funding for new public schools and reading rooms.

Meredith Tax, The Rising of the Women: Feminist Solidarity and Class Conflict, 1880–1917 (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1981), p. 41; Avrich, Tragedy, p. 150; Blaine McKinley, “Holmes, Lizzie May Swank,” in Schultz and Hast, eds., Women Building Chicago (see chap. 4, n. 17), p. 400.

See Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, pp. 33–36; Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” p. xx; Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 67–68; quote from A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 36.

Hartmut Keil, “German Working-Class Radicalism in the United States from the 1870s to World War I,” in Hoerder, “Struggle a Hard Battle,” pp. 81–82; Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 33–34.

Harzig, “Chicago’s German North Side,” pp. 217–18.

A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 36; and see August Spies, “The Right to Bear Arms,” Alarm, January 9, 1886.

Oscar Neebe, “Autobiography of Oscar Neebe,” in P. Foner, Autobiographies, p. 165.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 259.

Quote in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 59.

James Joll, The Anarchists (London: Eyre & Spottswoode, 1963), pp. 120–24; Barbara Tuchman, The Proud Tower: A Portrait of the World Before the War, 1890–1914 (New York: Macmillan, 1966), p. 76.

Joll, The Anarchists, pp. 124–25.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 58.

Population at the Eleventh Census, p. 374; and see Einhorn, Property Rules, p. 249.

Quote in Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 15–16. During the 1880s, Chicago’s Bohemian population increased to 25,105, the Polish population to 24,086, the Norwegian to 21,835, the British and Scottish to 47,149, the Swedish to 43,032 and the German to 161,039. Furthermore, the Irish kept coming, increasing their numbers to 70,028; Population at the Eleventh Census, pp. 671–72. On Poles and Russian Jews, see Pierce, Vol. 3, pp. 34–39; Dominic A. Pacyga, Polish Immigrants and Industrial Chicago: Workers on the South Side, 1880–1922 (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1991); and Edward Mazur, “Jewish Chicago: From Shtetl to Suburb,” in Melvin G. Holli and Peter d’A. Jones, eds., Ethnic Chicago (Grand Rapids, MI: W. B. Eerdmans, 1977), pp. 73–75.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 67, 69, 85, 96; Howard H. Quint, The Forging of American Socialism (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 1953), p. 35; Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, p. 407; Gary P. Steenson, “ Not One Man! Not One Penny!”: German Social Democracy, 1863–1914 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1981), pp. 30–31.

See Schwab’s life story in Michael Schwab, “Autobiography of Michael Schwab,” in P. Foner, Autobiographies, pp. 99–121 (quote from p. 109).

Quotes in P. Foner, Autobiographies, pp. 112, 120–21, 123–24.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 62.

Ibid., pp. 63–64; David Roediger and Franklin Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1986), p. 137.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 64.

Bruce, 1877, pp. 193, 318.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 24. And see Robert Weir, Beyond Labor’s Veil: The Culture of the Knights of Labor (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), p. 32.

A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 37; P. Foner and Roediger, Our Own Time, pp. 132, 137, and quote on p. 121; “Statistics on German Bakers,” Arbeiter-Zeitung, January 26, 1882, translation in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, p. 81; John R. Commons, History of Labor in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1918), Vol. 2, p. 250, n. 8.

Quotes in Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 78, 128–29.

Ibid.

See Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 48; United States Department of the Interior, Census Office, Report on Manufacturing Industries in the United States at the Eleventh Census, 1890 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1895), pp. 133–42; “The Fate of Women Workers,” from Arbeiter-Zeitung, January 16, 1882, in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, p. 81; and Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 197. On female carpet weavers and other “lady Knights,” see Susan Levine, Labor’s True Woman: Carpet Weavers, Industrialization, and Labor Reform in the Gilded Age (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984).

Harper’s Weekly, July 22, 1883; Henry F. May, Protestant Churches and Industrial America (New York: Harper, 1949), p. 97.

Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” p. xxiii.

Norman Ware, The Labor Movement in the United States, 1860–1895: A Study in Democracy (New York and London: D. Appleton & Co., 1929), pp. 129, 131.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 129; Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 39.

Quote from A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” pp. 39–40.

Quote ibid., pp. 38–39, 41.

Quotes from Spies, “Autobiography,” pp. 68–69, and from A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 47.

Chapter Seven / A Brutal and Inventive Vitality

On the railroads, see Miller, City of the Century, pp. 182, 241–42; and on the iron industry, the Union Steel Co. and other producers, see A. T. Andreas, History of Chicago from the Earliest Period to the Present Time (Chicago: A. T. Andreas, 1885), Vol. 2, pp. 673–700.

The value of capital invested in the city’s ten leading industries rose from $40.5 million to $247.7 million, while the force of wage earners in these sectors grew from roughly 42,000 to 101,000. The value added by these manufacturing firms (after subtracting the value of materials) soared from $38.2 million to $810.7 million. Wages in the aggregate grew, but modestly, from a yearly average of $478 per worker in 1880 to $607 a decade later. If the cost of materials and the cost of wages are subtracted from the total value of manufactured goods, then “value added” multiplied twenty-seven times—from $27.7 million to $760.3 million, while wages paid grew from $19.3 million to $58 million. Based on census figures compiled in Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 12–13, and Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 534–35. Quote from Sigfried Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command: A Contribution to Anonymous History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1948), p. 218.

Saul Bellow quoted in frontispiece of Miller, City of the Century.

Rudyard Kipling, American Notes (New York: F. F. Lovell, 1890), p. 149; Upton Sinclair, The Jungle (New York: Signet, 1905), pp. 39–42; and Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command, p. 218.

U.S. Department of the Interior, Census Office, Report on the Manufactures of the United States at the Ninth Census, 1870 (Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, 1872), p. 849; Manufactures at the Tenth Census, pp. 391–93; Report on Manufacturing, 1890, Part I, Statistics of Cities, pp. 130–45; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 112, n. 11.

Miller, City of the Century, pp. 211–13; Giedion, Mechanization Takes Command, p. 218; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 107.

Miller, City of the Century, p. 223.

Ozanne, Century, pp. 5–7, 9–10.

Quote in Herbert Gutman, Work, Culture and Society in Industrializing America (New York: Knopf, 1976), p. 46.

Ibid., pp. 10–11; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 187–90.

From Keil and Jentz, “German Working-Class Culture in Chicago,” pp. 128–47. During the 1880s, capital investment grew from $8.4 million to $38.9 million in slaughtering, from $7.2 million to $14.7 million in men’s clothing, from $4.5 million to $25.6 million in foundry and machine works. Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 534–35.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 13; Gutman, Work, Culture and Society, p. 37; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 119, 189.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 24. Also see David Montgomery, Workers’ Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology, and Labor Struggles (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1979), pp. 9–19.

Arbeiter-Zeitung quoted in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, p. 78.

Ibid.; Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, Table 4.3, p. 87, and Table 4.4, p. 89; Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, p. 72.

Newspaper articles reprinted in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, pp. 56–57, 59, 72, 78–79, 81, 82, 88.

Montgomery, Workers’ Control in America, pp. 12–13.

See ibid., first quote from p. 13. Also see Laurie, Artisans into Workers (see chap. 1, n. 12), pp. 102, 110–11, 162; and P. Foner, Labor Movement (see chap 1, n. 11), Vol. 2, pp. 56–74.

See David Montgomery, Citizen Worker: The Experience of Workers in the United States with Democracy and the Free Market During the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 130–62.

Gompers, Seventy Years, pp. 62, 72–73.

Ibid., p. 62; quote in Gutman, Work, Culture and Society, p. 37.

Franklin E. Coyne, The Development of the Cooperage Industry in the United States, 1620–1940 (Chicago: Lumber Buyers Publishing Co., 1940), pp. 21–22; Gutman, Work, Culture and Society, p. 46.

Schwab, “Autobiography,” p. 114.

Arbeiter-Zeitung quoted in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, pp. 55–56.

Quote in P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 1, p. 514.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 41–42, and quote p. 44.

Ibid., p. 95; Schneirov, “Free Thought,” pp. 126–27. Also see Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 124–25; Weir, Beyond Labor’s Veil, pp. 92–94.

Schneirov, “Free Thought,” pp. 126–27; Schwab, “Autobiography,” p. 103.

May, Protestant Churches, p. 83; Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order (see Prologue, n. 13), p. 136.

Josiah Strong, Our Country (1885; reprint, Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1963), pp. 177–79, 186; also see May, Protestant Churches, pp. 114–15.

See Herbert Gutman, “Protestantism and the American Labor Movement: The Christian Spirit in the Gilded Age,” reprinted in Gutman, Work, Culture and Society, pp. 79–118; and quote from McNeill, ed., The Labor Movement, p. 468.

Spies, “Autobiography,” pp. 62–63.

Alan L. Sorkin, “The Depression of 1882–1885,” in David Glasner, ed., Business Cycles and Depressions: An Encyclopedia (New York: Garland, 1997), pp. 149–51; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 269–70.

On Lloyd, see Digby-Junger, The Journalist as Reformer (see chap. 5, n. 17), pp. 57–62, 67; and on George, see Thomas, Alternative America (see chap. 5, n. 17), pp. 140–41. Quotes from Henry George, Social Problems (Garden City, NY: Doubleday & Page, 1883), pp. 17–18, 35, 68–69.

“Workers’ Lodgings: A Report by the Citizens Association,” Arbeiter-Zeitung, September 3, 1883, in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, pp. 129–31. See Miller, City of the Century, p. 414.

Quote from Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, p. 77.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 141; A. Parsons quoted in Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, p. 77.

My interpretation of the political impact of hard times is based on Lawrence Goodwyn, The Populist Moment: A Short History of the Agrarian Revolt in America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), pp. 59, 61.

L. Parsons, The Life, pp. 25–27.

Ibid.

See Burke, The Conundrum of Class (see Prologue, n. 19), pp. 160–61.

Quote in John A. Garraty, ed., Labor and Capital in the Gilded Age: Testimony Taken by the Senate Committee on the Relations Between Labor and Capital, 1883 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1968), p. 136.

Medill testimony ibid., pp. 7, 129.

Ozanne, Century, pp. 14–16. Quotes from J. Anthony Lukas, Big Trouble: A Murder in a Small Western Town Sets Off a Struggle for the Soul of America (New York: Knopf, 1997), p. 188. Also see Kevin Kenny, Making Sense of the Molly Maguires (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 283–84.

Quote in Ozanne, Century, p. 13.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 271; Ozanne, Century, p. 11, and quotes pp. 14–16.

Quote in Ozanne, Century, p. 19.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 109, 119–23, 130–34; Thomas N. Brown, Irish-American Nationalism, 1870–1890 (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1966), pp. 56–57, 102–3, 146–47; and Kenny, Making Sense of the Molly Maguires, pp. 280–81.

See Ozanne, Century, pp. 17–18 and quote p. 19.

Kathleen D. McCarthy, Noblesse Oblige: Charity and Cultural Philanthropy in Chicago, 1849–1929 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), pp. 113–14; Nettie Fowler McCormick quoted in Ozanne, Century, pp. 19–20.

Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 234; and quote in Plummer, Lincoln’s Rail-Splitter (see Prologue, n. 21), p. 190.

