NOTES

Prologue

1. The official American estimate for the number of people killed by the Hiroshima blast is less than 80,000, but the Japanese have long disputed this figure and the best current estimate ranges from at least 130,000 immediately following the bombing to about 200,000 total dead from the blast and its aftereffects within five years. See Committee for the Compilation of Materials on Damage Caused by the Atomic Bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Hiroshima and Nagasaki: The Physical, Medical, and Social Effects of the Atomic Bombings, translated by Eisei Ishikawa and David L. Swain (New York: Basic Books, 1981), pp. 363–69.

2. See Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, “The Aboriginal Population of Hispaniola” in Cook and Borah, Essays in Population History, Volume One: Mexico and the Caribbean (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), pp. 376–410.

3. Richard Slotkin, Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier, 1600–1860 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1973), p. 565. On the matter of comparative survivorship ratios, according to recent adjustments in the 1990 U.S. census the national ethnic breakdown is as follows: whites—74.2 percent; blacks—12.5 percent; Hispanics—9.5 percent; Asians and others—3.8 percent. Thus, since whites and blacks combined total 86.7 percent of the population, if all whites and blacks were killed, the survivorship ratio for Americans would be significantly better than 1:10 (actually, about 1:7.5), compared with the estimated overall 1:20 survivorship ratio for the native peoples of the Americas.

4. The cited observer is Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdés, from his Historia Natural y General de las Indias, quoted in Carl Ortwin Sauer, The Early Spanish Main (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), pp. 252–53.

5. Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other (New York: Harper & Row, 1984).

6. From the testimony of Major Scott J. Anthony, First Colorado Cavalry, before United States Congress, House of Representatives: “Massacre of Cheyenne Indians,” in Report on the Conduct of the War (38th Congress, Second Session, 1865), p. 27.

7. Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972), p. 31.

8. For a recent example, in brief, of the common assertion that the Native American population collapse was an “unintended consequence” of native contact with Europeans who, in this version of the fiction, actually wanted to “preserve and increase”—as well as exploit—the native people, see Marvin Harris, “Depopulation and Cultural Evolution: A Cultural Materialist Perspective,” in David Hurst Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences, Volume Three: The Spanish Borderlands in Pan-American Perspective(Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991), p. 584. Harris here is objecting specifically to my use of the word “holocaust” to describe the native population decline in the Americas in “The Consequences of Contact: Toward an Interdisciplinary Theory of Native Responses to Biological and Cultural Invasion,” ibid., pp. 519–39. See also the recent assertion that “the first European colonists . . . did not want the Amerindians to die,” but unfortunately the Indians simply “did not wear well,” in Alfred W. Crosby, “Infectious Disease and the Demography of the Atlantic Peoples,” Journal of World History, 2 (1991), 122, 124.

9. Alexander Saxton, The Rise and Fall of the White Republic: Class Politics and Mass Culture in Nineteenth-Century America (London: Verso Books, 1991), p. 153.

10. In Sylvia Rothchild, ed., Voices from the Holocaust (New York: New American Library, 1981), p. 4.

11. The dispute over the site of Columbus’s first landing is discussed in John Noble Wilford, The Mysterious History of Columbus: An Exploration of the Man, the Myth, the Legacy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991), pp. 129–46.

12. On the number of deaths and disappearances in Guatemala between 1970 and 1985, see Robert M. Carmack, ed., Harvest of Violence: The Maya Indians and the Guatemalan Crisis (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), p. 295. According to the U.S. Defense Department the number of battle deaths in those wars mentioned in the text was as follows: Civil War—274,235; World War One—53,402; World War Two—291,557; Korean War—33,629; Vietnam War—47,382.

13. For the percentage of rain forest destroyed, see Cultural Survival Quarterly, 14 (1990), 86. On the politics and ecology of rain forest destruction, focused on the Amazon but relevant to tropical forests throughout the Americas, see Susanna Hecht and Alexander Cockburn, The Fate of the Forest: Developers, Destroyers, and Defenders of the Amazon (New York: Verso Books, 1989).

14. This quotation and the one preceding it are from Vanderbilt University anthropologist Duncan M. Earle’s report, “Mayas Aiding Mayas: Guatemalan Refugees in Chiapas, Mexico,” in Carmack, ed., Harvest of Violence, pp. 263, 269. The rest of this volume of contemporary anthropological accounts from Guatemala makes overwhelmingly clear how devastating is the Guatemalan government’s ongoing slaughter of its native Maya peoples—with the United States government’s consent and financial support. For more detailed discussion of U.S. involvement in and support for such activities, see Susanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and U.S. Power (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991).

15. Quoted in Jonas, Battle for Guatemala, p. 145.

16. Ibid., pp. 148-49; Carmack, ed., Harvest of Violence, p. 11.

17. Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, 1517–1521, translated by A.P. Maudslay (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1928), p. 409.

Chapter One

1. Woodrow Borah and Sherburne F. Cook, The Aboriginal Population of Central Mexico on the Eve of the Spanish Conquest, Ibero-Americana, Number 45 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963); Michael Coe, Dean Snow, and Elizabeth Benson, Atlas of Ancient America (New York: Facts on File Publications, 1986), p. 145.

2. Rudolph van Zantwijk, The Aztec Arrangement: The Social History of Pre-Spanish Mexico (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1985), p. 281, is one of many recent writers who puts the figure at 350,000. More cautious scholars are likely to accept the general range of 250,000 to 400,000 proposed almost thirty years ago by Charles Gibson, although as Gibson notes, informed sixteenth-century estimates ranged as high as 1,000,000 and more. See Charles Gibson, The Aztecs Under Spanish Rule: A History of the Indians of the Valley of Mexico, 1519–1810 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1964), pp. 377–78. For the population of London in 1500 see Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500–1800 (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), p. 147; for Seville, see J.H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469-1716 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1964), p. 177.

3. Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, 1517–1521, translated by A.P. Maudslay (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1928), pp. 269–70. All subsequent references to and citations of Bernal Díaz in this chapter come from this same volume, pp. 269–302.

4. Hernan Cortés, Letters From Mexico, translated and edited by A.R. Pagden (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1971), p. 107. All subsequent references to and citations of Cortés in this chapter come from this same volume, pp. 100–113.

5. Diego Durán, The Aztecs: The History of the Indies of New Spain, translated by Doris Hayden Fernando Horcasitas (New York: Union Press, 1964), p. 183; J. Soustelle, Daily Life of the Aztecs (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1970), pp. 32–33.

6. Venice, even in the middle of the sixteenth century, still had barely half the population of Tenochtitlán before the conquest. See the discussion of Venice’s population in Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), Volume One, p. 414.

7. Bernard R. Ortiz de Montellano, Aztec Medicine, Health, and Nutrition (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1990), pp. 127–28.

8. Quoted in Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians: A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1959), p. 49.

9. For discussion of these matters among Europeans up through the eighteenth century, see Lee H. Huddleston, Origins of the American Indians: European Concepts, 1492–1729 (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1969).

10. For general discussions of Berengia, see David M. Hopkins, ed., The Bering Land Bridge (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1967); and David M. Hopkins, et al., Paleoecology of Berengia (New York: Academic Press, 1982).

11. The arguments for and against significant post-Ice Age, but pre-Columbian ocean contacts between the peoples of the Americas and peoples from other continents or archipelagoes is bound up with debate between two schools of thought—the “diffusionists,” who believe that cultural evolution in the Americas was shaped importantly by outside influences, and the “independent inventionists,” who hold to the more conventional (and more evidence-supported) view that the cultures evolved independent of such influences. For good overviews of the diffusionist perspective by one of its more responsible adherents, see Stephen C. Jett, “Diffusion versus Independent Invention: The Bases of Controversy,” in Carroll L. Riley, et al., Man Across the Sea: Problems of Pre-Columbian Contacts (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1971), pp. 5–53; and Stephen C. Jett, “Precolumbian Transoceanic Contacts,” in Jesse D. Jennings, ed., Ancient North Americans (New York: W.H. Freeman and Company, 1983), pp. 557–613.

12. See detailed discussion in Appendix I, pp. 261–66.

13. Ibid., pp. 266–68.

14. Ibid., p. 263.

15. Ali A. Mazrui, The Africans: A Triple Heritage (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1986), pp. 23–24, 30–31.

16. W. George Lovell, Conquest and Survival in Colonial Guatemala: A Historical Geography of the Cuchumatan Highlands, 1500–1821 (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1985), p. xii.

17. For a critical compilation of these and many more such descriptions from scholarly works and textbooks during the past decade or so, see James H. Merrell, “Some Thoughts on Colonial Historians and American Indians,” William and Mary Quarterly, 46 (1989), 94–119.

18. Oscar and Lilian Handlin, Liberty and Power, 1600–1760 (New York: Harper and Row, 1986); Bernard Bailyn, The Peopling of British North America: An Introduction (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986); Bernard Bailyn, Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1986). For commentary on these works, see David E. Stannard, “The Invisible People of Early American History,” American Quarterly, 39 (1987), 649–55; and Merrell, “Some Thoughts on Colonial Historians and American Indians.”

19. Samuel Eliot Morison, The European Discovery of America: The Southern Voyages, 1492–1616 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 737; Samuel Eliot Morison, “Introduction,” in Douglas Edward Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Philip’s War (New York: W.W. Norton, 1966), p. ix.

20. Hugh Trevor-Roper, The Rise of Christian Europe (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1965), p. 9.

21. Leonard Thompson, The Political Mythology of Apartheid (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985), p. 1.

22. Ibid., p. 70.

23. Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975), p. 15.

24. Robert F. Berkhofer, Jr., The White Man’s Indian: Images of the American Indian from Columbus to the Present (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1978), p. 119.

25. Edward W. Said, The Question of Palestine (New York: Times Books, 1979), pp. 18–23; Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay: An Exploration of Landscape and History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988), p. 335. Carter’s specific reference here is to writings about Australia’s native peoples, but it is equally applicable throughout the colonized regions of the globe. For a related piece on anthropology as traditionally “a partner in domination and hegemony,” see Edward W. Said, “Representing the Colonized: Anthropology’s Interlocutors,” Critical Inquiry, 15 (1989), 205–25. For all its colonial underpinnings, however, anthropology always has been a more politically self-critical discipline than history. See, for example, Talal Asad, ed., Anthropology and the Colonial Encounter (New York: Humanities Press, 1973); and W. Arens, The Man-Eating Myth: Anthropology and Anthropophagy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), esp. pp. 16585. On history, among several recent works that have begun to join historiographical analysis with anthropological critique, see Robert Young, White Mythologies: Writing History and the West (London: Routledge, 1990).

26. Frantz Fanon, “Mr. Debre’s Desperate Endeavors” [1959], in Toward the African Revolution (New York: Grove Press, 1969), p. 159.

Chapter Two

1. Although much more recent research has been done on the Adena, one of the best general surveys remains William S. Webb and Charles E. Snow, The Adena People (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1974).

2. The physiological distinctiveness of peoples living in different cultural and geographic realms during the centuries of Adena and Hopewell social dominance in northeastern North America has long been recognized. See, for example, Charles E. Snow, “Adena Portraiture,” in William S. Webb and Raymond S. Baby, eds., The Adena People, Number Two (Columbus: Ohio Historical Society, 1957), pp. 47–53.

3. James B. Griffin, “The Midlands,” in Jesse D. Jennings, ed., Ancient North Americans, (New York: W.H. Freeman and Company, 1983), pp. 254–67. For recent discussion of the delicately incised copper, mica, obsidian, pearl, and silver jewelry and artifacts from Hopewell culture, see N’omi B. Greber and Katharine C. Ruhl, The Hopewell Site: A Contemporary Analysis Based on the Work of Charles C. Willoughby (Boulder: Westview Press, 1989).

4. George Gaylord Simpson, Horses: The Story of the Horse Family in the Modern World and Through Sixty Million Years of History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1951), esp. pp. 142-50; Peter Nabokov and Robert Easton, Native American Architecture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 150.

5. See Barry Kaye and D.W. Moodie, “The Psoralea Food Resource of the Northern Plains,” Plains Anthropologist, 23 (1978), 329–36.

6. Robert McGhee, Canadian Arctic Prehistory (Toronto: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1978); cited in Barry Lopez, Arctic Dreams: Imagination and Desire in a Northern Landscape (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1986), pp. 181, 184. On the varied domestic architecture of the Arctic and Subarctic regions, see Nabokov and Easton, Native American Architecture, pp. 189–207.

7. Richard K. Nelson, Make Prayers to the Raven: A Koyukon View of the Northern Forest (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983), pp. 245–46.

8. Lopez, Arctic Dreams, p. 265.

9. Noble David Cook, Demographic Collapse: Indian Peru, 1520–1620 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 108; Henry F. Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983), p. 38.

10. Thomas Blackburn, “Ceremonial Integration and Social Interaction in Aboriginal California,” in Lowell John Bean and Thomas F. King, eds., ‘Antap: California Indian Political and Economic Organization (Los Altos, Calif.: Ballena Press, 1974), pp. 93–110.

11. Dorothy Lee, Freedom and Culture (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1959), p. 8; see also, pp. 43–44, 80–82, 172.

12. Malcolm Margolin, The Ohlone Way: Indian Life in the San Francisco-Monterey Bay Area (Berkeley: Heyday Books, 1978), p. 40.

13. Ibid., p. 57.

14. Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo, “Relation of the Voyage of Juan Rodríguez Cabrillo, 1542–1543,” in Herbert Eugene Bolton, ed., Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1542–1706, (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1916), pp. 13–39.

15. Sherburne F. Cook, The Population of the California Indians, 1769–1970 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), pp. 69–71; Stephen Powers, Tribes of California [Contributions to North American Ethnology, Volume 3] (Washington, D.C.: Department of the Interior, 1877), p. 416.

16. Cabrillo, “Relation of the Voyage,” p. 14; on sixteenth- and seventeenth-century disease episodes in California, see, for example, Phillip L. Walker, Patricia Lambert, and Michael J. DeNiro, “The Effects of European Contact on the Health of Alta California Indians,” in David Hurst Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences, Volume One: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989), p. 351.

17. See Carl Waldman, Atlas of the North American Indian (New York: Facts on File Publications, 1985), p. 223.

18. It has long been thought that agriculture in the southwest began even earlier—up to 6000 years ago—but recent research on the radiocarbon datings obtained from agricultural sites in the region put the earliest date at about 1200 B.C. See Alan Simmons, “New Evidence for the Early Use of Cultigens in the American Southwest,” American Antiquity, 51 (1986), 73–88; and Steadman Upham, Richard S. MacNeish, Walton C. Galinat, and Christopher M. Stevenson, “Evidence Concerning the Origin of Maize de Ocho,” American Anthropologist, 89 (1987), 410–19.

19. Emil W. Haury, The Hohokam: Desert Farmers and Craftsmen (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1976), pp. 120–51. Paul R. Fish, “The Hohokam: 1,000 Years of Prehistory in the Sonoran Desert,” in Linda S. Cordell and George J. Gumerman, eds., Dynamics of Southwest Prehistory (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989), pp. 19–63.

20. For good overviews, among many works on the subject, see William A. Longacre, ed., Reconstructing Prehistoric Pueblo Societies (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1970), esp. pp. 59–83; and Robert H. and Florence C. Lister, Chaco Canyon: Archaeology and Archaeologists (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1981).

21. See R. Gwinn Vivian, “Conservation and Diversion: Water Control Systems in the Anasazi Southwest,” in T.E. Downing and M. Gibson, eds., Irrigation’s Impact on Society (Tucson: Anthropological Papers of the University of Arizona, 1974), pp. 95–111.

22. Nabokov and Easton, Native American Architecture, p. 363.

23. For general studies, see Stephen H. LeBlanc, “Aspects of Southwestern Prehistory, A.D. 900–1400,” in F.J. Mathien and R.H. McGuire, eds., Ripples in the Chichimec Sea: New Considerations of Southwestern-Mesoamerican Interactions (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1986), pp. 105–34; and W. James Judge, “Chaco Canyon-San Juan Basin,” in Cordell and Gumerman, eds., Dynamics of Southwest Prehistory, pp. 209–61. The most detailed studies of the ancient road systems are Gretchen Obenauf, “The Chacoan Roadway System” (M.A. Thesis, University of New Mexico, 1980) and Chris Kincaid, ed., Chaco Roads Project: Phase I (Albuquerque: Bureau of Land Management, 1983). For comment on how little of the Grand Canyon has thus far been studied, see Barry Lopez, “Searching for Ancestors,” in his Crossing Open Ground (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1988), pp. 176–77.

24. These and other early Spanish commentators’ remarks on Pueblo egalitarianism and reciprocity are discussed in Ramón A. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, the Corn Mothers Went Away: Marriage, Sexuality, and Power in New Mexico, 1500–1846 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), pp. 8–15.

25. Quoted in Lee, Freedom and Culture, p. 13.

26. For good introductions to these matters, see James M. Crawford, Studies in Southeastern Indian Languages (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1975); Charles M. Hudson, The Southeastern Indians (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1976); and J. Leitch Wright, Jr., The Only Land They Knew: The Tragic Story of the American Indians of the Old South (New York: Free Press, 1981).

27. Wright, The Only Land They Knew, pp. 1–26.

28. Ibid., p. 24. See also the excellent discussion in William H. Marquardt, “Politics and Production Among the Calusa of South Florida,” in Tim Ingold, David Riches, and James Woodburn, eds., Hunters and Gatherers: History, Evolution, and Social Change (Oxford: Berg Publishers, 1988), Volume One, pp. 161–88.

29. Marquardt, “Politics and Production Among the Calusa,” p. 165.

30. See tables and discussion in Dean R. Snow, The Archaeology of New England (New York: Academic Press, 1980), pp. 31–42. See also, William A. Starna, “Mohawk Iroquois Populations: A Revision,” Ethnohistory, 27 (1980), esp. 376–77. On the population of the Atlantic coastal plain, see Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned, p. 41.

31. For recent comments on the debate, see Elisabeth Tooker, “The United States Constitution and the Iroquois League,” Ethnohistory, 35 (1988), 305–37; Bruce E. Johansen, “Native American Societies and the Evolution of Democracy in America,” Ethnohistory, 37 (1990), 279–90; Rejoinder to Johansen by Tooker, ibid., 291–97; and Bruce E. Johansen and Donald A. Grinde, Jr., “The Debate Regarding Native American Precedents for Democracy: A Recent Historiography,” American Indian Culture and Research Journal, 14 (1990), 61–88.

32. See, for a variety of approaches, William Brandon, New Worlds for Old: Reports from the New World and Their Effect on the Development of Social Thought in Europe, 1500–1800 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 1986); Germán Arciniegas, America in Europe: A History of the New World in Reverse, translated by Gabriela Arciniegas and R. Victoria Arana (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986), esp. pp. 49–71; and Jack M. Weatherford, Indian Givers: The Continuing Impact of the Discovered Americas on the World (New York: Crown Publishers, 1988).

33. Quoted in Tooker, “United States Consitution and the Iroquois League,” 329.

34. Arthur C. Parker, The Constitution of the Five Nations (Albany: New York State Museum Bulletin, Number 184, 1916), p. 42.

35. Peggy Reeves Sanday, Female Power and Male Dominance: On the Origins of Sexual Inequality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982), p. 28. For representative further discussion of female power among the Iroquois and other indigenous peoples of North America, see the following: Judith K. Brown, “Iroquois Women: An Ethnohistoric Note,” in Rayna Rapp Reiter, ed., Toward an Anthropology of Women (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978), pp. 235–51; M. Kay Martin and Barbara Voorhies, Female of the Species (New York: Columbia University Press, 1975), esp. pp. 225–29; and Jean L. Briggs, “Eskimo Women: Makers of Men,” in Carolyn J. Matthiasson, ed., Many Sisters: Women in Cross-Cultural Perspective (New York: Macmillan, 1974), pp. 261–304.

36. Sanday, Female Power and Male Dominance, pp. 117–18. See also, John Witthoft, “Eastern Woodlands Community Typology and Acculturation,” in W. Fenton and J. Gulick, eds., Symposium on Cherokee and Iroquois Culture (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1961), pp. 67–76.

37. Pierre de Charlevoix, Journal of a Voyage to North America (London, 1761), excerpted in James Axtell, ed., The Indian Peoples of Eastern America: A Documentary History of the Sexes (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), pp. 33–34.

38. Ibid., p. 34.

39. From Reuben Gold Thwaites, ed., The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, excerpted in Axtell, Indian Peoples of Eastern America, pp. 143–48.

40. Charlevoix, “Journal of a Voyage,” in Axtell, Indian Peoples of Eastern America, p. 153.

41. See, for example, the comments of one Englishman, who had ventured deep into the Shenandoah Valley, on the impressive “judgement and eloquence” of the Indian people he encountered: John Lederer, The Discoveries of John Lederer, in Three Several Marches from Virginia to the West of Carolina (London, 1672), p. 5.

42. Joseph Francois Lafiteau, Customs of the American Indians Compared with the Customs of Primitive Times, translated and edited by William N. Fenton and Elizabeth L. Moore (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1977), Volume Two, p. 61. On the population of the southern Great Lakes area, see Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned, p. 41.

43. Waldman, Atlas of the North American Indian, p. 223.

44. Robert Silverberg, Mound Builders of Ancient America: The Archaeology of a Myth (Greenwich, Conn.: New York Graphic Society, 1968), p. 312.

45. M.L. Gregg, “A Population Estimate for Cahokia,” in Perspectives in Cahokia Archaeology: Illinois Archaeological Survey Bulletin, 10 (1975), pp. 126–36; Fiedel, Prehistory of the Americas, p. 249.

46. Carl O. Sauer, “The March of Agriculture Across the Western World,” in Sauer, Selected Essays 1963–1975 (Berkeley: Turtle Island Foundation, 1981), pp. 46-47.

47. Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), p. 32; Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned, pp. 42, 298.

48. The best introduction to the formative village phase of pre-Olmec culture in the Valley of Oaxaca is Kent V. Flannery, ed., The Early Mesoamerican Village (New York: Academic Press, 1976). For early examples of different viewpoints regarding the Olmecs as the single initiators of Mesoamerican civilization, see Michael Coe, Mexico (New York: Praeger, 1962); and Kent V. Flannery, “The Olmec and the Valley of Oaxaca: A Model for Interregional Interaction in Formative Times,” in E.P. Benson, ed., Dumbarton Oaks Conference on the Olmec (Washington: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1968), pp. 79–110. There no longer is any doubt, however, that complex societies existed in southeastern Mesoamerica prior to the rise of Olmec civilization; see, for example, John E. Clark, “The Beginnings of Mesoamerica: Apologia for the Soconusco Early Formative,” and Michael Blake, “An Emerging Early Formative Chiefdom at Paso de la Amada,” both in William R. Fowler, Jr., ed., The Formation of Complex Society in Southeastern Mesoamerica (Boca Raton: CRC Press, 1991), pp. 13–26, 27–46.