L. Parsons, The Life, pp. 80–81, 86.

Quote in Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, pp. 59–60.

Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 234, 236.

Ibid., pp. 239–40; and Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 170.

Claudius O. Johnson, Carter Henry Harrison I: Political Leader (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1928), pp. 119, 120–21.

Ibid.

Ibid., pp. 131, 179.

Quote in Miller, City of the Century, p. 445.

Samuel P. McConnell, “The Chicago Bomb Case: Personal Recollections of an American Tragedy,” Harper’s Magazine, May 1934, p. 731.

Johnson, Carter Henry Harrison, pp. 131, 206; Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 356; Miller, City of the Century, pp. 437, 443, 444–45; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 167–69.

Quotes from Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 346, 502, 508.

Samuel Walker, A Critical History of Police Reform (Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1977), pp. 17–18, 107–8; Sidney L. Harwood, Policing a Class Society: The Experience of American Cities, 1895–1915 (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1983), pp. 50–55, 111, 113–17; Eric H. Monkkonen, Police in Urban America, 1860–1920 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 87–88; Frank Donner, Protectors of Privilege: Red Squads and Police Repression in Urban America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), pp. 10–14.

Quote in Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 241, 243.

Charles Edward Russell quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 97.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 97–98; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 170.

Quote in Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 248.

John Peter Altgeld, Reasons for Pardoning the Haymarket Anarchists (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1893; reprint, 1986), pp. 36–37, 39, 45–46.

Ibid., p. 46.

Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 251.

Chapter Eight / The International

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 92, 99, 109.

Ibid., p. 128; Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 119–21, 125; and Renate Kiesewetter, “German-American Labor Press: The Vorbote and the Chicagoer Arbeiter-Zeitung,” in Keil, ed., German Workers’ Culture, pp. 137–56.

Quote from E. P. Thompson, “18th Century English Society: Class Struggle Without Class?” Social History 3 (May 1978), pp. 154, 158.

First quote in Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 80; Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 224; Miller, City of the Century, p. 186; and Digby-Junger, The Journalist as Reformer, pp. 64–65.

Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 230; Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 80–81; Avrich, Tragedy, p. 148.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 471.

See Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 112.

Quote in Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 671–72.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 154–55; A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 43.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 173, and quotes from p. 73.

George Woodcock, Anarchism: A History of Libertarian Ideas and Movements (Cleveland: World Publishing Co., 1962), pp. 14, 122–24, 141–44. On the anarchist watchmakers in the Jura Mountains of Switzerland, see ibid., pp. 194–95. Also see Jellinek, Paris Commune (see chap. 3, n. 1), p. 14; on the hopes of Proudhon’s Paris followers that other communes would form, see ibid., p. 388.

On the farmers’ cooperative movement, see Goodwyn, The Populist Movement, pp. 25–30, 32–34. Also see Alan Dawley, “The International Working People’s Association,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook (see chap. 6, n. 30), pp. 84–85.

A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 29; and Avrich, Tragedy, p. 115. For the particular influence of Thomas Paine on Albert Parsons, see Harvey J. Kaye, Thomas Paine and the Promise of America (New York: Hill & Wang, 2005), pp. 173–75.

Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 19–60; Slotkin, Gunfighter Nation (see chap. 3, n. 6), pp. 196, 204; Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

See Albert Parsons, “What Is Anarchy?” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 27–28.

For other expressions of popular disgust with Gilded Age greed and corruption, see Tipple, “The Robber Baron in the Gilded Age” (see chap. 2, n. 34), pp. 30–31; Montgomery, Citizen Worker, p. 146; and Leon Fink, Workingmen’s Democracy: The Knights of Labor and American Politics (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), pp. 4–5.

Bruce C. Nelson, “Dancing and Picnicking Anarchists?” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 76–78.

Quotes in Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 135–37, 139.

Quote in L. Parsons, The Life, p. 77.

“Observing Thanksgiving Day, 1885,” from Alarm, in L. Parsons, The Life, pp. 73–75.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 133–34; and Heiss, “Popular and Working-Class German Theater in Chicago” (see chap. 4, n. 33), pp. 192–93.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 131.

Chicago Times quoted ibid., p. 135.

See Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 144–45; and Friedrich A. Sorge, Friedrich A. Sorge’s Labor Movement in the United States: A History of the American Working Class from Colonial Times to 1890, ed. Philip S. Foner and Brewster Chamberlin (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1977), p. 71.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 99–104.

The account of Fielden’s life is from “Autobiography of Samuel Fielden,” in P. Foner, Autobiographies, pp. 131–55.

See Franklin Rosemont, “Anarchists and the Wild West,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 101–2.

See Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 105–6.

Quote ibid., pp. 117–18.

Ibid., pp. 114–15.

Quote ibid., pp. 112–13.

Quote ibid., p. 117.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 88–98.

Ibid., pp. 84 (Table 4.4), 89–90, 91, 103–5; Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 151–52, 235.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 108–9; Perry Duis, The Saloon: Public Drinking in Chicago and Boston, 1880–1920 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1983), pp. 52, 61–62, 88–89, 148–49, 152, 180, 236–37, 243; Royal Melendy, “The Saloon in Chicago,” American Journal of Sociology (November 1900), quoted in Freeman et al., Who Built America? (see chap. 5, n. 2), Vol. 2, p. 86. Also see Klaus Ensslen, “German-American Working-Class Saloons in Chicago,” in Keil, ed., German Workers’ Culture, pp. 157–80; and Sara M. Evans and Harry C. Boyte, Free Spaces: The Sources of Democratic Change in America (New York: Harper & Row, 1986).

Adolph Fischer, “Autobiography of Adolph Fischer,” in P. Foner, Autobiographies, pp. 73–75; and see Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 150–51.

Quote in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 153.

Fischer, “Autobiography,” p. 85.

Engel narrates his life in George Engel, “Autobiography of George Engel,” in P. Foner, Autobiographies, pp. 92–96.

Ibid., p. 95; on Der Vorbote, see Paul Buhle, Marxism in the United States (London: Verso, 1979), pp. 38–39.

Engel, “Autobiography,” pp. 95–96.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 97–98, 156.

See ibid., p. 165.

Quotes ibid., pp. 56–57, 169; and Dell, “Socialism and Anarchism in Chicago” (see chap. 3, n. 36), p. 388.

Dell, “Socialism and Anarchism in Chicago,” p. 391.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 175.

Louis Lingg, “Autobiography of Louis Lingg,” in P. Foner, Autobiographies, p. 170.

See ibid., pp. 169–72; and Avrich, Tragedy, p. 157.

Lingg, “Autobiography,” pp. 175–77; and quotes in Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 158–59.

Lingg, “Autobiography,” p. 177.

Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 41–43; Brown, Irish-American Nationalism, pp. 147, 156, 162. Quotes in Michael F. Funchion, Chicago’s Irish Nationalists, 1881–1890 (New York: Arno Press, 1976), pp. 82–85; Clymer, America’s Culture of Terrorism (see Prologue, n. 13), pp. 70–71, including last quote.

First quote from Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 176–77.

My interpretation of this escalating war of words is based on Avrich’s account, ibid. Quote from Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 251.

Chapter Nine / The Great Upheaval

Florence Peterson, Strikes in the United States, 1880–1936 (Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Labor, Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1938), Table 4, p. 29; and David Montgomery, “Machine Production in the Nineteenth Century,” Table 1, p. 20, in Montgomery, Workers’ Control in America (see chap. 7, n. 13).

Friedrich Engels to Friedrich Sorge, August 8, 1887, quoted in R. Laurence Moore, European Socialists and the American Promised Land (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 15.

P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 2, pp. 103–4; and P. Foner and Roediger, Our Own Time (see chap. 1, n. 16), pp. 137–38.

Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” p. xxiv.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 186–87.

Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 253, 256.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 179.

Terence V. Powderly, Thirty Years of Labor, 1859–1889 (Columbus, OH: Excelsior Publishing House, 1889), p. 495.

The following description is based on Ozanne, Century, pp. 20–22, and Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 191–92.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 193; Buder, Pullman (see Prologue, n.

, p. 140.

Jeremy Brecher, Strike! (San Francisco: Straight Arrow Books, 1972), pp. 32–33.

Quote from Garraty, Labor and Capital (see chap. 7, n. 42), p. 148.

McNeill, ed., The Labor Movement, p. 479; and Montgomery, Citizen Worker, pp. 39–49; Ware, Labor Movement in the U.S. (see chap. 6, n. 40), p. 146.

Montgomery, Workers’ Control, Table 1, p. 20.

Quote from Selig Perlman, “Upheaval and Reorganisation,” Part 6 of John R. Commons, History of Labor in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1918), Vol. 2, pp. 250 (n. 8), 374.

Ozanne, Century, p. 22; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 192.

Quotes in Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 263–64.

See P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 2, p. 85; Brecher, Strike!, pp. 35–36; and Plummer, Lincoln’s Rail-Splitter, pp. 190, 195.

Quote from Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 197.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 238.

“Memoranda of Cooperative Efforts Among Labor Organizations in Illinois,” Report of the Illinois Bureau of Labor Statistics, 1886 (Springfield, IL: H. W. Rokker, 1886), Table XLIX, pp. 455–56. Also see David Montgomery, The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State, and American Labor Activism, 1865–1925 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 146–47; P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 2, p. 61.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 38; and quotes in Abraham Bisno, Abraham Bisno, Union Pioneer (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1967), pp. 66–71.

See E. P. Thompson, “Time, Work Discipline and Industrial Capitalism,” in Customs in Common (see chap. 1, n. 18), p. 357.

Song lyrics quoted in P. Foner and Roediger, Our Own Time, p. 139.

Quote from Giuseppe Giacosa, “A City of Smoke,” in Pierce, ed., As Others See Chicago (see Prologue, n. 4), p. 276.

On Chicago’s industrial environment, see Waldo Frank, “The Soul of the City,” in Pierce, ed., As Others See Chicago, pp. 478–79, 481; and Cronon, Nature’s Metropolis (see chap. 2, n. 2), pp. 12–13.

Quote from Rudyard Kipling, “How I Struck Chicago and How Chicago Struck Me,” in Pierce, ed., As Others See Chicago, p. 256.

Ware, Labor Movement in the U.S., pp. 88–90, 303; P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 2, p. 66.

Richard Oestreicher, “Terence Powderly, the Knights of Labor and Artisanal Republicanism,” in Dubofsky and Van Tine, eds., Labor Leaders in America (see chap. 1, n. 9), pp. 56–59, 66; Craig Phelen, Grand Master Workman: Terence Powderly and the Knights of Labor (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000), pp. 47–51.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 193.

Quote in Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 179–80; P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 2, pp. 88–89.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 196, 202.

Thomas J. Suhrbur, “Ethnicity and the Formation of the Chicago Carpenters Union, 1855–1890,” in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers in Industrial Chicago, pp. 96–97.

P. Foner and Roediger, Our Own Time, p. 138.

Quote from Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” p. xxiv.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, pp. 181–82.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 198.

Ibid., p. 195.

My interpretation of this point is based on Schneirov’s account, ibid.

David Roediger, “Albert R. Parsons: The Anarchist as Trade Unionist,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 31–32. “If workers could decree how long they would work, they could also dictate other terms of a renegotiated social contract,” according to Richard Oestreicher. In the process of “taking normally unthinkable actions working people’s capacity to envision future alternatives expanded.” The idea of making May Day a moment for a coordinated general strike captivated workers whose prior experience with strikes was almost entirely one of engaging in isolated protests against wage cuts, job actions in which they were often fired and blacklisted if not injured or killed. By taking the offensive on a massive level, the eight-hour men promised to change the calculus of risk that always seemed to work against the strikers and their families. Richard Jules Oestreicher, Solidarity and Fragmentation: Working People and Class Consciousness in Detroit, 1875–1900 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), pp. 145–46, 149.

See Brecher, Strike!, p. 44; Perlman, “Upheaval and Reorganisation,” p. 376; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 194; and Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 264.

Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 265, 269; P. Foner and Roediger, Our Own Time, p. 139; Schwab quoted in Lawson, American State Trials (see chap. 4, n. 43), Vol. 12, p. 106.

Quotes in Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 199; Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 265; and Chicago Tribune, May 1, 1886.

Illinois State Register quoted in David, Haymarket Affair (see Prologue, n. 10), p. 163.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 190; and Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 186.

Quote in Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 266–67.

Quote in Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 185–86.

Chapter Ten / A Storm of Strikes

The following account of events on May 1, and the quotations (unless indicated otherwise), are from the Chicago Tribune, May 1, 2, 1886.

Quote from Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 265.

Ibid., p. 269; Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 184; and see Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 198.

Nelson, Beyond the Martyrs, p. 193; P. Foner and Roediger, Our Own Time, p. 139.

Quote from David Montgomery, “Strikes in Nineteenth-Century America,” Social Science Quarterly 4 (February 1980), p. 95.

Chicago Tribune, May 2, 4, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 3, 5, 1886.

See Ozanne, Century, p. 23.

Goodwyn, The Populist Moment (see chap. 7, n. 38), p. 41.

Richard Boyer and Herbert Morais, Labor’s Untold Story (New York: Cameron Associates, 1955), p. 92; Eric Hobsbawm, “Mass-Producing Traditions: Europe, 1870– 1914,” in Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), p. 283.

L. Parsons, The Life, pp. 121–22; quotes from Oscar Ameringer, If You Don’t Weaken: The Autobiography of Oscar Ameringer (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1983), pp. 44–45. And see Stephen J. Ross, Workers on the Edge: Work, Leisure, and Politics in Industrializing Cincinnati, 1788–1890 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1985), p. 275.

Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 270.

All quotes on events of Sunday, May 2, are from Chicago Tribune, May 3, 1886, unless otherwise indicated.

Chicago Tribune, May 4, 1886; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 203; Miller, City of the Century (see Prologue, n. 4), pp. 260–61; and Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 178–83.

On Thomas, see Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 429, 432–33. Quote in Chicago Tribune, May 3, 1886.

Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order (see Prologue, n. 13), p. 136. Moody quoted in Chicago Tribune, May 3, 1886.

All quotes about events on May 3 are from the Chicago Tribune, May 4, 1886, unless otherwise indicated.

Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 271.

Buder, Pullman (see Prologue, n. 5), pp. 140–42.

Chicago Tribune, May 4, 1886; Ware, Labor Movement in the U.S. (see chap. 6, n.

, p. 149.

Chicago Tribune, May 4, 1886; P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 2, p. 85.

Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 108, 114, 112, 222; and see Stanley Palmer, “Cops and Guns: Arming the American Force,” History Today 28 (June 1978), pp. 386–89; Harwood, Policing a Class Society (see chap. 7, n. 63), pp. 104–14.

Spies’s account in George McLean, The Rise and Fall of Anarchy from Its Incipient Stage to the First Bomb Thrown in Chicago (Chicago: R. G. Badoux & Co., 1890), pp. 87–88; and in Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 130–31.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 88–89.

Roediger and Rosemont, eds. Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 14.

Dyer D. Lum, A Concise History of the Great Trial of the Chicago Anarchists, 1886 (Chicago: Socialistic Publishing Co., 1886), pp. 164–68; Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 191–92.

Lum, A Concise History, p. 69.

Chicago Tribune, May 4, 5, 1886; Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 125–26. Chicago Tribune and police say mob was 8,000. Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 275–76.

Chicago Tribune, May 4, 1886; Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 278.

Bonfield quoted in Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 278, 280.

Chapter Eleven / A Night of Terror

Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 279.

All references and quotes to events of May 4, 1886, are from the Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886, unless indicated otherwise.

Richard Ely quoted in Miller, City of the Century, p. 238.

Beckert, The Monied Metropolis (see Prologue, n. 12), pp. 273, 276, 290–91.

Ibid., pp. 282–83. First quote, ibid., p. 283; second quote in Plummer, Lincoln’s Rail-Splitter, p. 193; and see Smith, “Cataclysm” (see Prologue, n. 21), p. 134.

Quote in Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 194–95.

Testimony of William Seliger in Lum, A Concise History, pp. 79–80.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 89; Avrich, Tragedy, p. 193.

Lum, A Concise History, p. 27.

Earlier in the day Adolph Fischer passed the Desplaines Street Police Station and saw the “police mounting five or six patrol wagons.” Fischer thought the officers were replacements being sent out to McCormick’s. It apparently did not occur to him that the police might be preparing to break up the rally that night. Lum, A Concise History, p. 70.

Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 294, 296; and see Richard C. Lindberg, To Serve and Collect: Chicago Politics and Police Corruption (New York: Praeger, 1991), pp. 18–20.

Marohn, “The Arming of the Chicago Police” (see chap. 5, n. 34), pp. 41, 45.

Lucy Parsons, ed., Famous Speeches of the Eight Chicago Anarchists in Court (Chicago: Lucy E. Parsons, 1910; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1969), p. 120; A. Parsons, “Autobiography,” p. 48.

Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 75.

Adelman, Haymarket Revisited (see chap. 4, n. 20), p. 32.

Quote in Keil and Jentz, eds., German Workers, Documentary, pp. 392–93, in a translated article in Die Fackel, June 19, 1910.

Lum, A Concise History, pp. 37–38; Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886; McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 91.

Parsons’s summary of his speech on May 4 is quoted in Lum, A Concise History, pp. 39–42, 45–47.

Ibid., p. 46.

Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886.

Harrison quoted in Lum, A Concise History, p. 30.

Ibid., pp. 131–32.

Ibid., pp. 29–30, 111.

Seliger testimony quoted ibid., pp. 79–80; and see David, Haymarket Affair (see Prologue, n. 10), p. 234.

Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886.

George Brown, “The Police Riot: An Eye-Witness Account,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 75.

Fielden, “Autobiography,” p. 158; Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 310.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

Lum, A Concise History, p. 28.

Ibid.

Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886.

Quote in Lum, A Concise History, p. 141.

Holmes quoted in Adelman, Haymarket Revisited, pp. 35–36.

See testimony of Lt. H. P. Stanton, Illinois vs. August Spies et al. Trial Transcript, Vol. 1, p. 220, Chicago Historical Society, Haymarket Digital Collection.

Bonfield and Ward quoted in Chicago Tribune, May 5, 6, 1886. Also see testimonies of other police officers in Lum, A Concise History, pp. 73–74, 76, 97, 133.

S. T. Ingram testimony in Lum, A Concise History, p. 133.

Testimony of Richter, Simonson and Ferguson, ibid., pp. 114–17. On Simonson’s background, see ibid., p. 32.

Chicago Herald quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 209; Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, June 27, 1886.

Lizzie Holmes’s account quoted in Adelman, Haymarket Revisited, pp. 91–92.

Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 320; Chicago Tribune, May 5, 6, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 8, 1886; Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 210, 444.

See Avrich, Tragedy, p. 208. An eighth policeman wounded in the square died two years later, reportedly as a result of his wounds. Chicago Tribune, May 7, 8, 1886.

Chapter Twelve / The Strangest Frenzy

Quotes in Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 216–18; and Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

Chicago Tribune and Journal of the Knights of Labor, May 8, 1886; Powderly quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 217, 219, 220.

Quotes in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 218; and Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 7, 8, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 7, 10, 1886; Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, p. 150.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 95; and see Avrich, Tragedy, p. 225.

Lindberg, Chicago Ragtime, pp. 18–19; Lindberg, To Serve and Collect, pp. 62–63.

Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 81.

Ibid., pp. 82–83.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 7, 1886; and see Avrich, Tragedy, p. 226.

See Marohn, “The Arming of the Chicago Police,” p. 46.

Lindberg, To Serve and Collect, p. 63; Flinn, Chicago Police, pp. 560–61.

Quote in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 229.

New York Times, May 5, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 7, 8, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

Taylor testimony in Lum, A Concise History, pp. 118–19.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886; New York Times, May 8, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 8, 1886; New York Times, May 8, 1886; Ely quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 222.

Chicago Tribune, May 7, 1886.

Brand Whitlock, Forty Years of It (New York: Appleton-Century, 1914), p. 73.

My description of popular sentiment at this moment relies on Smith, Urban Disorder (see Prologue, n. 14), pp. 7, 137, 139.

Chicago Tribune, May 10, 1886.

My interpretation draws upon that of Bryan Palmer, Cultures of Darkness: Night Travels in the History of Transgression (New York: Monthly Review Press, 2000), pp. 233, 235, 246.

Chicago Tribune, May 8, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 8, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 5, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 7, 1886.

McConnell, “The Chicago Bomb Case” (see chap. 7, n. 60), p. 730.

Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 356; Chicago Tribune, May 10, 1886.

John Swinton’s Paper, May 8, 1886, quoted in David, Haymarket Affair, p. 185.

Ibid., p. 186.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 8, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 7, 1886.

See account by Abraham Bisno in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 26.

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 18, 19, 26, 27, 1886.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 231–32, 234.

Chicago Tribune, May 22, 1886. On Schnaubelt’s release, see Richard Lindberg, Chicago by Gaslight: A History of Chicago’s Netherworld, 1880–1920 (Chicago: Academy Chicago Publishers, 1996), pp. 34–35.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 231.

Chicago Tribune, May 17, 23, 25, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, May 8, 10, 26, 1886.

My interpretation of the drawing is based in part on that of Smith, Urban Disorder, pp. 125–26.

Chicago Tribune, May 21, 27, 28, 1886.

Lindberg, Chicago by Gaslight, pp. 32–33.

Chicago Tribune, May 26, 27, 28, 1886. See Avrich, Tragedy, p. 208.

Chicago Times quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 233.

Quote in David, Haymarket Affair, p. 188.

Chapter Thirteen / Every Man on the Jury Was an American

Chicago Tribune, July 11, 1886.

David, Haymarket Affair, p. 198. On the German Jews in Chicago, see Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, pp. 40, 42; and Edward Herbert Mazur, Minyans for a Prairie City: The Politics of Chicago Jewry, 1850–1940 (New York: Garland, 1990).

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 251.

Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 121; Lawson, ed., American State Trials (see chap. 4, n. 43), p. 18; Sigmund Zeisler, “Reminiscences of the Haymarket Case,” Illinois Law Review 21 (November 1926), pp. 26–27.

Quoted in David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 197–98.

Ibid., p. 201.