49. Michael D. Coe, Mexico, revised and enlarged edition (London: Thames and Hudson, 1984), p. 68.

50. See René Millon, Urbanization at Teotihuacan, Mexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1973); George L. Cowgill, “Quantitative Studies of Urbanization at Teotihuacan,” in Norman Hammond, ed., Mesoamerican Archaeology: New Approaches (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1974), pp. 363–96.

51. Coe, Mexico, rev. ed., p. 93.

52. Ibid., p. 101.

53. This interpretation of Monte Albán’s political status remains controversial. See Richard E. Blanton, Monte Albán: Settlement Patterns at the Ancient Zapotec Capital (New York: Academic Press, 1978), and Gordon R. Willey, “The Concept of the ‘Disembedded Capital’ in Comparative Perspective,” journal of Anthropological Research, 35 (1979), 123–37.

54. S.A. Kowalewski, “Population-Resource Balances in Period I of Oaxaca, Mexico,” American Antiquity, 45 (1980), 151–65.

55. See Virginia Morell, “New Light on Writing in the Americas,” Science, 251 (1991), 268–70.

56. Sylvanus G. Morley, The Ancient Maya, Third Revised Edition (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1956); see discussion in Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, “The Population of Yucatán,” in their Essays in Population History: Mexico and the Caribbean, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), Volume Two, pp. 22–23.

57. On this, with particular reference to the city of Tikal, see William A. Haviland, “Tikal, Guatemala, and Mesoamerican Urbanism,” World Archaeology, 2 (1970), 186–97. On Tika’s reservoir system, see Vernon L. Scarborough and Gary G. Gallopin, “A Water Storage Adaptation in the Maya Lowlands,” Science, 251 (1991), 658–62. On population densities, see Robert S. Santley, Thomas W. Killion, and Mark T. Lycett, “On the Maya Collapse,” Journal of Anthropological Research, 42 (1986), 123–59.

58. T. Patrick Culbert, Laura J. Kosakowsky, Robert E. Fry, and William A. Haviland, “The Population of Tikal, Guatemala,” in T. Patrick Culbert and Don S. Rice, eds., Precolumbian Population History in the Maya Lowlands, (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1990), pp. 116–17. See also, in general, T. Patrick Culbert, Classic Maya Political History: Hieroglyphic and Archaeological Evidence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

59. Anthony Aveni, Empires of Time: Calendars, Clocks, and Cultures (New York: Basic Books, 1989), pp. 233–45.

60. Ibid., p. 252.

61. Linda Newson, The Cost of Conquest: Indian Decline in Honduras Under Spanish Rule (Boulder: Westview Press, 1986), p. 91.

62. Linda A. Newson, Indian Survival in Colonial Nicaragua (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), p. 88.

63. Cf. William M. Denevan, “Epilogue,” in William M. Denevan, ed., The Native Population of the Americas (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976), p. 291; and Henry F. Dobyns, “Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemispheric Estimate,” Current Anthropology, 7 (1966), 415.

64. Evan S. Connell, A Long Desire (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1979), p. 162.

65. Richard L. Burger, “Concluding Remarks,” in Christopher B. Donnan, ed., Early Ceremonial Architecture in the Andes (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1985), p. 273.

66. The earliest excavations and descriptions of El Paraíso were the work of F.A. Engel, “Le Complexe Preceramique d’El Paraíso (Perou),” Journal de la Societe des Americanistes, 55 (1966), 43—95; for the most recent work, see Jeffrey Quilter, Bernardino Ojeda E., Deborah M. Pearsall, Daniel H. Sandweiss, John G. Jones, and Elizabeth S. Wing, “Subsistence Economy of El Paraíso, an Early Peruvian Site”, Science, 251 (1991), 277–85.

67. On the languages of the Incas, both before and after the Spanish conquest, see Bruce Mannheim, The Language of the Inka Since the European Invasion (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991).

68. On the desert etchings of the Nazca peoples the best discussions are in The Lines of Nazca, ed. Anthony Aveni (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1990). For an evocative description of one man’s encounter with a small scale North American example of this phenomenon, see Barry Lopez’s essay, “The Stone Horse,” in his Crossing Open Ground, pp. 1–17.

69. Pedro de Cieza de León, The Incas, translated by Harriet de Onis (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959), p. 203.

70. John Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970), p. 121.

71. For this and more see the chapter on Cuzco in Hemming, Conquest of the Incas, pp. 118–36. Garcilaso de la Vega is quoted in Graziano Gasparini and Louise Margolies, Inca Architecture, translated by Patricia J. Lyon (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980), p. 198.

72. Cook, Demographic Collapse, pp. 39, 219.

73. Ibid., p. 200.

74. Ibid.

75. Cieza de León, The Incas, p. 318.

76. Ibid., pp. 328, 305.

77. See John Hyslop, The Inka Road System (New York: Academic Press, 1984), pp. 323–31.

78. Pedro Sancho, Relation para S.M. de lo sucedido en la conquesta y pacification de estas provincias de la Nueva Castilla y de la calidad de la tierra, quoted (as is the preceding quotation from Pizarro) in Hemming, Conquest of the Incas, p. 101.

79. Ibid., pp. 123–24.

80. José de Acosta, Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias (Seville, 1590); cited in Brandon, New Worlds for Old, p. 12.

81. Sabine MacCormack, “Demons, Imagination, and the Incas,” Representations, 33 (1991), 134. For a concentrated look at the religious worlds of North America’s native peoples, showing how varied their spiritual lives were, while at the same time demonstrating how those lives were always logically connected with the specific nature of the immediately surrounding environment, see Ake Hultkrantz, Native Religions of North America: The Power of Visions and Fertility (New York: Harper & Row, 1987).

82. Quoted in Brandon, New Worlds for Old, p. 13.

83. John Hemming, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500–1760 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 46.

84. Jean de Léry, Histoire d’un voyage faict en la terre du Bresil, autrement dite Amerique (La Rochelle, 1578); quoted in Brandon, New Worlds for Old, p. 13.

85. On the varied languages of the Amazonian peoples, see Doris L. Payne, ed., Amazonian Linguistics: Studies in Lowland South American Languages (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1990). The discovery of 7000–to 8000–year-old pottery in the Amazon lowlands is discussed in A.C. Roosevelt, R.A. Housely, M. Imazio da Silveira, S. Maranca, and R. Johnson, “Eighth Millennium Pottery from a Prehistoric Shell Midden in the Brazilian Amazon,” Science, 254 (1991), 1621–24. For general discussion, see J. Brochado and D.W. Lathrap, Amazonia (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1982); A.C. Roosevelt, The Developmental Sequence at Santarém on the Lower Amazon, Brazil (Washington, D.C.: National Endowment for the Humanities, 1990); and A.C. Roosevelt, Moundbuilders of the Amazon: Geophysical Archaeology on Marajo Island, Brazil (New York: Academic Press, 1991).

86. William Denevan has estimated the Amazon basin population at between 5.1 million and 6.8 million in “The Aboriginal Population of Amazonia,” in Denevan, ed., Native Population of the Americas, pp. 205–34; Clastres’s estimate for the Guaraní appears in his Society Against the State: The Leader as Servant and the Humane Uses of Power Among the Indians of the Americas (New York: Urizen Books, 1977), pp. 64–82.

87. Marshall Sahlins, “The Original Affluent Society,” in Sahlins, Stone Age Economics (London: Tavistock Publications, 1974), pp. 1–39.

88. Junius B. Bird, “The Archaeology of Patagonia,” in Handbook of South American Indians (Washington, D.G.: Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin Number 143, 1946), pp. 17–24.

89. On the Timucuan language evidence, see Joseph H. Greenberg, Language in the Americas (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988), pp. 106–7, 336.

90. Irving Rouse, “On the Meaning of the Term ‘Arawak’,” in Fred Olsen, On the Trail of the Arawaks (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1974), p. xv.

91. Bartolomé de las Casas, Apologetica historia de las Indias (Madrid: Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, 1909), ch. 43; quoted in Carl Ortwin Sauer, The Early Spanish Main (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), p. 63.

92. Sauer, Early Spanish Main, pp. 51–53.

93. Olsen, On the Trail of the Arawaks, p. 342.

94. Sauer, Early Spanish Main, pp. 58–59; Robert S. Weddle, Spanish Sea: The Gulf of Mexico in North American Discovery, 1500–1685 (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985), p. 28.

95. Sauer, Early Spanish Main, p. 69.

96. J.H. Elliott, “The Discovery of America and the Discovery of Man,” Proceedings of the British Academy, 58 (1972), 119.

97. Quoted in Brandon, New Worlds for Old, p. 60.

98. Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1975), p. 39.

99. Ibid., p. 40.

100. John C. Super, Food, Conquest, and Colonization in Sixteenth-Century Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1988), pp. 79–88.

101. Quoted in John S. Milloy, The Plains Cree: Trade, Diplomacy, and War, 1790 to 1870 (Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press, 1988), p. 71.

102. Jane E. Buikstra, ed., Prehistoric Tuberculosis in the Americas (Evanston: Northwestern University Archaeological Program, Scientific Papers Number 5, 1981), p. 18; Brenda J. Baker and George J. Armelagos, “The Origin and Antiquity of Syphilis,” Current Anthropology, 29 (1988), 703–20; but see also the commentaries following the Baker and Armelagos article and Henry F. Dobyns, “On Issues in Treponemal Epidemiology,” Current Anthropology, 30 (1989), 342–43.

103. See, for example, Mary Lucas Powell, Status and Health in Prehistory: A Case Study of the Moundville Chiefdom (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1988), pp. 152–82.

104. George W. Gill, “Human Skeletal Remains on the Northwestern Plains,” in George C. Frison, ed., Prehistoric Hunters of the High Plains, Second Edition (New York: Academic Press, 1991), pp. 442–43. An illustrative example of human longevity in this region is the Late Plains Archaic (approximately 1000 B.C. to 500 A.D.) skeleton of a man recently discovered at Iron Jaw Creek, Montana. Of greatly advanced years, having lost all his teeth long before his death and exhibiting a frame far too decrepit and infirm to have allowed him to contribute materially to the well-being of others in the community, he apparently was well cared for and fed a special soft diet to sustain him in his waning years. See George W. Gill and Gerald R. Clark, “A Late Plains Archaic Burial from Iron Jaw Creek, Southeastern Montana,” Plains Anthropologist, 28 (1983), 191–98; and George W. Gill, “Additional Comment and Illustration Relating to the Iron Jaw Skeleton,” Plains Anthropologist, 28 (1983), 335–36.

105. The only evidence at all suggestive that this picture of exceptionally good health might be flawed derives from paleodemographic analyses based on osteological studies of pre-Columbian Indian skeletons that have found a short life expectancy in certain locales—about the same life expectancy as that historically recorded for eighteenth-century Europeans. Analyses of this sort are fraught with difficulties, however, and they are at their weakest in determining age at death—where there is a strong methodological bias toward underestimation. Although not well known outside the discipline, this has been recognized within the field as a serious problem for almost 20 years. See Kenneth M. Weiss, Demographic Models for Anthropology (Society for American Archaeology Memoir Number 27, 1973), p. 59; and the devastating critique of the field on this and other points in Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel and Claude Masset, “Farewell to Paleodemography,” Journal of Human Evolution, 11 (1982), 321–33. Even the most ardent defenders of the field, subsequent to the critique by Bocquet-Appel and Masset, have conceded that the age estimates for older individuals studied by these techniques are invariably far too low. See, for example, Jane E. Buikstra and Lyle W. Koningsberg, “Paleodemography: Critiques and Controversies,” American Anthropologist, 87 (1985), 316–33.

Chapter Three

1. Andrew B. Appleby, “The Disappearance of Plague: A Continuing Puzzle,” The Economic History Review, Second Series, 33 (1980), 161–62.

2. R.P.R. Mols, “Population in Europe, 1500–1700,” in CM. Cipolla, ed., The Fontana Economic History of Europe (London: Fontana, 1973), p. 49.

3. J.H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469–1716 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1964), p. 306.

4. David R. Weir, “Markets and Mortality in France, 1600–1789,” in John Walter and Roger Schofield, eds., Famine, Disease, and the Social Order in Early Modern Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), p. 229.

5. Quoted in Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), Volume One, p. 519.

6. Micheline Baulant, “Le prix des grains à Paris,” Annales, 3 (1968), 538. The relationship between famine and disease, while profound, is not quite so simple as this comment suggests. For an example of more nuanced analysis of the interaction between nutritional deficiency and infection in European history, see John D. Post, “The Mortality Crises of the Early 1770s and European Demographic Trends,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 21 (1990), 29–62.

7. See, for example, material in Angus MacKay, “Pogroms in Fifteenth Century Castille,” Past and Present, 55 (1972), 33–67.

8. For one example of a historical effort to sort out deaths from disease and deaths from famine that demonstrates just how difficult a task it is, see Andrew B. Appleby, “Disease or Famine? Mortality in Cumberland and Westmorland, 1580–1640,” The Economic History Review, Second Series, 26 (1973), 403–31.

9. Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500–1800 (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), pp. 77–78.

10. Ibid., p. 487.

11. See Norbert Elias, The Civilizing Process: The History of Manners, translated by Edmund Jephcott (New York: Urizen Books, 1978), pp. 191–205, for this and more on the “violent manners [and] brutality of passions” that characterized urban Europe at this time. (The quotations in the text from Elias and Huizinga are on pp. 195 and 203.) Incidentally, the famous essay by Robert Darnton, “Workers Revolt: The Great Cat Massacre of the Rue Saint-Severin,” in Darnton’s The Great Cat Massacre and Other Episodes in French Cultural History (New York: Basic Books, 1984), pp. 75–104, refers to an incident that occurred in Paris three centuries or so after the time we are discussing here, but a time when “the torture of animals, especially cats, was [still] a popular amusement” (p. 90). For some cogent recent comments on this article itself, see Harold Mah, “Suppressing the Text: The Metaphysics of Ethnographic History in Darnton’s Great Cat Massacre,” History Workshop, 31 (1991), 1–20.

12. Quoted in Jacques Boulanger, The Seventeenth Century in France (New York: Capricorn Books, 1963), p. 354.

13. Stone, Family, Sex and Marriage, pp. 98–99; H.C. Eric Midelfort, Witch-Hunting in Southwestern Germany (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1972), p. 137; Norman Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons: An Inquiry Inspired by the Great Witch-Hunt (New York: Basic Books, 1975), p. 254.

14. Olwen H. Hufton, The Poor of Eighteenth-Century France, 1750–1789 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1974), pp. 18, 20.

15. Ibid., 21–24.

16. Fernand Braudel, Capitalism and Material Life, 1400–1800 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1973), pp. 205, 216–17; Braudel, The Mediterranean, Volume One, pp. 258–59.

17. Michael W. Flinn, The European Demographic System, 1500–1820 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1981), pp. 16–17.

18. By the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries these practices had become so epidemic that foundling hospitals were created in European cities, but they then became little more than dumping grounds for hundreds of thousands of infants, from which few children ever emerged alive. There is a large literature on this, but see especially: Thomas R. Forbes, “Deadly Parents: Child Homicide in Eighteenth and Nineteenth Century England,” The Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 41 (1986), 175–99; Ruth K. McClure, Coram’s Children: The London Foundling Hospital in the Eighteenth Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981); Rachel Fuchs, Abandoned Children: Foundlings and Child Welfare in Nineteenth Century France (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1984); and David I. Kertzer, “Gender Ideology and Infant Abandonment in Nineteenth Century Italy” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 22 (1991), esp. 5–9.

19. Letter of Piero Benintendi, “News from Genoa,” in Robert S. Lopez and Irving W. Raymond, eds., Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World: Illustrative Documents (New York: Columbia University Press, 1955), pp. 401, 402–403.

20. John Boswell, The Kindness of Strangers: The Abandonment of Children in Western Europe from Late Antiquity to the Renaissance (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988), p. 407, note 27. Boswell also quotes here from different portions of the above-cited letter.

21. Louis B. Wright, Gold, Glory, and the Gospel: The Adventurous Lives and Times of the Renaissance Explorers (New York: Atheneum, 1970), pp. 16–17; Braudel, The Mediterranean, Volume One, p. 462.

22. Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology, Revised Edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 84.

23. See, for example, Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons, passim; and R. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988).

24. Bartholomew Senarega, De Rubus Genuensibus, 1388–1514, quoted in Boswell, Kindness of Strangers, p. 406.

25. The matter of starvation caused by inadequate supplies of grain perhaps deserves a brief digression. The French historian Pierre Chaunu has argued that the failing agricultural system of Europe, which was unable regularly to feed all but the well-to-do, acted as a spur to post-Columbian European expansion. He no doubt is correct in this, at least in part, and such New World foods as potatoes, beans, and maize have contributed greatly to European diets since the sixteenth century. But in the wake of that expansion, as gold and silver flowed in from forced-labor mines in Mexico and Peru, a terrible irony occurred: the price of grain in Europe, like everything else, spiraled upward with inflation—and the European poor continued to starve. Pierre Chaunu, European Expansion in the Later Middle Ages, translated by Katharine Bertram (Amsterdam: North-Holland Publishing Company, 1969), pp. 283–88; on the importance of American foodstuffs to Old World diets, see Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972), pp. 165–207; on the sixteenth century rise in prices, see Braudel, The Mediterranean, Volume One, pp. 516—42.

26. “Columbus’s Letter to the Sovereigns on His First Voyage, 15 February—4 March, 1493,” in Samuel Eliot Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (New York: The Heritage Press, 1963), pp. 182–83.

27. Ibid., p. 183.

28. Frank E. Manuel and Fritzie P. Manuel, “Sketch for a Natural History of Paradise,” in Clifford Geertz, ed., Myth, Symbol, and Culture (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1971), p. 119.

29. Despite his legendary sailing skills, Columbus has been roundly criticized on this point by several writers, most recently and most harshly by Kirkpatrick Sale in The Conquest of Paradise: Christopher Columbus and the Columbian Legacy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990), pp. 209–11 and 381–82.

30. Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians: A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1959), p. 6.

31. Ibid., p. 47.

32. Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, pp. 96, 105.

33. Arthur Helps, The Spanish Conquest in America (London: John Lane, 1900), Volume One, pp. 264–67.

34. Quoted in Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other (New York: Harper & Row, 1984), p.148.

35. Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, p. 93.

36. Ibid., p. 226.

37. Ibid., p. 227.

38. Michele de Cuneo, “Letter on the Second Voyage,” in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, pp. 213–14.

39. Carl Ortwin Sauer, The Early Spanish Main (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), p. 76: Samuel Eliot Morison, The European Discovery of America: The Southern Voyages, A.D. 1492–1616 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1974), p. 118; Sale, Conquest of Paradise, p. 149.

40. Frederick L. Dunn, “On the Antiquity of Malaria in the Western Hemisphere,” Human Biology, 37 (1965), 385–93; Saul Jarcho, “Some Observations on Disease in Prehistoric North America,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 38 (1964), 1–19.

41. On yellow fever, see Kenneth F. Kiple and Virginia Himmelsteib King, Another Dimension to the Black Diaspora: Diet, Disease, and Racism (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), pp. 31–35. On smallpox in the Americas generally, as well as on this point, see Dauril Alden and Joseph C. Miller, “Unwanted Cargoes: The Origins and Dissemination of Smallpox via the Slave Trade from Africa to Brazil, c. 1560–1830,” in Kenneth F. Kiple, ed., The African Exchange: Toward a Biological History of Black People (Durham: Duke University Press, 1987), pp. 35–109.

42. Francisco Guerra, “The Earliest American Epidemic: The Influenza of 1493,” Social Science History, 12 (1988), 305–25.

43. Alfred W. Crosby, “Virgin Soil Epidemics as a Factor in the Aboriginal Depopulation in America,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, 33 (1976), 293–94; Henry F. Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983), p. 18. For a discussion of zoonotic diseases from wildlife on this question, see Calvin Martin, “Wildlife Diseases as a Factor in the Depopulation of the North American Indian,” The Western Historical Quarterly, 7 (1976), 47–62. There are some nagging problems with Guerra’s thesis that need to be addressed. Key among them concern the relatively short incubation period for influenza, which makes it unlikely that the virus could have survived the lengthy ocean voyage (unless it was kept active by passing from host to host), and the difficulty of explaining how the virus was so well contained among the sows, even if they were stored below deck, and did not spread to the shipboard humans until the ships’ arrival at the future site of Isabela. An answer to at least one of these problems may emerge from some new research on influenza suggesting that, in addition to direct host-to-victim transferral of the virus, many cases may be spread by symptomless year-round carriers of the disease in whom contagion is triggered by an unknown mechanism during so-called “flu seasons.” See R.E. Hope-Simpson and D.B. Golubev, “A New Concept of the Epidemic Process of Influenza A Virus,” Epidemiology and Infection, 99 (1987), 5–54.1 have discussed this elsewhere in Before the Horror: The Population of Hawai‘i on the Eve of Western Contact (Honolulu: Social Science Research Institute and University of Hawai‘i Press, 1989), pp. 74–75, and in a symposium on that book published in Pacific Studies, 13 (1990), esp. 292–94.

44. Quoted in Guerra, “Earliest American Epidemic,” 312–13.

45. Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, p. 65.

46. Fernando Colón, The Life of the Admiral Christopher Columbus by His Son Ferdinand, translated by Benjamin Keen (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1959), p. 170. For another instance, in which the Spanish provoked the natives to throw rocks at them, causing a Spanish retaliation that casually killed a couple of dozen Indians, see the report by Cuneo in Morison, Journals and Other Documents, p. 222.

47. Bartolomé de Las Casas, The Devastation of the Indies: A Brief Account [1542], translated by Herma Briffault (New York: Seabury Press, 1974), pp. 54–55.

48. Carl Ortwin Sauer, The Early Spanish Main (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966), pp. 86–87.

49. Bartolomé de Las Casas History of the Indies, translated and edited by Andree Collard (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), p. 94.

50. Quoted in Todorov, Conquest of America, pp. 139–40.

51. Ibid., p. 139.

52. Las Casas, History of the Indies, p. 121.

53. Sauer, Early Spanish Main, p. 89.

54. Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, “The Aboriginal Population of Hispaniola,” in Cook and Borah, Essays in Population History: Mexico and the Caribbean, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1971), Volume One, pp. 402–403.

55. Linda Newson, The Cost of Conquest: Indian Decline in Honduras Under Spanish Rule (Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1986), pp. 107–108.

56. Saver, Early Spanish Main, p. 101.

57. Las Casas, History of the Indies, p. 111.

58. Ibid., pp. 112, 114.

59. Quoted in John Boyd Thatcher, Christopher Columbus: His Life, His Work, His Remains (New York: Putnam’s, 1903), Volume Two, pp. 348–49.