Lawson, ed., American State Trials, p. 19.

Accounts of daily events in the trial are drawn from the reports of the Chicago Tribune from June 21 to August 22, 1886.

David, Haymarket Affair, p. 203; and Miller, City of the Century, p. 476.

David, Haymarket Affair, p. 204.

Altgeld, Reasons (see chap. 7, n. 68), pp. 25–26.

Ibid., p. 214.

Chicago Tribune, August 21, 1886.

Altgeld, Reasons, p. 12.

In the Supreme Court of the Illinois Grand Division, March Term, 1887, August Spies et al. vs. the People of the State of Illinois, Brief on the Facts for the Defendants in Error (Chicago: Barnard & Gunthorp Law Partners, 1887), in the Haymarket Collection, Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library, Box 4, Folder 79, pp. 38–140.

Chicago Tribune, June 27, 1886.

Lindberg, To Serve and Collect, p. 71; Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, pp. 184–85.

Quoted in David, Haymarket Affair, p. 217.

Ibid.

Ibid., pp. 218–19.

Melville Elijah Stone, Fifty Years a Journalist (New York: Doubleday, 1921), p. 173.

Lum, A Concise History, pp. 68–71; David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 222–23.

Quote in David, Haymarket Affair, p. 222.

Chicago Tribune, July 21, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, August 7, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, July 22, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, July 23, 24, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, July 24, 25, 1886.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 32, 41, 42; Chicago Tribune, July 25, 27, 1886.

David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 229–30.

Chicago Tribune, July 29, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, July 27, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, July 30, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, July 30, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, August 1, 1886.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 65–66; Chicago Tribune, August 3, 1886; David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 241–42.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 67–68.

It is difficult to derive a clear picture of what happened in the Haymarket just after the explosion. The police clearly fabricated the story of Sam Fielden shooting at Captain Ward from the hay wagon. On the other hand, the patrolmen’s testimony about taking fire from the crowd was corroborated by several civilian witnesses. However, other witnesses called by the defense team contradicted this testimony, and still others said it was clear that the police gunfire struck other officers on the densely packed streets.

The doctors who examined the police victims and who testified on June 29, 1886, referred mainly to bomb wounds, without drawing any conclusions from the gunshot wounds about which guns the bullets had come from or from which direction the bullets had been shot. Two physicians said that three policemen had wounds from bullets shot in a downward trajectory, which might have indicated that bullets were fired from windows in nearby buildings or that the officers were kneeling down or ducking when they were hit by their fellow officers in the fusillade. Doctors’ testimony in “Chicago Anarchists on Trial” (a digitized transcript of the trial proceedings available from the Library of Congress at http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/award98/ichihtml/haybuild.htm); Doctors Baxter, Murphy, Henrotin, Newman, Bluthardt and Flemming, Vol. K, pp. 617–19, 551–73, 640–45, 691–97, and Vol. M, pp. 179–266. Murphy and Bluthardt describe the trajectories in Vol. K, pp. 557–58, 570–71, 695.

Since the prosecution did not introduce ballistics tests into evidence, there is no way of knowing which guns fired the shots that hit officers. Even if reliable ballistics testing had been done, the results would have been dubious, because the police bought their own guns and were not issued standardized weapons by the department.

Even though Mayor Harrison and other objective observers saw no one in the crowd with firearms, it seems likely that some of the rallygoers were armed. Spies left his revolver on the North Side, but some of the others, fearing another assault like the one at the McCormick works the night before, would have been armed, at least for self-defense. It also seems quite possible that some civilians shot at the police after the officers opened fire in all directions when packed together in tight ranks; in such a formation and in a state of panic, it is also likely that the patrolmen would have hit one another with what was described as wild gunfire.

In any case, the state’s case was built on the evidence that the bomb fragments killed Patrolman Degan. The argument that anarchists opened fire immediately after the bomb exploded was, of course, important to the allegation that a conspiracy had been planned to launch the attack, but the state’s evidence relied on eyewitnesses whose testimony was contradicted by reliable reporters who had no connections to the anarchists or to the police.

Chicago Tribune, August 5, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, August 7–8, 10, 1886.

Ibid.

Chicago Tribune, August 12, 1886.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 100, 102.

David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 258–59.

Quote ibid., pp. 103–4.

Quote in Lawson, American State Trials, pp. 175–76.

Ibid. The prosecution submitted expert testimony by chemists that was supposed to prove that the deadly bomb was similar in chemical composition to the bombs Lingg and Seliger made. David, Haymarket Affair, p. 235. Recently, a group of researchers conducted a new scientific analysis of the forensic evidence, including the tiny bomb fragments preserved in the Beinecke Library at Yale University. The conclusion of these scholars tends to confirm the testimony of the prosecution’s expert witnesses at the Haymarket trial: that the fragments probably came from a bomb made by Lingg. The authors indicate, however, that firm conclusions cannot be drawn from this evidence (presumably about Lingg’s involvement in the crime). Timothy Messer-Kruse, James O. Eckert, Jr., Pannee Burckel and Jeffery Dunn, “The Haymarket Bomb: Reassessing the Evidence,” Labor 2 (Summer 2005), pp. 39–52.

Louis Lingg was not convicted for making bombs, however. He was convicted as an accessory to murder because he was allegedly part of a May 3 conspiracy meeting during which anarchists supposedly planned the May 4 bombing and because, as a part of this plot, Lingg “sent” some of his bombs to be used at the Haymarket. But the state never established any connection between Lingg and the alleged conspiracy meeting or the unknown bomb thrower.

And so, it makes no significant difference if more material evidence has been found indicating that Lingg (or Seliger) made the fatal bomb—even if the evidence is conclusive, which it is not, according to the authors of “The Haymarket Bomb.” For a much more developed critique of this circumstantial evidence and how it is interpreted in the Messer-Kruse et al. article, see Bryan Palmer, “CSI Labor History: Haymarket and the Forensics of Forgetting,” Labor 3 (Winter 2006), forthcoming.

Quote in Lawson, ed., American State Trials, pp. 207–8, 215, 221, 222; Chicago Tribune, August 17, 1886; McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 109.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 112–13; Chicago Tribune, August 18, 1886.

This summary of how Black presented the case draws upon the account in Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 270–75.

Lawson, ed., American State Trials, p. 259.

Ibid., pp. 239–41, 248–49, 259–60.

Ibid., pp. 259–60.

Chicago Tribune, August 19, 20, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, August 20, 1886; McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 120–21.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 121; Chicago Tribune, August 21, 1886.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 121–22.

David, Haymarket Affair, p. 270; Miller, City of the Century, p. 477.

Chicago Tribune, August 21, 1886.

Chicago Tribune, August 21, 1886.

Quote in David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 271–72.

On the drama of murder trials and the way in which they were substituted for the drama of public hangings, see Stuart Banner, The Death Penalty: An American History (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), pp. 164–65; and quote from state’s attorney in Lawson, American State Trials, p. 24.

David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 272, 274.

Quote ibid., p. 273.

Workmen’s Advocate quoted ibid., p. 275.

Chicago Express quoted in Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 215.

Chapter Fourteen / You Are Being Weighed in the Balance

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 215.

Chicago Express quoted in Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 89. Also see McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 142; and Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 215, 217.

Chicago Tribune, September 2, 5, 28, 1886.

See Avrich, Tragedy, p. 293.

Lawson, American State Trials, p. 281. Also see Smith, Urban Disorder, pp. 157–75. Spies not only defended his citizenship in this impassioned address, he also asserted his manhood, as he had regularly urged workingmen to do in his speeches and writings, notably in the now-infamous “Workingmen to Arms” circular he wrote so furiously after witnessing the massacre at McCormick’s on May 3. Spies’s call to male pride was echoed by other anarchists in their final speeches, which asserted a passionate sense of working-class manhood against the more controlled expressions of middle-class manhood expressed by the attorney Grinnell, who seemed to reporters to be a strong, honorable man, wise and calm, dignified and refined, one who always stood firm in the midst of the nation’s worst storms. In this sense the Haymarket trial could be seen as a contest over manhood that evoked the wounded pride of immigrant workingmen and the mental toughness of the city’s “best men,” who worried about losing control of the democracy to angry men of the lower classes. See Gail Bederman, Manliness and Civilization: A Cultural History of Gender and Race in the United States, 1880–1917 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), pp. 11–13.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 149, 154; The Accused and the Accusers: The Famous Speeches of the Eight Chicago Anarchists in Court on October 7th, 8th and 9th (Chicago: Socialistic Publishing Co., 1886), p. 10.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 157–59, 161–63.

Ibid., pp. 159–60.

Quote ibid., p. 173.

Quote ibid., p. 174. Also see Alan Calmer, Labor Agitator: The Story of Albert R. Parsons (New York: International Publishers, 1937) p. 111.

Lucy Parsons, ed., Famous Speeches of the Eight Chicago Anarchists in Court (1910; reprint, New York: Arno Press, 1969), p. 82.

Ibid., p. 102.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 176; L. Parsons, Famous Speeches, pp. 176–77.

L. Parsons, Famous Speeches, pp. 98, 111.

Ibid., p. 109.

Calmer, Labor Agitator, p. 112.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 177.

John Moses and Joseph Kirkland, eds., The History of Chicago (Chicago: Munsell & Co., 1895), pp. 199–200.

Chicago Tribune, October 13, 1886.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 221–22; Chicago Tribune, November 17, 1886.

Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 237; Kim Voss, The Making of American Exceptionalism: The Knights of Labor and Class Formation in the Nineteenth Century (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993), pp. 223, 225.

Chicago Tribune, October 18, 20, 1886; also see Ware, Labor Movement in the U.S. (see chap. 6, n. 40), pp. 152–54; and Avrich, Tragedy, p. 310.

Quote in Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 223.

Richard Schneirov, “The Friendship of Bert Stewart and Henry Demarest Lloyd,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 158–59.

Quoted in Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 223.

Chicago Tribune, November 23–25, 1886.

Orvin Larson, American Infidel: Robert G. Ingersoll (New York: Citadel Press, 1962), pp. 219–20.

Ibid., p. 220.

Robert S. Eckley, “Leonard Swett: Lincoln’s Legacy to the Chicago Bar,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 92 (1999), pp. 30–36.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 315–16; Chicago Tribune, November 6, 1887; and Edward Aveling and Eleanor Marx, The Working-Class Movement in America (London: Sonnenschein, 1886), p. 161.

Charles Edward Russell, These Shifting Scenes (New York: Hodder & Stoughton, 1914), pp. 94–95.

Ibid., p. 96.

Franklin Rosemont, “A Bomb-Toting, Long-Haired, Wild-Eyed Fiend: The Image of the Anarchist in Popular Culture,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 206; drawing of the Parsons family and quote from Art Young, ibid., pp. 100, 201.

Art Young, On My Way: Being the Book of Art Young in Text and Pictures (New York: Horace Liveright, 1928), p. 201; Russell, These Shifting Scenes, pp. 98–99; and see Franklin Rosemont, “The Most Dangerous Anarchist,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 51.

Russell, These Shifting Scenes, p. 100.

See Avrich, Tragedy, p. 324.

Chicago Tribune, January 14, 18, 19, 20, 1887; Van Zandt quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 325.