60. Las Casas, History of the Indies, p. 110.

61. Cook and Borah, “Aboriginal Population of Hispaniola,” p. 401.

62. For a list of these and other twentieth-century genocides, including estimates of numbers killed, see Barbara Harff, “The Etiology of Genocides,” in Isidor Wallimann and Michael N. Dobkowski, eds., Genocide and the Modern Age: Etiology and Case Studies of Mass Death (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1987), p. 46, Table 3.1.

63. Inga Clendinnen, “The Cost of Courage in Aztec Society,” Past and Present, 107 (1985), 44–89.

64. Ross Hassig, Aztec Warfare: Imperial Expansion and Political Control (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1988), p. 237.

65. Ibid., pp. 241–42.

66. Hernan Cortés, Letters from Mexico, translated and edited by A.R. Pagden (New York: Grossman Publishers, 1971), p. 249.

67. Inga Clendinnen, “‘Fierce and Unnatural Cruelty’: Cortes and the Conquest of Mexico,” Representations, 33 (1991), 70, 78; Hassig, Aztec Warfare, pp. 242–43.

68. Bernardino de Sahagún, Conquest of New Spain, [1585 edition] translated by Howard F. Cline (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1989), pp. 76–77.

69. Ibid., pp. 78–89.

70. David Henige, “When Did Smallpox Reach the New World (And Why Does It Matter)?” in Paul E. Lovejoy, ed., Africans in Bondage: Studies in Slavery and the Slave Trade (Madison: University of Wisconsin African Studies Program, 1986), pp. 11–26.

71. Francisco López de Gómara, Cortés: The Life of the Conquerer by His Secretary, translated and edited by Lesley Byrd Simpson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), pp. 204–205.

72. On the impact of smallpox in the struggle for Tenochtitlán, see Alfred W. Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972), pp. 35–63.

73. Clendinnen, “Tierce and Unnatural Cruelty,’” 83.

74. See Victor Davis Hanson, The Western Way of War: Infantry Battle in Classical Greece (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1989).

75. Bernal Díaz del Castillo, The Discovery and Conquest of Mexico, 1517–1521, translated by A.P. Maudslay (London: George Routledge & Sons, 1928), p. 545.

76. Cortés, Letters from Mexico, pp. 252–53.

77. Ibid., pp. 257–62.

78. Ibid., p. 263.

79. Pedro de Cieza de León, The Incas, translated by Harriet de Onis (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959), p. 180.

80. Quoted in William Brandon, New Worlds for Old: Reports from the New World and Their Effect on the Development of Social Thought in Europe, 1500–1800 (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 1986), p. 159. See also Brandon’s brief further comments, pp. 159, 205. For some recent discussion on exaggerated estimates of human sacrifice in the New World, in India, and in Africa, see Inga Clendinnen, Ambivalent Conquests: Maya and Spaniard in Yucatán, 1517–1570 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987); Nigel Davies, “Human Sacrifice in the Old World and the New: Some Similarities and Differences,” in Elizabeth H. Boone, ed., Ritual Human Sacrifice in Mesoamerica (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library, 1984), pp. 220–22; James D. Graham, “The Slave Trade, Depopulation, and Human Sacrifice in Benin History,” Cahiers d’Etudes Africaines, 5 (1965), 317–34; and Philip A. Igbafe, Benin Under British Administration (London: Longman, 1979), esp. pp. 40–49, 70–72.

81. Miguel Leon-Portilla, ed., The Broken Spears: The Aztec Account of the Conquest of Mexico (Boston: Beacon Press, 1962), p. 140.

82. Cortés, Letters from Mexico, pp. 265–66.

83. France V. Scholes, “The Spanish Conqueror as a Business Man: A Chapter in the History of Fernando Cortés,” New Mexico Quarterly, 28 (1958), pp. 11, 16, 18, 21. Scholes calculated Cortés’s net worth after the conquest of Tenochtitlán to have been “at least $2,500,000” in 1958 currency; according to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, that is the equivalent of more than $10,000,000 in 1990.

84. Quoted in Pedro de Alvarado, An Account of the Conquest of Guatemala in 1524, ed. Sedley J. Mackie (Boston: Milford House, 1972), pp. 126–32.

85. For these and other enumerations, see Daniel T. Reff, Disease, Depopulation, and Culture Change in Northwestern New Spain, 1518–1764 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991), pp. 194–242.

86. Crosby, Columbian Exchange, p. 50; Newson, The Cost of Conquest, pp. 109–110, 127.

87. Diego de Landa and Lorenzo de Bienvenida are quoted in Grant D. Jones, Maya Resistance to Spanish Rule: Time and History on a Colonial Frontier (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989), pp. 42–43.

88. Alonzo de Zorita, Life and Labor in Ancient Mexico: The Brief and Summary Relation of the Lords of New Spain, translated by Benjamin Keen (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1963), p. 210.

89. There is a photograph of this façade in Robert S. Weddle, Spanish Sea: The Gulf of Mexico in North American Discovery, 1500–1685 (College Station: Texas A & M University Press, 1985), between pages 158 and 159.

90. This handful of examples, from a seemingly endless library of such tales, comes from William L. Sherman, Forced Native Labor in Sixteenth Century Central America (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1979), pp. 44–45, 61, 268; Zorita, Life and Labor in Ancient Mexico, p. 210; Jones, Maya Resistance to Spanish Rule, pp. 42–43; and Alvarado, An Account of the Conquest of Guatemala, p. 129.

91. John Grier Varner and Jeannette Johnson Varner, Dogs of the Conquest (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1983), pp. 192–93.

92. Ibid., pp. 36–39.

93. Peter Martyr, quoted in Todorov, Conquest of America, p. 141.

94. Sherman, Forced Native Labor, pp. 64–65. On repeated branding as slaves were passed from one owner to another, see Donald E. Chipman, Nuño de Guzmán and the Province of Panuco in New Spain, 1518–1533 (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark, 1967), p. 210.

95. In Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, p. 212.

96. Quoted in Todorov, Conquest of America, p. 139.

97. Sherman, Forced Native Labor, p. 311.

98. Ibid., pp. 315–16.

99. Ibid., p. 316.

100. For the examples cited, see Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, The Indian Population of Central Mexico, 1531–1610, Ibero-Americana, Number 44 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1960); Woodrow Borah and Sherburne F. Cook, The Aboriginal Population of Central Mexico on the Eve of the Spanish Conquest, Ibero-Americana, Number 45 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963); Peter Gerhard, A Guide to the Historical Geography of New Spain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972), pp. 22–25; Peter Gerhard, The Southeast Frontier of New Spain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979), p. 25; Peter Gerhard, The North Frontier of New Spain (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), pp. 23–25; Clinton R. Edwards, “Quintana Roo: Mexico’s Empty Quarter” (Master’s Thesis, University of California at Berkeley, 1957), pp. 128, 132; W. George Lovell, Conquest and Survival in Colonial Guatemala: A Historical Geography of the Cuchumatan Highlands, 1500–1821(Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1985), p. 145; David R. Radell, “The Indian Slave Trade and Population of Nicaragua During the Sixteenth Century,” in William M. Denevan, ed., The Native Population of the Americas (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976), pp. 67–76; Newson, The Cost of Conquest, p. 330; and Patrick J. Carroll, Blacks in Colonial Veracruz: Race, Ethnicity, and Regional Development (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1991), p. 95.

101. Leon-Portilla, ed., The Broken Spears, pp. 137–38.

102. Quoted in Nathan Wachtel, The Vision of the Vanquished: The Spanish Conquest of Peru Through Indian Eyes, 1530–1570, translated by Ben and Sian Reynolds (Sussex: The Harvester Press, 1977), p. 31.

103. Noble David Cook, Demographic Collapse: Indian Peru, 1520–1620 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 114.

104. Quoted in John Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970), p. 359.

105. Pedro de Cieza de León, The Incas, translated by Harriet de Onis (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959), p. 62.

106. Ibid., pp. lviii-lix.

107. Hemming, Conquest of the Incas, p. 351.

108. Ibid., pp. 363–64.

109. Ibid., pp. 368–69.

110. Ibid., p. 372.

111. Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1961), p. 596.

112. Hemming, Conquest of the Incas, p. 348.

113. Quoted in Salvador de Madariaga, The Rise of the Spanish American Empire (New York: Macmillan, 1947), pp. 90–91.

114. Quoted in Cook, Demographic Collapse, p. 199. For detailed discussion of some of the matters mentioned in the preceding paragraph, see the same volume, pp. 199–210.

115. Ibid., p. 207.

116. Quoted in John Hemming, Red Gold: The Conquest of the Brazilian Indians, 1500–1760 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), p. 139.

117. All citations in this paragraph are from Hemming, Red Gold, pp. 139–41.

118. For maps and a history of the captaincies, see Lyle N. McAlister, Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492–1700 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1984), pp. 260–66.

119. Paul Slack, The Impact of Plague in Tudor and Stuart England (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1985), p. 7. For a close and revealing look at plague in the country with Europe’s best-organized system of public health—and in which 50 to 60 percent of infected individuals died—see Carlo M. Cipolla, Cristofano and the Plague: A Study in the History of Public Health in the Age of Galileo (London: William Collins Sons & Co., 1973).

120. Quoted in Hemming, Red Gold, p. 142.

121. Ibid., p. 143. See also, Alden and Miller, “Unwanted Cargoes,” pp. 42–43.

122. Hemming, Red Gold, pp. 143–44; Stuart B. Schwartz, “Indian Labor and New World Plantations: European Demands and Indian Responses in Northeastern Brazil,” American Historical Review, 83 (1978), 51.

123. Schwartz, “Indian Labor and New World Plantations,” 55–56, 76.

124. Jones, Maya Resistance to Spanish Rule, p. 276.

125. Varner and Varner, Dogs of the Conquest, pp. 87, 178.

126. See J. Eric S. Thompson, Maya History and Religion (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1970), pp. 48–83; and Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, “The Population of Yucatán, 1517–1960” in their Essays in Population History: Mexico and the Caribbean (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974), Volume Two, pp. 1—179. The mere fact of Maya survival is testament to their resiliency; that so much of their culture and their forms of social organization continue to thrive, despite nearly five centuries of genocide that persists to this day, is a mark of truly astonishing cultural strength. In Guatemala today, for example—despite ongoing genocidal warfare against them—the native people continue to speak at least twenty-two distinct dialects of their ancestral Maya tongue. For discussion of a range of social and cultural continuities in this region, see Robert M. Hill and John Monaghan, Continuities in Highland Maya Social Organization: Ethnohistory in Sacapulas, Guatemala (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1987).

127. J.H. Elliott has estimated that about 118,000 Spaniards had settled in the New World by 1570; at that rate more than 150,000 would have been in place by the turn of the century. Elliott, Imperial Spain, p. 176. More recent estimates put the figure at closer to 200,000 and perhaps a bit more, although there also was a very heavy traffic in returnees to Spain. See Peter Boyd-Bowman, Patterns of Spanish Emigration to the New World, 1493–1580 (Buffalo: State University of New York Council on International Studies, 1973), p. 2; and Magnus Mörner, “Spanish Migration to the New World Prior to 1810: A Report on the State of Research,” in Fredi Chiappelli, ed., First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), Volume Two, pp. 737–82. The estimate of Indian dead is calculated from pre-Columbian population estimates for these regions of between 65,000,000 and 90,000,000. The former figure is the most recent estimate, that of Russell Thornton; the latter is the midpoint of the most widely quoted range of figures, that calculated by Henry Dobyns. See Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), pp. 22–32; and Henry F. Dobyns, “Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemispheric Estimate,” Current Anthropology, 7 (1966), 395–416. This range of estimated native dead may be too conservative, however, for two reasons. First, Dobyns may be correct in now believing that his original estimates were too low, as discussed in Appendix One. And second, this calculation is based on approximately 90 percent decline rather than the more conventional 95 percent and more over the span of a century or so. This was done to account for native peoples not contacted until after the beginning of the seventeenth century, although all the major population centers—which accounted for the bulk of the Mesoamerican and South American populations, and which were the hardest hit both by genocidal violence and disease—were contacted, and collapsed, within the first few decades of the conquest.

Chapter Four

1. Pedro Simon, The Expedition of Pedro de Ursúa and Lope de Aguirre in Search of El Dorado and Omagua in 1560–1561, translated by William Bollaert (London: Hakluyt Society, 1861), p. 228.

2. Louis B. Wright, Gold, Glory and the Gospel: The Adventurous Lives and Times of the Renaissance Explorers (New York: Atheneum, 1970), pp. 264–66.

3. See Charles Gibson, The Black Legend: Anti-Spanish Attitudes in the Old World and the New (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), pp. 1–27.

4. For detailed analyses and bibliography on these points, see Benjamin Keen, “Introduction: Approaches to Las Casas, 1535–1970,” Manuel M. Martínez, “Las Casas on the Conquest of America,” and Juan Comas, “Historical Reality and the Detractors of Father Las Casas,” in Juan Friede and Benjamin Keen, eds., Bartolomé de Las Casas in History: Toward an Understanding of the Man and His Work (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1971), pp. 3–63, 309–49, and 487–537.

5. Bruce B. Solnick, “After Columbus: Castile in the Caribbean,” Terrae Incognitae, 4 (1972), 124.

6. Philip Wayne Powell, Tree of Hate: Propaganda and Prejudice Affecting United States Relations with the Hispanic World (New York: Basic Books, 1971), p. 27. This particular author’s determination to protect the fifteenth and sixteenth century Spanish from criticism is so extreme that he even defends the Inquisition as a reasonable affair brought on by traitorous Jews who were “enemies of the state” and who themselves taught the supposedly tolerant Spanish in the ways and wiles of intolerance. For this latter claim, Powell cites Salvador de Madariaga, “certainly one who could not fairly be tarred with the epithet ‘antisemitic,’” he says—failing to note that, among other examples, Madariaga claimed that Columbus was a Jew, based on the “evidence” that the admiral was “greedy,” that he had a strong “bargaining sense,” and a “typically Jewish mobility.” On Madariaga and Columbus, see the brief but telling discussion in Leonardo Olschki, “What Columbus Saw on Landing in the West Indies,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 84 (1941), 654–55.

7. Lawrence Stone, The Family, Sex and Marriage in England, 1500–1800 (New York: Harper & Row, 1977), pp. 64, 68.

8. A.D.J. Macfarlane, Witchcraft in Tudor and Stuart England (New York: Harper & Row, 1970), pp. 60–61.

9. Quoted in Howard Mumford Jones, O Strange New World: American Culture—the Formative Years (London: Chatto and Windus, Ltd., 1964), p. 169.

10. Nicholas P. Canny, “The Ideology of English Colonization: From Ireland to America,” William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, 30 (1973), 582.

11. Ibid.

12. Ibid., 593–95.

13. From the account of the voyage by Dionise Settle in Richard Hakluyt, The Principal Navigations, Voyages, Traffiques & Discoveries of the English Nation, Volume Five (London: J.M. Dent & Sons, Ltd., 1907), pp. 144–45.

14. Richard Collinson, The Three Voyages of Martin Frobisher (London: Hakluyt Society, 1867), pp. 144–45.

15. Ibid., p. 145.

16. “Postmortem Report of Dr. Edward Dodding,” in Collinson, Three Voyages, pp. 189–91.

17. Henry F. Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1983), p. 292.

18. Paul E. Hoffman, A New Andalucia and a Way to the Orient: The American Southeast During the Sixteenth Century (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1990), pp. 10–17. For a higher estimate of the number of slaves seized during this raid, see Garcilaso de la Vega, The Florida of the Inca, translated by John G. Varner and Jeannette J. Varner (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1951), p. 10.

19. Hoffman, A New Andalucia, p. 91. Among the dogs the Spanish brought with them was a greyhound named Bruto, the favorite of de Soto, and a dog celebrated among the Spanish for his ability to track down Indians and tear them to pieces. See the discussion in John Grier Varner and Jeannette Johnson Varner, Dogs of the Conquest (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1983), pp. 104–110.

20. Letter of Juan Rogel to Francis Borgia (28 August 1572) in Clifford M. Lewis and Albert J. Loomie, eds., The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virginia, 1570–1572 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press for the Virginia Historical Society, 1953), p. 111.

21. Sir Walter Cope to Lord Salisbury (12 August 1607) in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages Under the First Charter, 1606–1609 (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1969), Volume One, p. 108; Anonymous [Gabriel Archer?] description of Virginia and her people (May-June 1607) in ibid., p. 104.

22. Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned, pp. 275–76.

23. Letter of Luís de Quirós and Jean Baptista de Segura to Juan de Hinistrosa (12 September 1570), in Lewis and Loomie, eds., The Spanish Jesuit Mission in Virginia, pp. 89–90.

24. John Smith, et al., A Map of Virginia, With a Description of the Countrey, the Commodities, People, Government and Religion (Oxford, 1612), reprinted in Barbour, ed., Jamestown Voyages, Volume Two, p. 426.

25. Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Settling with the Indians: The Meeting of English and American Cultures in America, 1580–1640 (Totowa, New Jersey: Rowman and Littlefield, 1980), p. 51.

26. Quoted in James Axtell, The Invasion Within: The Contest of Cultures in Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 303. On favorable early British attitudes toward the Indians, and the reality of those perceptions, see Kupperman, Settling With the Indians, esp. pp. 141–58. See also, Richard Drinnon, White Savage: The Case of John Dunn Hunter (New York: Schocken Books, 1972).

27. Axtell, Invasion Within, p. 303.

28. Ibid., p. 327.

29. Edward Arber and A.G. Bradley, eds. Travels and Works of Captain John Smith, President of Virginia and Admiral of New England, 1580–1631 (Edinburgh: John Grant, 1910), Volume One, pp. 65, 75.

30. Jones, O Strange New World, pp. 170–71.

31. See, for example, Ralph Lane, “An Account of the Particularities of the Imployments of the Englishmen Left in Virginia,” in David B. Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584–1590 (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1955), Volume One, p. 262.

32. George Percy, “A Trewe Relacyon of the Procedeinges and Occurrentes of Momente which have hapned in Virginia,” Tyler’s Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Magazine, 3 (1922), 280.

33. On this, and on the Roanoke settlement in general, see Edmund S. Morgan, American SlaveryAmerican Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W.W. Norton, 1975), pp. 25–43.

34. Percy, “A Trewe Relacyon,” 271.

35. Ibid., 272–73.

36. Morgan, American SlaveryAmerican Freedom, p. 99.

37. Edward Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia (London, 1622), p. 23.

38. James Axtell, “The Rise and Fall of the Powhatan Empire,” in Axtell, After Columbus, Essays in the Ethnohistory of Colonial North America (New York: Oxford University Press, 1988) pp. 218–19. For an example of colonists poisoning the Indians—in this case killing about 200 people in a single incident—see Robert Bennett to Edward Bennett, “Bennetes Welcome,” [9 June 1623], William and Mary Quarterly, 2nd Series, 13 (1933), 122.

39. Ibid., pp. 219, 221.

40. The number of Indians under Powhatan’s control in 1607 comes from Axtell, “Rise and Fall of the Powhatan Empire,” p. 190. The reference to a population of more than 100,000 prior to European contact is in J. Leitch Wright, Jr., The Only Land They Knew: The Tragic Story of the Indians in the Old South (New York: Free Press, 1981), p. 60. The colonist population at the end of the seventeenth century—estimated at 62,800—is from Morgan, American SlaveryAmerican Freedom, p. 404. The number of Powhatan people at the century’s close is based on a multiplier of four times the number of Powhatan bowmen estimated in Robert Beverley, The History and Present State of Virginia [1705], ed. Louis B. Wright (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1947), pp. 232–33.

41. Morgan, American SlaveryAmerican Freedom, p. 233; Gwenda Morgan, “The Hegemony of the Law: Richmond County, 1692–1776” (Doctoral dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1980), Chapter One.

42. Sherburne F. Cook, “The Significance of Disease in the Extinction of the New England Indians,” Human Biology, 45 (1973), 485–508; Alfred W. Crosby, “Virgin Soil Epidemics as a Factor in the Aboriginal Depopulation in America,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, 33 (1976), 289–99. For a study that uses death rates of 50 and 60 percent as the norm for single epidemics, see William A. Starna, “Mohawk Iroquois Population: A Review,” Ethnohistory, 27 (1980), 37–677. Long-running controversies regarding the total European death rate from the Black Death now seem reasonably settled around an overall mortality of about one-third; see William H. McNeill, Plagues and Peoples (New York: Doubleday, 1976), p. 168.

43. William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York: Modern Library, 1967), pp. 270–71.

44. Thomas Morton, New English Canaan (Boston: Prince Society, 1883), p. 133.

45. John Winthrop to Sir Nathaniel Rich, May 22, 1634, in Everett Emerson, ed., Letters from New England (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1976), pp. 115–16.

46. Thomas Budd, Good Order Established in Pennsylvania & New jersey in America (London, 1685), p. 33.

47. Adam J. Hirsch, “The Collision of Military Cultures in Seventeenth Century New England,” Journal of American History, 74 (1988), 1190.

48. Ruth Benedict, Patterns of Culture (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company, 1934), pp. 30–32.

49. George Bird Grinnell, “Coup and Scalp Among the Plains Indians,” American Anthropologist, 12 (1910), 216–17.

50. Stanley Diamond, In Search of the Primitive: A Critique of Civilization (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Books, 1974), pp. 156–57. Las Casas had said much the same thing of the wars waged among themselves by the peoples of the Indies, describing them as “little more than games played by children.” Bartolomé de Las Casas, The Devastation of the Indies: A Brief Account, translated by Herma Briffault (New York: Seabury Press, 1974), p. 43. There are, of course, exceptions to this as to other generalizations. It is worth noting, therefore, that warfare in the Great Plains area could on occasion be highly destructive, as is evident in the remains from an early fourteenth-century battle that took place in what is now south-central South Dakota. The archaeological and osteological data on those remains are most thoroughly discussed in P. Willey, Prehistoric Warfare on the Great Plains: Skeletal Analysis of the Crow Creek Massacre Victims (New York: Garland Publishing, 1990).

51. John Underhill, Newes from America; or, A New and Experimentall Discoverie of New England (London, 1638), p. 40; Henry Spelman, “Relation of Virginea” (London, 1613), in Arber and Bradley, eds., Travels and Works of John Smith, Volume One, p. cxiv.

52. Hirsch, “Collision of Military Cultures,” 1191.

53. John Mason, A Brief History of the Pequot War (Boston: Kneeland & Green, 1736), p. 21.

54. On the smallpox epidemic, see John Winthrop, Winthrop’s Journal, ed. James Kendall Hosmer (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1908), Volume One, pp. 118–19.

55. Richard Drinnon, Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian Hating and Empire Building (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980), pp. 35–45, provides a concise and powerful description of the Pequot War. My account is drawn from Drinnon and from that of Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975), pp. 202–27. Another account, with some provocative interpretations, is in Ann Kibbey, The Interpretation of Material Shapes in Puritanism: A Study of Rhetoric, Prejudice, and Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 92–120. For differing views on Oldham’s reputation, compare Drinnon, p. 37 and Jennings, p. 206.

56. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 210.