Chicago Tribune, March 11, 13, 1887.

Aveling and Marx, Working-Class Movement, p. 167; L. Parsons, The Life, pp. 235–41.

Chicago Tribune, March 18, 1886.

Francis X. Busch, “The Haymarket Riot and the Anarchist Trial,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 48 (1935), p. 261; Swett and Oglesby quoted in Harry Barnard, “ Eagle Forgotten”: The Life of John Peter Altgeld (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1962), pp. 110, 198.

Chicago Tribune, November 4, 1886, and March 21, 1887.

Quote in Chicago Tribune, March 25, April 2, 5, 1887; Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 228.

Chicago Tribune, April 6, 7, 1887.

Chicago Tribune, April 6, 7, 1887.

Chapter Fifteen / The Law Is Vindicated

Chicago Tribune, May 6, 7, 8, 1887.

Chicago Tribune, March 8, May 5, June 10, 1887. On the Merritt law, see David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 313–14.

McConnell, “The Chicago Bomb Case” (see chap. 7, n. 60), pp. 733–34; McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 182.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 185–86.

Central Labor Union resolution quoted in David, Haymarket Affair, p. 347.

Ingersoll quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 336, and in Larson, American Infidel, p. 220.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 198–200; Chicago Tribune, September 22, 1886.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 304–5.

Digby-Junger, The Journalist as Reformer (see chap. 5, n. 17), pp. 80–81.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 303–4; Thomas, Alternative America (see chap. 5, n. 17), pp. 208, 232.

Quote in David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 345–46; Chicago Tribune, September 24, October 11, 21, 1887.

Quote in E. P. Thompson, William Morris: Romantic to Revolutionary (New York: Pantheon, 1976), p. 409; Beryl Ruehl, “From Haymarket Square to Trafalgar Square,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 217, 220.

Moore, European Socialists and the American Promised Land (see chap. 9, n. 2), pp. 15, 33, 36–37; Marianne Debouzy, introduction to In the Shadow of the Statue of Liberty: Immigrants, Workers, and Citizens in the American Republic, 1880–1920 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1992), p. vii.

Marjorie Murphy, “And They Sang the ‘Marseillaise’: A Look at the French Left Press as It Responded to Haymarket”; Hubert Perrier et al., “The ‘Social Revolution’ in America? European Reactions to the ‘Great Upheaval’ and to the Haymarket Affair”; and Raymond C. Sun, “Misguided Martyrdom: German Social Democratic Response to the Haymarket Incident,” in a special Haymarket centennial number of International Labor and Working Class History 29 (Spring 1986), pp. 42–44, 53–60; George Richard Esenwein, Anarchist Ideology and the Working-Class Movement in Spain, 1868–1898 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), pp. 6–9, 125–27, 155–56. Quote in Chicago Tribune, October 11, 1887.

Busch, “Haymarket Riot,” p. 266. Butler made this argument about applying the Fourteenth Amendment to state cases before a Supreme Court that had “rendered that amendment innocuous as far as the Negro was concerned,” wrote W. E. B. DuBois, and made it instead into the “chief refuge” for corporations trying to avoid state regulation. See DuBois, Black Reconstruction (see chap. 4, n. 10), p. 691.

Quote in McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 207, 211.

David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 322–24; quoted in Busch, “Haymarket Riot,” p. 267.

Chicago Tribune, November 3, 1887. Quotes in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 355.

L. Parsons, The Life, p. 230; Stone, Fifty Years (see chap. 13, n. 21), pp. 175–76.

Chicago Tribune, November 7, 1887; L. Parsons, The Life, pp. 183–86.

Chicago Tribune, November 5, 6, 7, 1887. On Trumbull, see McConnell, “The Chicago Bomb Case,” p. 735; Ralph J. Roske, His Own Counsel: The Life and Times of Lyman Trumbull (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1979), pp. 100–105, 113–16, 121–28; and Plummer, Lincoln’s Rail-Splitter, p. 49.

Quoted in David, Haymarket Affair, p. 240.

Quotes from Garlin Sender, Three American Radicals: John Swinton, Charles P. Steinmetz and William Dean Howells (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1991), pp. 107, 110.

Quote from Kenneth Lynn, William Dean Howells: An American Life (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1971), p. 291; Sender, Three American Radicals, pp. 127–38.

David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 336–38.

Quote ibid., p. 334. See Thomas, Alternative America, pp. 225–26, 230–31.

Chicago Tribune, November 7, 1887; Avrich, Tragedy, p. 353.

On Gage, see Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 205. On the businessmen’s meeting, see David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 362–63; on Medill’s view, see Plummer, Lincoln’s Rail-Splitter, p. 197.

Chicago Tribune, November 6, 8, 1887.

Chicago Tribune, November 11, 1887; Plummer, Lincoln’s Rail-Splitter, p. 194.

Chicago Tribune, November 7, 8, 1887; Matson quote in Finis Farr, Chicago: A Personal History of America’s Most American City (New Rochelle, NY: Arlington House, 1973), p. 150.

Chicago Tribune, November 9, 1887.

David, Haymarket Affair, p. 367; Herman Raster to Richard J. Oglesby, November 7, 1887, Chicago, in Oglesby Papers, Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library, Springfield, IL; Chicago Tribune, November 10, 1887.

On Cora Richmond, see Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 371–72; quote about Oglesby in David Herbert Donald, Lincoln’s Herndon (New York: Knopf, 1948), p. 205. On literature of reminiscence, see Merrill D. Peterson, Lincoln and American Memory (New York: Oxford, 1994), pp. 158–63.

Chicago Tribune, November 10, 1887; Gompers, Seventy Years (see Prologue, n.

, p. 238.

Quote in David, Haymarket Affair, p. 375.

Joseph R. Buchanan, The Story of a Labor Agitator (1903; reprint, Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1970), pp. 336–39.

Chicago Tribune, November 11, 1887; David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 364–66, 397; Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 367–71, 377.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 367–71, 377.

Chicago Tribune, November 11, 1887. Parsons’s letter to his children is in L. Parsons, The Life, Appendix.

For the lyrics to “Annie Laurie,” see http:// www.ingeb.org/songs/annielau.htm.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 227–29.

Ibid., pp. 230–31.

Quotes from Farr, Chicago: A Personal History, p. 150; and Russell, These Shifting Scenes, pp. 103–4.

Russell, These Shifting Scenes, pp. 103–4.

Chicago Tribune, November 11, 1887; and see Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, pp. 35–36.

Chicago Daily News, November 11, 1887, quoted in McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 232–33.

Ibid.

Chicago Daily News, quoted in McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, pp. 234–37.

In 1886 a special committee of the English courts conducted a seminal study of execution by hanging and determined the ideal form of death by this means: sudden death caused by a broken neck instead of slow strangulation or decapitation, which sometimes resulted when a heavy body was dropped too far below the gallows platform. After various experiments in physics, it was determined that a man weighing 140 to 170 pounds, the weight range of the four men executed in Chicago, should fall at least 71⁄2 feet below the platform in order for the neck to snap and death to occur most rapidly. These measurements would become the goal to which all subsequent Anglo-American judicial hangings aspired, but in November of 1887 such physics of death were not employed by the Cook County sheriff and the executioner: the four anarchists were given enough rope to fall only 4 feet below the gallows floor, and so they dangled at the ends of nooses for seemingly interminable minutes before finally choking to death. Timothy V. Kaufman-Osborn, From the Noose to the Needle: Capital Punishment and the Late Liberal State (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2002), pp. 87–88, 112–13. Also see Charles Duff, A Handbook of Hanging: Being a Short Introduction to the Fine Art of Execution . . . (Boston: Hale, Cushman & Flint, 1929), pp. 62–63.

Chicago Tribune, November 11, 1887.

Chicago Tribune, November 11, 1887.

Buchanan, Story of a Labor Agitator, pp. 414–15; Avrich, Tragedy, p. 394; and Russell, These Shifting Scenes, p. 105.

Chicago Tribune, November 11, 1887.

Howells’s letter quoted in Sender, Three American Radicals, pp. 122, 124, 129; and see Lynn, William Dean Howells, pp. 89, 109, 278, 290–92.

Abraham Cahan, The Education of Abraham Cahan, translated by Leon Stein, Abraham P. Conan and Lynn Davison (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1969), p. 328; Morris U. Schappes, “Haymarket and the Jews,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 119–120.

See Avrich, Tragedy, p. 407; and on Black’s being haunted by Parsons’s return, see ibid., p. 259. On Gompers, see Bernard Mandel, Samuel Gompers, A Biography (Yellow Springs, OH: Antioch Press, 1963), p. 57.

Schilling, “Labor Movement in Chicago,” pp. xxvi–xxvii.

Chapter Sixteen / The Judgment of History

The following description of the funeral is drawn from the Chicago Times, November 14, 1887. Also see Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, pp. 137–39; and Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 395–96.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 395–96.

Russell, These Shifting Scenes, p. 105.

Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 121.

Avrich, Tragedy, p. 456.

See ibid., p. 409; and Esenwein, Anarchist Ideology, pp. 156–60.

David, Haymarket Affair, p. 395; McNeil, ed., The Labor Movement, pp. 467–68.

Emma Goldman, Living My Life (New York: Knopf, 1931), Vol. 1, p. 10.

Richard Drinnon, Rebel in Paradise: A Biography of Emma Goldman (Boston: Beacon Press, 1970), pp. 12–15; Goldman, Living My Life, Vol. 1, pp. 9–10, 23–42, 508; and also quote from a letter in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 434.

Bisno, Abraham Bisno, Union Pioneer (see chap. 9, n. 22), p. 90.

Jones, Autobiography of Mother Jones (see Prologue, n. 10), pp. 13–14; also see Elliot J. Gorn, Mother Jones: The Most Dangerous Woman in America (New York: Hill & Wang, 2001), pp. 263–65, 273–77.

William D. Haywood, Bill Haywood’s Book (New York: International Publishers, 1929), p. 31.

Arthur Mann, Yankee Reformers in the Urban Age (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press, 1954), p. 184.

Mary O. Furner, Advocacy and Objectivity: A Crisis in the Professionalization of American Social Science, 1865–1905 (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1975), pp. 134–37.

Zechariah Chafee, Jr., Free Speech in the United States (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1946), pp. 507–8.

Thomas, Alternative America, p. 214.

Edgar Lee Masters, The Tale of Chicago (New York: Putnam, 1933), p. 219.

May, Protestant Churches (see chap. 6, n. 38), pp. 100–102; Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order (see Prologue, n. 13), pp. 125–28, 131, 135, 242.

Quote from Flinn, Chicago Police, p. 222.

McLean, Rise and Fall of Anarchy, p. 20.

Schaack, Anarchy and Anarchists, p. 148.

William J. Adelman, “The Haymarket Monument at Waldheim,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 167.

Robert Wiebe, Self-Rule: A Cultural History of American Democracy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1995), pp. 136–37.

William J. Adelman, “The Road to Fort Sheridan,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 130; Miller, City of the Century (see Prologue, n. 4), p. 476; Roy Turnbaugh, “Ethnicity, Civic Pride and Commitment: The Evolution of the Chicago Militia,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 72 (1979), pp. 111–22.