57. Underhill, Newes from America, p. 7.

58. Ibid., p. 9.

59. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 212.

60. Mason, Brief History, p. 7.

61. Ibid., p. 8.

62. Ibid., pp. 9–10.

63. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 222.

64. Underhill, Newes from America, pp. 39–40.

65. Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, p. 296.

66. Cotton Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana; or, The Ecclesiastic History of New-England [1702] (New York: Russell & Russell, 1967), Volume Two, p. 558; Mason, Brief History, p. 10.

67. Underhill, Newes from America, p. 43.

68. Drinnon, Facing West, p. 45.

69. Ibid., p. 47.

70. Ronald Sanders, Lost Tribes and Promised Lands: The Origins of American Racism (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1978), pp. 339–40. For a stimulating analysis of the complex relationship between imperialism and place-naming, see Paul Carter, The Road to Botany Bay: An Exploration of Landscape and History (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1988), passim, but esp. pp. 63–68, 326–31.

71. So close to totality was the colonists’ mass murder of Pequot men, women, and children that it is now popularly believed that all the Pequots in fact were exterminated. Some, however, found their way to live among neighboring tribes, and in time to resurrect themselves as Pequots. For discussion of these matters, including the state of the Pequot nation today, see Laurence M. Hauptman and James D. Wherry, eds., The Pequots in Southern New England: The Fall and Rise of an American Indian Nation (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990).

72. Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 46–47.

73. Richard Slotkin and James K. Folsom, eds., So Dreadful a Judgment: Puritan Responses to King Philip’s War, 1676–1677 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1978), p. 381.

74. A True Account of the Most Considerable Occurrences that have Hapned in the Wane Between the English and the Indians in New England (London, 1676), pp. 3–4.

75. Jennings, Invasion of America, p. 227.

76. Douglas Edward Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk: New England in King Philip’s War (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1958), p. 237.

77. A True Account, pp. 7–9.

78. Ibid., p. 6.

79. “John Easton’s Relacion,” in Charles H. Lincoln, ed., Narratives of the Indian Wars, 1675–1699 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1913), pp. 14, 16. Spelling in text is modernized.

80. Increase Mather, A Brief History of the Warr With the Indians in New-England (Boston, 1676), reprinted in Slotkin and Folsom, So Dreadful a Judgment, p. 142.

81. Leach, Flintlock and Tomahawk, pp. 226–27.

82. Cotton Mather, Fair Weather (Boston, 1692), p. 86.

83. Sarah Kemble Knight, The Journal of Madam Knight (Boston: David R. Godine, 1972), pp. 21–22.

84. Dean R. Snow and Kim M. Lamphear, “European Contact and Indian Depopulation in the Northeast: The Timing of the First Epidemics,” Ethnohistory, 35 (1988), p. 24, Table 1.

85. Colin G. Calloway, The Western Abenaki of Vermont, 1600–1800: War, Migration, and the Survival of an Indian People (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1990), pp. 129–30. Calloway, it should be noted, thinks the contemporary report on some of these peoples’ lower numbers should be increased: instead of 25 Norridgewocks in 1726, he thinks there may have been 40; instead of 7 Pigwackets, he thinks there may have been 24.

86. Martin Middlebrook, The First Day of the Somme (New York: W.W. Norton, 1972); John Keegan, The Face of Battle (New York: Viking Press, 1976), pp. 255, 280.

87. Peter R. Cox, Demography, Fourth Edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970), pp. 319, 361.

88. Donald J. Bogue, Principles of Demography (New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1969), p. 34; Paul R. Ehrlich, Anne H. Ehrlich, and John P. Holdren, Ecoscience: Population, Resources, Environment (San Francisco: W.H. Freeman and Company, 1977), p. 199.

89. Quoted in Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 331–32, 65.

90. Ibid., p. 332; Peter S. Schmalz, The Ojibwa of Southern Ontario (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1991), p. 99; Anthony F.C. Wallace, The Death and Rebirth of the Seneca (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1970), pp. 141–44.

91. Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 96, 98, 116; Ronald T. Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in 19th-century America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), pp. 61—65.

92. For the 1685 to 1790 figures, see Peter H. Wood, “The Changing Population of the Colonial South: An Overview by Race and Region, 1685–1790,” in Peter H. Wood, Gregory A. Waselkov, and M. Thomas Hatley, eds., Powhatan’s Mantle: Indians in the Colonial Southeast (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989), p. 38.

93. Ibid.

94. James M. O’Donnell, Southern Indians in the American Revolution (Knoxville: University of Tennesse Press, 1973), p. 52.

95. James Mooney, Historical Sketch of the Cherokee [1900] (Chicago: Aldine Publishers, 1975), p. 51.

96. Takaki, Iron Cages, pp. 96, 102.

97. Michael Paul Rogin, Fathers and Children: Andrew Jackson and the Subjugation of the American Indian (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975), pp. 132, 218–19, 355.

98. Ibid., pp. 219–20.

99. Quoted, ibid., p. 227.

100. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, translated by George Lawrence, ed. J.P. Mayer (New York: Anchor Books, 1969), Volume One, p. 339.

101. Of the 10,000 or so Americans who were victims of the Bataan Death March, 4000 survived to the end of the war, meaning that about 6000, or 60 percent, died on the march or during the subsequent three years of imprisonment. As noted in the text, about 8000 of the approximately 17,000 Cherokee who began that death march died on the Trail of Tears and in the immediate aftermath—about 47 percent. The comparison is incomplete, however, because, unlike the Bataan situation, no one knows how many Cherokee died during the next three years of reservation imprisonment—and also because, again, unlike the Bataan death march, the Cherokee death march included many thousands of women and children. For Bataan, see Donald Knox, Death March: The Survivors of Bataan (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1981).

102. Mooney, Historical Sketch of the Cherokee, p. 124.

103. In Grant Foreman, Indian Removal: The Emigration of the Five Civilized Tribes of Indians (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1932), pp. 305–306.

104. Russell Thornton, “Cherokee Population Losses During the Trail of Tears’: A New Perspective and a New Estimate,” Ethnohistory, 31 (1984), 289–300.

105. Peter Calvocoressi, Guy Wint, and John Pritchard, Total War: Causes and Courses of the Second World War, Revised Second Edition (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), p. 523; Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1961), p. 670.

106. “Log of John Boit,” quoted in Erna Gunther, Indian Life on the Northwest Coast of North America as Seen by the Early Explorers and Fur Traders During the Last Decades of the Eighteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972), p. 74.

107. Quoted in Schmalz, The Ojibwa of Southern Ontario, pp. 99–100.

108. Aberdeen Saturday Pioneer, Aberdeen, South Dakota, December 20, 1891; quoted in Elliott J. Gorn, Randy Roberts, and Terry D. Bilhartz, Constructing the American Past: A Source Book of a People’s History (New York: HarperCollins, 1991), p. 99.

109. Charles A. Eastman, From the Deep Woods to Civilization (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1916), pp. 111–12.

110. James Mooney, “The Ghost Dance Religion and the Sioux Outbreak of 1890,” in Fourteenth Annual Report of the United States Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1896), Part Two, p. 877.

111. Ibid., p. 885.

112. Quoted in Gorn, Roberts, and Bilhartz, Constructing the American Past, p. 99.

113. Eastman, From the Deep Woods, p. 113.

114. Kit Miniclier, “Lost Bird Comes Home to Wounded Knee,” Denver Post, July 14, 1991, pp. 1C, 6C. The account in Colby’s home town newspaper, The Beatrice [Nebraska] Republican, is quoted in part in Richard E. Jensen, R. Eli Paul, and John E. Carter, Eyewitness at Wounded Knee (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1991), p. 135.

115. In H.R. Schoolcraft, Historical and Statistical Information Respecting the History, Condition, and Prospects of the Indian Tribes of the United States (Philadelphia: Lippincott, Grambo & Co., 1851), Volume Two, p. 258.

116. Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), pp. 86–89, 124–25, 126–27; Robert T. Boyd, “Another Look at the ‘Fever and Ague’ of Western Oregon,” Ethnohistory, 22 (1975), 135–54 (for data on the Kalapuyan not covered in Thornton); Harry Kelsey, “European Impact on the California Indians, 1530–1830,” The Americas, 41 (1985), 510; Russell Thornton, “Social Organization and the Demographic Survival of the Tolowa,” Ethnohistory, 31 (1984), 191–92; Daniel T. Reff, “Old World Diseases and the Dynamics of Indian and Jesuit Relations in Northwestern New Spain, 1520–1660,” in N. Ross Crumrine and Phil C. Weigand, eds., Ejidos and Regions of Refuge in Northwestern Mexico (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1987), p. 89; Steadman Upham, Polities and Power: An Economic and Political History of the Western Pueblo (New York: Academic Press, 1982), pp. 39–43; Robert S. Grumet, “A New Ethnohistorical Model for North American Indian Demography,” North American Archaeologist, 11, (1990), 29–41; Francis Jennings, The Ambiguous Iroquois Empire (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1984), p. 88. John C. Ewers, “The Influence of Epidemics on the Indian Populations and Cultures of Texas,” Plains Anthropologist, 18 (1973), 104, 109; Robert Fortuine, Chills and Fever: Health and Disease in the Early History of Alaska (Anchorage: University of Alaska Press, 1989), pp. 89–122, 161–78, 199–264, 301–14.

117. Ann F. Ramenofsky, Vectors of Death: The Archaeology of European Contact (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987), pp. 42–136.

118. Jean Louis Berlandier, The Indians of Texas in 1830, ed., John C. Ewers (Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1969); Wood, “Changing Population of the Colonial South,” p. 74.

119. David Svaldi, Sand Creek and the Rhetoric of Extermination: A Case Study in Indian-White Relations (New York: University Press of America, 1989), pp. 149–50.

120. Ibid., pp. 155–58.

121. Ibid., p. 172.

122. Ibid., pp. 171, 237.

123. Ibid., p. 291; Himmler is quoted in Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 1986), p. 477. Although Chivington made the phrase famous, it must be said that it did not originate with him. At least a few years earlier one H.L. Hall in California, who made a living killing Indians, refused to take other whites with him to massacres he had arranged unless they were willing to kill every Indian woman and child encountered, because, he liked to say, “a nit would make a louse.” On one occasion, Hall led a group of whites in the mass murder of 240 Indian men, women, and children because he believed one of them had killed a horse. See, Lynwood Carranco and Estle Beard, Genocide and Vendetta: The Round Valley Wars of Northern California (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1981), chapter four.

124. Quoted in Stan Hoig, The Sand Creek Massacre (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1961), p. 192.

125. Svaldi, Sand Creek and the Rhetoric of Extermination, p. 291; Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, p. 137.

126. Quoted in Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, p. 150.

127. The following accounts are from subsequent testimony and affidavits provided by witnesses to and participants in the massacre. The full statements are contained in U.S. Congressional inquiry volumes, including Report on the Conduct of the War (38th Congress, Second Session, 1865), but excerpts are printed as an appendix in Hoig, Sand Creek Massacre, pp. 177–92. The portion of George Bent’s testimony that follows immediately is not included in Hoig’s appendix, but is quoted in Dee Brown, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee (New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston, 1970), p. 88.

128. Svaldi, Sand Creek and the Rhetoric of Extermination, pp. 298–99.

129. Ibid., pp. 187–88.

130. Quoted in Thomas G. Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1980), p. 79.

131. Herbert Eugene Bolton, ed., Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 1542–1706 (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1916), p.5.

132. Sherburne F. Cook disputed de Anza’s dubious distinction nearly fifty years ago in The Indian versus the Spanish Mission, Ibero-Americana, Number 21 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943), pp. 23–24.