David, Haymarket Affair, p. 404; and Montgomery, Citizen Worker (see chap. 7, n. 19), pp. 102–4.

Barnard, “Eagle Forgotten” (see chap. 14, n. 41), p. 184; and see Rosemont, “A Bomb-Toting, Long-Haired, Wild-Eyed Fiend,” p. 205.

Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 29.

For an insightful study of this popular literature, see Ann Fabian, The Unvarnished Truth: Personal Narratives in Nineteenth-Century America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000).

Smith, Urban Disorder (see Prologue, n. 14), pp. 137, 142–43.

Rudolph Vecoli, “ ‘Free Country’: The American Republic Viewed by the Italian Left, 1880–1920,” in Debouzy, ed., In the Shadow of the Statue of Liberty, p. 25.

Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, pp. 162–63, 175–76.

Alarm, December 8, 1888; Thompson, William Morris, pp. 506–7.

Quotes in Thompson, William Morris, pp. 487, 507.

Ibid., p. 487; also see pp. 489, 493–94.

Esenwein, Anarchist Ideology, pp. 6–9, 125–27, 156; quote on p. 159. Kropotkin quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 412. Also see Lars-Goran Tedebrand, “America in the Swedish Press, 1880s to 1920s,” in Debouzy, ed., In the Shadow of the Stature of Liberty, p. 55.

Gompers, Seventy Years, pp. 238–39.

Esenwein, Anarchist Ideology, p. 163; Andrea Panaccione, ed., Sappi che Oggi e la tua Festa . . . per la Storia del l Maggio [May Day Celebration] (Venice: Marsilio Editori, 1988); Eric Hobsbawm, “May Day,” in Hobsbawm and Ranger, eds., The Invention of Tradition (see chap. 10, n. 10), p. 285.

Chicago Tribune, May 2, 1890.

Jane Addams, Twenty Years at Hull House (New York: Macmillan, 1934), pp. 177–78, and My Friend, Julia Lathrop (New York: Macmillan, 1935), quoted in “Haymarket, 1886!” Chicago History 15 (Summer 1986), p. 63.

See Richard Schneirov, “Voting as a Class: Haymarket and the Rise of the Democrat-Labor Alliance in Late Nineteenth-Century Chicago,” Labor History 45 (Spring–Summer 2004), pp. 6–20, and Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, pp. 284–86, 307; Leon Fink, “The New Labor History and the Power of Historical Pessimism: Consensus, Hegemony and the Case of the Knights of Labor,” Journal of American History 75 (June 1988), p. 132; David Brody, “Shaping a Labor Movement,” in Brody, In Labor’s Cause (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 87–88. On the socialist challenge to Gompers led by Chicago machinist Tommy Morgan, see P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 1, pp. 279–310. Quote from Chicago activist George Detwiler in Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics, p. 318.

Quote in Christopher L. Tomlins, The State and the Unions: Labor Relations, Law, and the Organized Labor Movement in America, 1880–1960 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), pp. 30, 49, 57.

Schilling to Lucy Parsons, December 1, 1893, in George Schilling Papers, quoted in Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 191.

Barnard, “Eagle Forgotten,” pp. 1–18, 23–39, 43, 133, 159–62; and Pierce, Chicago, Vol. 3, p. 452.

See Erik Larson, The Devil in the White City: Murder, Magic, and Madness at the Fair That Changed America (New York: Vintage, 2004); quote from Lloyd on p. 374.

Clarence Darrow, The Story of My Life (New York: Scribner, 1932), pp. 41–55, 96–104.

See Barnard, “Eagle Forgotten,” quotes on pp. 183, 187, and see pp. 204–8, 250–56.

Ibid., pp. 208, 218–19.

Adelman, “The Haymarket Monument,” p. 171. Also see Melissa Dabakis, Visualizing Labor in American Sculpture: Monuments, Manliness, and the Work Ethic, 1880–1935 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 60–61.

Dabakis, Visualizing Labor, p. 61. On sites of memory that encourage “commemorative vigilance,” see Pierre Nora, “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Memoire,” Representations 26 (Spring 1989), pp. 8–22; and James Green, “Crime Against Memory at Ludlow,” Labor 1 (Spring 2004), pp. 9–16.

Quotes from Altgeld, Reasons (see chap. 7, n. 68), pp. 11–12, 35, 46, 36–37, 39.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 238–39, 439–41. Author’s interview with Tim Samuelson, Chicago, December 5, 2004.

On Lum, see Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 408, 442–45, and Paul Avrich, “The Bomb Thrower—A New Candidate,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds. Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 71–73.

Altgeld, Reasons, pp. 35, 46; also see pp. 36–37, 39.

See Barnard, “Eagle Forgotten,” pp. 240–41; David, Haymarket Affair, p. 246; and Darrow, Story of My Life, p. 101.

On Altgeld’s criticism of those who associated immigrants with crime and disorder, see Barnard, “Eagle Forgotten,” pp. 132–33. On his love of liberty, see quotes from Clarence Darrow’s eulogy for Altgeld in Arthur Weinberg, ed., Attorney for the Damned: Clarence Darrow in the Courtroom (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), p. 544, and from Ray Ginger in Altgeld’s America: The Lincoln Ideal vs. Changing Realities (New York: Funk & Wagnalls, 1958), p. 87. Altgeld did not live to see his prophecy fulfilled. He died in 1902, one year before a federal law banned alien anarchists from entering the United States and paved the way for the wartime suspension of civil liberties for all American radicals, native-born and foreign-born. For a contemporary version of Altgeld’s argument that the targeting of immigrants as potential terrorists leads to broader attacks on civil liberties, see the syndicated column by Molly Ivins, “Mr. Ashcroft, Let’s Not Repeat Past Mistakes,” Boston Globe, November 21, 2001, and the more extensive version of the argument in David Cole, Enemy Aliens: Double Standards and Constitutional Freedoms in the War on Terrorism (New York: New Press, 2003).

David, Haymarket Affair, pp. 412–13. And see Barnard, “ Eagle Forgotten,” p. 214, and quotes on p. 248.

Barnard, “Eagle Forgotten,” pp. 236–38.

Avrich, Tragedy, pp. 446–48.

Buder, Pullman (see Prologue, n. 5), pp. 170–71, 179–81; Ginger, Altgeld’s America, p. 100; Addams, Twenty Years at Hull House, p. 160.

Miller, City of the Century, pp. 546–49; Barnard, “ Eagle Forgotten,” p. 298; Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 185; Ginger, Altgeld’s America, pp. 192–93.

Miller, City of the Century, pp. 546–47.

Nick Salvatore, Eugene V. Debs: Citizen and Socialist (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982), pp. 152–55; Ray Ginger, Eugene V. Debs: The Making of an American Radical (1949; reprint, New York: Collier, 1962), pp. 64, 108, 192–93; William E. For-bath, Law and the Shaping of the American Labor Movement (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1989), pp. 42–43, 75–77, 168; Tomlins, The State and the Unions, pp. 30, 49, 57.

In the age of industrial violence that followed the Pullman conflict, dynamite bombs exploded with a frequency even August Spies and Louis Lingg could not have predicted. The bombs were not used as weapons in pitched battles between strikers and the National Guard as the Chicago anarchists imagined, but rather in secret campaigns waged by embattled trade unionists against antiunion employers and their hired gunmen. For example, in Rocky Mountain metal-mining districts, battles between union miners and the armed forces of the operators led to the deaths of sixty people, most of them as a result of the brutal conflict that erupted around the Cripple Creek mining district in Colorado. Many of the casualties were members of the Western Federation of Miners, a union organized by militant socialists like William D. Haywood, an admirer of Albert Parsons and August Spies. In addition to the union casualties, two mine foremen and thirteen strikebreakers died in dynamite explosions. The authorities blamed the blasts on “socialist dynamiters” like Haywood, but no one was ever charged in any of the Colorado killings. See Rhodri Jeffreys-Jones, Violence and Reform in American History (New York: New Viewpoints, 1978), pp. 8–78; and Elizabeth Jameson, All That Glitters: Class, Conflict, and Community in Cripple Creek (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998), pp. 218–25, 244–47.

Quote in Ginger, Eugene V. Debs, p. 66; Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, pp. 199–200.

Joseph Kirkland, “Some Notable Trials,” in Moses and Kirkland, eds., History of Chicago (see chap. 14, n. 18), p. 208. Joseph Kirkland was a practicing lawyer in Chicago as well as a novelist whose book Zury: The Meanest Man in Spring County (published the year of the Haymarket executions) focused on the life of a tightfisted farmer who became a hardheaded Chicago businessman devoted entirely to the pursuit of wealth. Kirkland was a leading figure in the city’s genteel literary circles, but his 1887 novel was anything but genteel; it was the first realist novel produced by what would become the Chicago school of novelists devoted to exposing the brutal conflicts that seemed to overwhelm the city’s residents. Timothy B. Spears, Chicago Dreaming: Mid-westerners and the City, 1871–1919 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005), pp. 53–54.

Kirkland, “Some Notable Trials,” p. 208.

Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 182; quote in Kirkland, “Some Notable Trials,” p. 204.

Quotes in Blaine McKinley, “A Religion in a New Time: Anarchists’ Memorials to the Haymarket Martyrs,” Labor History 28 (Summer 1997), pp. 391, 395–96. Holmes and Goldman quoted in Avrich, Tragedy, p. 449.

Quotes in McKinley, “A Religion in a New Time,” p. 399.

Epilogue

Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 211.

Quoted in Gerstle, American Crucible, p. 70; and see Eric Rauchway, Murdering McKinley: The Making of Theodore Roosevelt’s America (New York: Hill & Wang, 2003).

Gerstle, American Crucible, pp. 54–55; William Preston, Aliens and Dissenters: Federal Suppression of Radicals, 1903–1933 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), pp. 29, 31.

Joyce L. Kornbluh, ed., Rebel Voices: An I.W.W. Anthology (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1988), pp. 1–12.

Melvyn Dubofsky, We Shall Be All: A History of the Industrial Workers of the World (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1969), p. 81; and Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 189, 193.

Proceedings of the Founding Convention of the Industrial Workers of the World (New York: Merit Publishers, 1969), pp. 56–57, 167–68, 171; Haywood, Bill Haywood’s Book, p. 187. For an impressive argument that the IWW was strongly influenced by anarchists, see Salvatore Salerno, Red November, Black November: Culture and Community in the Industrial Workers of the World (Albany: State University Press of New York, 1989).

Robert D’Attilio, “Primo Maggio: Haymarket as Seen by Italian Anarchists in America,” in Roediger and Rosemont, eds. Haymarket Scrapbook, pp. 229–32; Rudolph Vecoli, “Primo Maggio: May Day Observances Among Italian Immigrant Workers,” Labor’s Heritage 7 (Spring 1966), p. 35.

Vecoli, “Primo Maggio,” pp. 30–31, 40.

Rudolph Vecoli, “Primo Maggio: An Invented Tradition of the Italian Americans,” in Panaccione, May Day Celebration, p. 70.

On the important, and sometimes dominant, role of anarchists in forming militant trade unions in Italy, France, Spain, Argentina, Chile and Mexico, see Woodcock, Anarchism (see chap. 8, n. 11), pp. 270–71, 370–80, 426; Esenwein, Anarchist Ideology, pp. 172, 189, 191, 197, 202–3; Robert J. Alexander, A History of Organized Labor in Argentina (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003), pp. 10, 12, 26–27; Peter De Shazo, Urban Workers and Labor Unions in Chile, 1902–1927 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1983), p. 133, 158; and John M. Hart, Anarchism and the Mexican Working Class, 1860–1931 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1978), pp. 83–94, 108–11.

Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 227.

E. Foner, American Freedom (see chap. 1, n. 6), pp. 163–64, 168; Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 245.

Philip S. Foner, May Day: A Short History of the International Workers’ Holiday, 1886–1986 (New York: International Publishers, 1986), pp. 76–79, 87–90; John Bodnar, Remaking America: Public Memory, Commemoration and Patriotism in the Twentieth Century (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), pp. 83, 85–88, 93; Francis Russell, A City in Terror: 1919, the Boston Police Strike (New York: Viking Press, 1975), p. 21.

Ginger, Eugene V. Debs, pp. 372–413; Dubofsky, We Shall Be All, pp. 430–36, 459; and Preston, Aliens and Dissenters, pp. 220–29.

Lawson, ed., American State Trials, p. vi.; James Ford Rhodes and Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer, quoted in David, Haymarket Affair, p. 446, from Rhodes’s History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850 to the McKinley-Bryan Campaign of 1896 (New York: Macmillan, 1920) and Oberholtzer’s A History of the United States Since the Civil War (New York: Macmillan, 1917).

Quote from Frank O. Beck, Hobohemia: Emma Goldman, Lucy Parsons, Ben Reitman and Other Agitators and Outsiders in the 1920s and 1930s (1956; reprint, Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 2000), p. 35.

See Franklin Rosemont’s introduction to ibid., pp. 7–9.

Quote from Joughin and Morgan, Legacy of Sacco and Vanzetti (see Prologue, n.

, pp. 208–9. Also see Upton Sinclair, Boston: A Documentary Novel of the Sacco-Vanzetti Case (1928; reprint, Boston: Robert Bentley, 1978), p. 754.

The Haymarket story also appeared in books written by young writers on the left born to immigrant parents. See Anthony Bimba, The History of the American Working Class (New York: International Publishers, 1927), pp. 188, 314; and Louis Adamic, Dynamite: The Story of Class Violence in America (New York: Viking Press, 1934), pp. 65–85. On Adamic and second-generation ethnic writers with radical politics, see Michael Denning, The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (London: Verso, 1997), pp. 447–48.

Sam Dolgoff quoted in Roediger and Rosemont, eds., Haymarket Scrapbook, p. 246.

Toni Gilpin and Steve Rosswurm, “The Haymarket Tradition,” Haymarket: Chicago’s Progressive Journal of Politics and Arts 21 (May 1986), p. 21.

Jeffreys-Jones, Violence and Reform, pp. 18–19, 35, 40–44.

Richard Hofstadter, “Reflections on Violence,” in Richard Hofstadter and Michael Wallace, eds., American Violence: A Documentary History (New York: Knopf, 1970), pp. 6, 11, 19–20, 39–40. Statistics from Philip Taft and Philip Ross, “American Labor Violence: Its Causes, Character and Outcome,” in Hugh Davis Graham and Ted R. Gurr, eds., Violence in America: Historical and Comparative Perspectives, A Report to the National Commission on the Causes and Prevention of Violence (New York: Bantam Books, 1969), p. 270.

Lizabeth Cohen, Making a New Deal: Industrial Workers in Chicago, 1919–1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), p. 299; Gilpin and Rosswurm, “The Haymarket Tradition,” p. 21; Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, p. 262.

Cohen, Making a New Deal, p. 300; Ashbaugh, Lucy Parsons, pp. 262–64; and Studs Terkel, Chicago (New York: Pantheon, 1986), p. 35.

See Kenneth Rexroth, “Again at Waldheim,” in Sam Hamill and Bradford Morrow, eds., The Complete Poems of Kenneth Rexroth (Port Townsend, WA: Copper Canyon Press, 2003), p. 221, in which the poet reflects on the death of Emma Goldman and her burial at Waldheim near the Haymarket anarchists. Rexroth’s poem reads in part: “What memory lasts Emma of you / Or the intrepid comrades of your grave . . . / Against the iron-clad, flame throwing / Course of time?” Howard Fast, The American: A Middle Western Legend (New York: Duell, Sloan & Pearce, 1946). On Howard Fast as a Popular Front writer, see Denning, The Cultural Front, p. 248, and Priscilla Murolo, “History in the Fast Lane,” Radical History Review 31 (December 1984), pp. 22–31. On Algren and Chicago, see H. E. F. Donahue, Conversations with Nelson Algren (New York: Hill & Wang, 1964), pp. 61–64, 88.

Nelson Algren, Chicago: City on the Make (1951; reprint, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), pp. 23, 48, 52, 62–64, 66.

The story did appear in a few other books, in the pages of Ray Ginger’s fine collection of essays in Altgeld’s America (chap. 2) and in the chapters of a few labor histories written by leftist authors, published by small presses and read mainly by curious workers in independent labor unions who had learned to keep their heads down while the winds of McCarthyism raged about them. See Boyer and Morais, Labor’s Untold Story, pp. 84–86; and P. Foner, Labor Movement, Vol. 2, pp. 105–14. On the suppression of May Day and the impact of the Cold War on workers’ consciousness, see P. Foner, May Day, pp. 135–37, 145; James Green, The World of the Worker: Labor in Twentieth-Century America (New York: Hill & Wang, 1980), pp. 133–209; Marianne Debouzy, “In Search of Working-Class Memory: Some Questions and a Tentative Assessment,”History and Anthropology 2 (Spring 1986), pp. 275–78; Bruno Cartoiso, “Memoria Privata e Memoria Pubblica nella Storiografico del Movimento Operaio,” Studi Storici 38 (Inverno 1997), pp. 897–910; and Michael Kammen, Mystic Chords of Memory: The Transformation of Tradition in American Culture (New York: Knopf, 1991), p. 517.

P. Foner, May Day, pp. 74, 80; and James Green, “Globalization of Memory: The Enduring Remembrance of the Haymarket Martyrs Around the World,” Labor 2 (Fall 2005), pp. 5–15.

Dan LaBotz to Jim Green, e-mail, November 18, 2004. The memory also survived in China, even in a year, 1987, when the Communist government held no May Day celebrations. “Yesterday is the holiday for the working class,” a friend wrote to me from Beijing on May 2, 1987. “Though we did not hold any grand meeting or some parade, yet the mighty struggle for the eight hour day is ingrained in our minds.” In the past “we paid great tribute to these heroes who sacrificed their lives for the benefit of the working class. May First is one of the most important holidays; on this day we pay tribute to the Haymarket martyrs.” Huang Shao-xiang to Jim Green, May 2, 1987, Beijing, PRC.

In 1976 Galeano escaped Argentina for Barcelona, the historic center of Spanish anarchism, where citizens and workers were still celebrating the death of dictator Francisco Franco and his fascist regime. There, in Catalonia, Galeano began to write his magnum opus, the trilogy Memoria del fuego, an epic prose poem dedicated to the people of the Americas and their bloody histories—memory books that transcended existing literary genres. “I am a writer obsessed with remembering,” he said, “with remembering the past of America, above all that of Latin America, intimate land condemned to amnesia.” Galeano’s obsession with the past remains obvious in the third volume of the trilogy, finished in 1986, the year after he came to Chicago. In Century of the Wind he offers yearly calendar scenes that begin at Montevideo in 1900 with a new century being born as “the time of anybodies,” a time when “[t]he people want democracy and trade unions.” Biography of Eduardo Galeano from the Web site www.kirjasto.sci.fi/galeano.htm, including first quote; second quote from Eduardo Galeano, Century of the Wind (1986; English trans., New York: Norton, 1988), p. 4. Also see Luis Roniger, Luis Sznajder, and Mario Sznajder, “The Politics of Memory in Redemocratized Argentina and Uruguay,” Memory and History 10, no. 1 (Spring 1998), pp. 155–56.

Eduardo Galeano, The Book of Embraces (New York: Norton, 1991), p. 118.

“Forgotten Battle,” transcript of Studs Terkel television interview on the McNeill-Lehrer News Hour, Public Broadcasting System, May 1, 1986, pp. 13–14. Thanks to Martin Blatt for a copy of this transcript.

Studs Terkel, Talking to Myself: A Memoir of My Time (New York: Pantheon, 1971), pp. 48–49, 58, 197; Studs Terkel, Division Street: America (New York: Pantheon, 1967), p. xxii; Terkel, Chicago, p. 28; and the author’s tape-recorded interview with Studs Terkel, Chicago, July 11, 2003.

Jeff Huebner, “Haymarket Revisited,” Chicago Reader, December 10, 1993, pp. 1, 14; press release from the Haymarket Square Workers Memorial Committee, April 25, 1969, signed by Leslie Orear, in Carolyn Ashbaugh Collection, Charles H. Kerr Papers, Newberry Library, Chicago.

David Farber, Chicago ’68 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1988), pp. 140–43.

Ibid., pp. 145–48.

James Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1987), pp. 298–99; Farber, Chicago ’68, pp. 161, 165, 179–80, 182–83, 199–201.

The Chicago Eight became the Chicago Seven after the case of Black Panther Bobby Seale was severed from the rest. See J. Anthony Lukas, The Barnyard Epithet and Other Obscenities: Notes on the Chicago Conspiracy Trial (New York: Harper & Row, 1970).

For an earlier example of a public controversy over a monument to revolutionary martyrs (the victims of the Boston Massacre of 1770), see Dennis B. Ryan, Beyond the Ballot Box: A Social History of the Boston Irish (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1983), p. 132.

Huebner, “Haymarket Revisited,” pp. 2, 20; Miller, Democracy, p. 308. The bombing of the police statue was a symbolic act to inaugurate the Days of Rage, when young radicals planned to bring the Vietnam War home with violent attacks on war-related institutions. One of these Weathermen, Bill Ayers, wrote later about being there that night as he watched a comrade blow up the police monument in Haymarket Square. “Terry,” who set off the dynamite, had committed the story of the Haymarket anarchists to memory, Ayers recalled, and could quote what August Spies said to the court about “a subterranean fire about to blaze up.” The Weathermen had come to Chicago that October after whipping themselves up in a kind of frenzy, as Ayers put it, remaking themselves “into street fighters and persuading ourselves against all evidence that working-class youth were with us, that our uncompromising militancy was winning them over, and that Chicago would be the wild, unruly embodiment of the Revolutionary Youth Movement.” If the Weathermen brought the Vietnam War home to the streets of Chicago, Ayers thought, “August Spies and Albert Parsons would smile on us from their graves, and rest just a wee bit easier.” But when the urban guerrilla fighter and his comrades raged through the city streets, broke windows, set fires and fought with police, no one joined them. Worse, they were beaten, shot, maced and brutally interrogated by law officers. Ayers somehow escaped arrest and rejoined a few street fighters at a prearranged spot. When the battered Weathermen gathered at the charred base of the Haymarket police statue for their final march, they were surrounded by cordons of infuriated police, he recalled. The curtain then fell on what Ayers called their “theater of revolution.” Bill Ayers, Fugitive Days: A Memoir (New York: Penguin, 2003), pp. 162–63, 165, 168, 176.

On the killing of Hampton and Clark, who died in a hail of seventy-nine bullets from police revolvers, see Henry Hampton and Steve Fayer, Voices of Freedom: An Oral History of the Civil Rights Movement from the 1950s Through the 1980s (New York: Bantam Books, 1990) pp. 520–38.

Press release from the Haymarket Square Workers Memorial Committee, April 25, 1969.

Huebner, “Haymarket Revisited,” p. 16.

Jonah Raskin, ed., The Weather Eye: Communiqués from the Weather Underground, May 1970–May 1974 (New York: Union Square Press, 1974), p. 5.

Huebner, “Haymarket Revisited,” pp. 16, 22.

Quote ibid., p. 14.

This official reference to the Haymarket martyrs as “activists,” not as anarchists—along with everything else that transpired during the centennial ceremonies— enraged a band of 200 neo-anarchists who gathered in Chicago for the events, complete with black flags and banners with slogans such as “Eat the Rich, Feed the Poor.” Smith, Urban Disorder (see Prologue, n. 14), p. 277.

The collection of documents and images is Roediger and Rosemont’s Haymarket Scrapbook. The walking tour is in Adelman, Haymarket Revisited (see chap. 4, n. 20). Warren Lemming’s cabaret production was published as Cold Chicago: A Haymarket Fable (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 2001). Scholarly publications include special issues of International Labor and Working Class History 29 (Spring 1986), edited by David Montgomery, and Chicago History 15 (Summer 1986), edited by Russell Lewis; Bruce C. Nelson’s impressively researched monograph on the Chicago anarchist movement, Beyond the Martyrs (see chap. 3, n. 37); Charnan Simon’s The Story of the Haymarket Riot (Chicago: The Children’s Press of Regensteiner Printing Enterprises, 1988); as well as chapters on the case in P. Foner, May Day (see Epilogue, n. 13); Udo Achten, Mathias Reichelt and Reinhard Schultz, eds., Mein Vaterland 1st International (Berlin: Asso Verlag, 1986); and Roediger and P. Foner, Our Own Time (see chap. 1, n. 16). In 1993, a researcher found 1,000 articles and books in which the case was discussed (not simply mentioned) and another 200 “imaginative works” that involved the Haymarket characters and events. Robert W. Glenn, The Haymarket Affair: An Annotated Bibliography (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 1993). Since then, other writers who have devoted chapters to the story include Smith, Urban Disorder and the Shape of Belief (1995); Miller, City of the Century (1996); Schneirov, Labor and Urban Politics (1998); Marco d’Eramo, Il maiale e il grattacielo (Milan: Feltrinelli Editore, 1999), translated into English as The Pig and the Skyscraper: Chicago, A History of Our Future (London: Verso, 2002); James Green, Taking History to Heart: The Power of the Past in Building Social Movements (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2000); Palmer, Cultures of Darkness (2000); Clymer, America’s Culture of Terrorism (2003); and various entries in two superb encyclopedias of Chicago history: Schultz and Hast, eds., Women Building Chicago (see chap. 4, n. 17), and James R. Grossman, Ann Durkin Keating and Janice L. Reiff, eds., The Encyclopedia of Chicago (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004). Now researchers may also consult the Web site “The Dramas of Haymarket” ( www.chicagohistory.org/dramas), created by the Chicago Historical Society and designed by the historian Carl Smith, and the Library of Congress digital transcript of the Haymarket trial at http://www.memory.loc.gov/ammem/award98/ichihtml/haybuild.htm.

The landmark status came as a result of a Newberry Library project directed by James Grossman. The Waldheim site study was written by Robin Bachin, who argued that the memorial provided a symbol through which various groups could share pride in their radical heritage. “Haymarket Martyrs Monument,” National Historic Landmark Nomination by Robin Bachin for the Newberry Library, photocopy in author’s possession. Also see Robin Bachin, “Structuring Memory—The Haymarket Martyrs’ Memorial,” Cultural Resources Management 21 (1998), pp. 45–46; and Green, Taking History to Heart, pp. 130–32, 142–43.

The ceremony held to rededicate the martyrs’ monument attracted 500 people to Waldheim on May 3, 1998, and, like nearly everything else about the case, it aroused protest and controversy. The whole affair infuriated some anarchists in attendance, who shouted protests against the very idea that the U.S. government would grant any kind of state recognition to men who died fighting against it. One critic bitterly noted that the labor union speakers all referred to Spies, Parsons and their comrades not as revolutionaries, but “as ‘labor activists’ who died for ‘workers’ rights, good American trade unionists who died in the fight for an eight-hour day, a fair day’s work for a fair day’s pay, mom and apple pie.” G. L. Doebler, “The Contest for Memory: Haymarket Through a Revisionist Looking Glass,” reprint from Fifth Estate, Winter 1999, in a leaflet produced by the Louis Lingg League of Chicago, copies in author’s possession.

The disaffected anarchists made a valid point. The memory of the Haymarket anarchists had been tamed when it was stripped of meaningful references to their revolutionary beliefs, violent speeches and confrontational tactics. Official commemorative efforts placed the Chicago anarchists within a legal discourse honoring dissenters who sacrificed themselves to expand civil liberties—freedoms granted by the very state the anarchists aimed to dismantle. This redemptive narrative of Haymarket, common in the telling of other national tales of catastrophe, seemed to modern anarchists to be a betrayal of the martyrs’ memory and a perversion of history. On a similar taming of Emma Goldman’s memory, as part of constitutional history, see Oz Frankl, “What Ever Happened to ‘Red’ Emma? Emma Goldman, From American Rebel to American Icon,” Journal of American History 83, no. 3 (December 1996), pp. 903–42.

Nonetheless, the labor movement’s memory of Parsons, Spies and their mates as free-speech fighters and fearless organizers had truth on its side as well. After all, the International did call the rally in the Haymarket to make a peaceful protest against the killing of unarmed strikers who had been denied the right to picket. The anarchists did put themselves in harm’s way time and again to exercise their freedoms of speech and assembly, because they knew that without such liberties they could not succeed in organizing the kind of mass movement they thought would change America.

A variety of artistic works about Haymarket appeared after the 1986 centennial. In Chicago, filmmakers made two videos on the case, an artist fought a three-year battle with the Park District to create a public memorial to Lucy Parsons in Wicker Park using May Stevens’s well-known portrait of Lucy and the city’s Steppenwolf Theater produced Haymarket Eight, written by Derek Goldman and Jessica Thebus. The videos, produced by Labor Beat in Chicago, are The Road to Haymarket and Train Wreck of Ideologies (laborbeat@findourinfo.com). On the spiral artwork dedicated to Lucy Parsons and its designer, Marjorie Woodruff, see Jeff Huebner, Haymarket and Beyond: A Guide to Wicker Park’s Labor History Sites, pamphlet published by the Near Northwest Side Arts Council, 1996 (copy in author’s possession), p. 8; and “Dangerous Women,” Chicago Reader, September 8, 1985, p. 1. May Stevens’s painting featuring the 1903 photo of Lucy Parsons overlaid with her own handwritten words (“Women are the slaves of slaves”) is reproduced in Images of Labor, edited by Moe Foner (New York: Pilgrim Press, 1981), facing p. 35. On the Steppenwolf production, see Northwestern University Alumni Magazine, Fall 2000, pp. 39–42. Other interpretive works of note include Harold A. Zlotnik, Toys of Desperation: A Haymarket Mural in Verse (Interlaken, NY: Heart of the Lakes Press, 1987); and Haymarket Heritage: The Memoirs of Irving S.Abrams, edited by David Roediger and Phyllis Boanes (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr, 1989). A new fictional version of the story also appeared in Martin Duberman’s evocative Haymarket: A Novel (New York: Seven Stories Press, 2003). Greg Guma’s play Inquisitions and Other Unamerican Activities was performed in Burlington, Vermont, in May 2003 (a CD can be purchased at the Web site www.towardfreedom.com). Zayd Dohrn’s play Haymarket was performed in Boston in November 2003. Another play, Day of Reckoning, written by Melody Cooper (who also plays the role of Lucy Parsons), was performed in New York in February 2005; it was reviewed in the New York Times, February 10, 2005.

The Haymarket affair marked Americans’ first experience with what would today be called terrorism, even though the scale of what happened on May 4, 1886, is difficult to compare with mass murders of civilians that have taken place in modern times. Nonetheless, the anarchists did make serious threats to use dynamite against their enemies in order to terrorize the authorities and the public—and this was clearly a result of the Haymarket bombing. It thus makes sense to return to the affair as the starting point for studying how Americans first reacted to the fear of bombings and then how they responded when suspects, particularly aliens, were accused of conspiring to commit such violent acts. Indeed, some commentators believe the Haymarket affair should be regarded as a warning to citizens who allow the civil liberties of immigrants to be violated in the name of fighting terrorism. See Clymer, America’s Culture of Terrorism, pp. 38, 211; Ivins, “Mr. Ashcroft, Let’s Not Repeat Past Mistakes” (see chap. 16, n. 55); and Studs Terkel, “Constitution Abuse,” Chicago Tribune, July 11, 2003.

The term “terrorist” had not yet been invented in 1886, but the press, the police and prosecutors, and most members of the public regarded the Haymarket bomber very much like the public of today regards terrorists whose bombs kill civilians, even though the victims in 1886 were armed police officers who had shown no hesitation about attacking unarmed civilians. The bomber, whether or not he was an anarchist, clearly had no concern about harming civilians when he threw that hand grenade into a crowded street. Yet it seems likely, as Governor Altgeld suggested, that his act was one of revenge aimed directly at the police. In any case, the Chicago anarchists advocated the use of force as a defensive strategy for workers involved in life-or-death struggles with armed forces, not as a means of inspiring terror through indiscriminate killing.

Despite the ways in which the story of the Haymarket affair resonates in an age preoccupied with a “war on terror,” I have not placed the Chicago anarchists and their activities within a discourse dominated by contemporary definitions of terrorism. The crime of murder committed with a bomb on May 4, 1886, whether it was intended as an act of revenge or was the work of an agent provocateur, seems, in retrospect, like the kind of terrorist attack that has became tragically common in the last few decades. However, the violence that came before and after the event on May 4 is better understood not as an early chapter in the history of terrorism, but as an episode in a different tradition of violent struggle between immigrant workers and their unions and the armed forces deployed against them.

Lara Kelland, “Putting Haymarket to Rest?” Labor 2 (Spring 2005), pp. 31–38.

Deanna Isaacs, “A Monumental Effort Pays Off,” Chicago Reader, January 16, 2004, p. 22.

Stephen Kinzer, “In Chicago, an Ambiguous Memorial to the Haymarket Attack,” New York Times, September 15, 2004, including quote from the city’s cultural historian, Tim Samuelson.

Ibid.

Darrow, The Story of My Life (see chap. 16, n. 45), p. 99.

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