133. K.L. Holmes, “Francis Drake’s Course in the North Pacific, 1579,” The Geographical Bulletin, 17 (1979), 5–41; R. Lee Lyman, Prehistory of the Oregon Coast (New York: Academic Press, 1991), pp. 14–15.

134. “Diary of Sebastián Vizcaino, 1602–1603,” in Bolton, ed., Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, pp. 95, 97, 102; “A Brief Report . . . by Fray Antonio de la Ascensión,” ibid., p. 121.

135. Ibid., pp. 79–80, 109.

136. On the nineteenth-century diseases, see Sherburne F. Cook, The American Invasion, 1848–1870, Ibero-Americana, Number 23 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1943), p. 20.

137. Albert L. Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), p. 46.

138. Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, pp. 374–75.

139. Fray Francisco Palóu, O.F.M., Historical Memoirs of New California, translated and edited by Herbert Eugene Bolton (New York: Russell & Russell, 1966), Volume One, pp. 171–213.

140. Ibid., p. 211.

141. Sherburne F. Cook, Population Trends Among the California Mission Indians, Ibero-Americana, Number 17 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1940), pp. 6–7, 23, 26.

142. John R. Johnson, “The Chumash and the Mission,” in David Hurst Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences, Volume One: Archaeological and Historical Perspectives on the Spanish Borderlands West (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989), pp. 365–75; Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, “Mission Registers as Sources of Vital Statistics: Eight Missions of Northern California,” in Sherburne F. Cook and Woodrow Borah, Essays in Population History, Volume Three: Mexico and California (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979), pp. 177–311.

143. Robert Jackson, “Demographic Change in Northwestern New Spain,” The Americas, 41 (1985), 465.

144. V.M. Golovnin, Around the World on the Kamchatka, 1817–1818, translated by Ella L. Wiswell (Honolulu: Hawaiian Historical Society, 1979), pp. 147–48. On the living space allotted for unmarried mission Indians, see Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Mission, pp. 89–90.

145. Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Mission, p. 27.

146. Golovnin, Around the World on the Kamchatka, pp. 150, 147.

147. For mission Indian caloric intake, see Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Mission, p. 37, Table 2. On slave diets and caloric intake, see Richard Sutch, “The Care and Feeding of Slaves,” in Paul A. David, Herbert G. Gutman, Richard Sutch, Peter Temin, and Gavin Wright, Reckoning with Slavery: A Critical Study in the Quantitative History of American Negro Slavery (New York: Oxford University Press, 1976), pp. 265–68. It is important to note that Sutch’s analysis is a detailed critique of the work of Robert W. Fogel and Stanley L. Engerman, who argued in their book Time on the Cross: The Economics of American Negro Slavery (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1974) that the average slave’s caloric intake was even higher.

148. Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Mission, p. 54.

149. Ann Lucy W. Stodder, Mechanisms and Trends in the Decline of the Costanoan Indian Population of Central California (Salinas: Archives of California Prehistory, Number 4, Coyote Press, 1986).

150. Phillip L. Walker, Patricia Lambert, and Michael DeNiro, “The Effects of European Contact on the Health of Alta California Indians,” in Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences, Volume One, p. 351.

151. Adelbert von Chamisso, A Voyage Around the World with the Romanzov Exploring Expedition in the Years 1815–1818, translated and edited by Henry Kratz (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 1986), p. 244.

152. Omer Englebert, The Last of the Conquistadors: Junípero Serra, 1713–1784, translated by Katherine Woods (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1956). The parallel between the Spanish forced labor institutions in North and South America has long been recognized, even by professed admirers of the Franciscans and Junípero Serra. See for example, the comments of Herbert E. Bolton, “The Mission as a Frontier Institution in the Spanish-American Colonies,” American Historical Review, 23 (1917), 43–45. In fact, Serra himself noted and used the parallel in justifying the beating of Indians; in a letter of January 7, 1780, to the Spanish governor of California, Filipe de Neve, he noted the fact that the phyical punishment of Indians by their “spiritual fathers” was “as old as the conquest of these kingdoms,” specifically observing that “Saint Francis Solano . . . in the running of his mission in the Province of Tucumán in Peru . . . when they failed to carry out his orders, he gave directions for his Indians to be whipped.” Quoted in James A. Sandos, “Junípero Serra’s Canonization and the Historical Record,” American Historical Review, 93 (1988), 1254; Sandos’s entire essay (pp. 1253–69) is a valuable contribution to the controversy over Serra’s proposed canonization.

153. Quoted in James J. Rawls, Indians of California: The Changing Image (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1984), p. 63.

154. Englebert, Last of the Conquistadors, p. 49; see also Fray Francisco Palóu, Life and Apostolic Labors of the Venerable Father Junípero Serra (Pasadena: G.W. James, 1913).

155. Palóu, Historical Memoirs, Volume One, pp. 86–87.

156. For details on these matters, see my earlier-cited “Disease and Infertility: A New Look at the Demographic Collapse of Native Populations in the Wake of Western Contact,” Journal of American Studies, 24 (1990), 325–50.

157. Quoted in Ed. D. Castillo, “The Native Response to the Colonization of Alta California,” in Thomas, ed., Columbian Consequences, Volume One, p. 380.

158. Quoted in Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Mission, p. 82.

159. Rawls, Indians of California, p. 38; the previously cited observation on severity of punishment is from J.M. Amador, “Memoria,” manuscript in Bancroft Library, University of California at Berkeley, quoted in Cook, Indian versus the Spanish Mission, p. 127.

160. Quoted in Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier, pp. 74–75.

161. Rawls, Indians of California, pp. 96–97; Robert F. Heizer, ed., They Were Only Diggers: A Collection of Articles from California Newspapers, 1851–1866, on Indian and White Relations (Ramona, Calif.: Ballena Press, 1974), p. 1.

162. Heizer, They Were Only Diggers, p. 1.

163. Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier, p. 145.

164. Robert F. Heizer, ed., The Destruction of California Indians: A Collection of Documents from the Period 1847 to 1865 in Which Are Described Some of the Things that Happened to Some of the Indians of California (Santa Barbara: Peregrine Smith, 1974), p. 279.

165. Theodora Kroeber, Ishi in Two Worlds: A Biography of the Last Wild Indian in North America (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961), pp. 84–85.

166. The estimate of the number of Indians indentured under the laws of 1850 and 1860 comes from Heizer, ed., Destruction of California Indians, p. 219.

167. Quoted in Rawls, Indians of California, p. 93.

168. Quoted in Hurtado, Indian Survival on the California Frontier, pp. 134–36.

169. Rawls, Indians of California, pp. 190–201.

170. Quoted in Rawls, Indians of California, pp. 132–33.

171. Quoted in John Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1970), p. 348.

Chapter Five

1. Toni Morrison, Beloved (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1987), p. 180.

2. Terrence Des Pres, “Introduction” to Jean-Francois Steiner, Treblinka (New York: New American Library, 1979), p. xi.

3. Ibid.

4. See Richard L. Rubenstein, The Cunning of History: The Holocaust and the American Future (New York: Harper & Row, 1975), passim.

5. See Richard G. Hovannisian, ed., The Armenian Genocide in Perspective (New Brunswick, N.J.: Transaction Publishers, 1986).

6. Robert Conquest, The Harvest of Sorrow: Soviet Collectivization and the Terror Famine (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986), esp. chapter 16.

7. For summaries of these and other genocides, along with recent bibliographical references, see Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn, The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990).

8. For estimates of the numbers of Romani, commonly referred to as Gypsy, people killed in the Holocaust, see the discussion in Ian Hancock, “‘Uniqueness’ of the Victims: Gypsies, Jews and the Holocaust,” Without Prejudice, 1 (1988), 55–56. There were, of course, many other victims of Nazi mass murder—homosexuals, Jehovah’s Witnesses, the congenitally malformed, pacifists, communists, and others—who are not mentioned here. For an examination of the fate of these other groups, see Michael Berenbaum, A Mosaic of Victims: Non-Jews Persecuted and Murdered by the Nazis (New York: New York University Press, 1990).

9. The number of people forcibly exported from Africa remains a subject of intense historical controversy, but recent estimates suggest that up to 12,000,000 or even 15,000,000 captured Africans survived the ordeal of forced migration to become plantation laborers in North or South America or the Caribbean. About 50 percent of the original captives appear to have died during the forced march to the West African coast and in the holding pens there known as barracoons, while approximately 10 percent of the survivors died on board the trans-Atlantic slave ships, leaving about 45 percent of the original total to be “seasoned,” sold, and set to work. However, the “seasoning” process itself appears to have killed half of those who survived the ocean journey, leaving between 20 and 25 percent of the originally captured total to actually labor as chattel; thus, for every African who survived to become a working slave, between three and four conventionally died during the enslavement process. With a total of 12,000,000 to 15,000,000 Africans surviving to become slaves, this makes for an overall death rate directly attributable to enslavement—and prior to the Africans’ beginning to labor as New World bondsmen and bondswomen—of anywhere from 36,000,000 to 60,000,000. As with most estimates of genocidal mortality, these are very general estimates arrived at by extrapolation from situations where reasonably good historical data are available to situations where they are not. Thus, for example, some estimates calculate a lower death toll than the above during the within-Africa forced march and coastal imprisonment, while others suggest that death rates aboard ship conventionally were 15 to 20 and even more than 30 percent—that is, up to three times as high as is assumed above. On this, see, for example, Philip D. Curtin, The Atlantic Slave Trade: A Census (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1969), pp. 275–82; Robert Stein, “Mortality in the Eighteenth Century French Slave Trade,” Journal of African History, 21 (1980), 35–41; Raymond L. Cohn, “Discussion: Mortality in the French Slave Trade,” Journal of African History, 23 (1982), 225–26; and David Northrup, “African Mortality in the Suppression of the Slave Trade: The Case of the Bight of Biafra,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 9 (1978), 47–64. For discussion of the overall volume of the slave trade, compare Curtin, Atlantic Slave Trade, p. 268, Table 77; J.E. Inikori, “Measuring the Atlantic Slave Trade: An Assessment of Curtin and Anstey,” Journal of African History, 17(1976), 197–223; J.E. Inikori, “The Origin of the Diaspora: The Slave Trade from Africa,” Tarikh, 5 (1978), 1–19; the same author’s comments in J.E. Inikori, ed., Forced Migration: The Impact of the Export Trade on African Societies (New York: Africana Publishing Company, 1982), pp. 19–21; and Paul E. Lovejoy, “The Volume of the Atlantic Slave Trade: A Synthesis,” Journal of African History, 23 (1982), 473–501. Conventional thought regarding the number of deaths caused by the African slave trade posits a number lower than that suggested here because it is based solely upon deaths occurring at sea between the points of embarkation from West Africa and docking in the Americas—thus ignoring the enormous number of deaths that occurred prior to the slave ships’ departures and during the “seasoning” periods. If these on-land deaths are included in the overall mortality figure—as they must be to arrive at a true measure of the horrific impact of the slave trade on African peoples—even the lowest estimates of slave imports, Philip D. Curtin’s and Paul E. Lovejoy’s 10,000,000 or so, produce an overall mortality figure of between 30,000,000 and 40,000,000. On mortality rates during all phases of the enslavement process, drawing largely on Brazilian slave import data, see Joseph C. Miller, “Mortality in the Atlantic Slave Trade: Statistical Evidence on Causality,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 11 (1981), 385–423, esp. 413–14.

10. Irving Louis Horowitz, “Genocide and the Reconstruction of Social Theory: Observations on the Exclusivity of Collective Death,” in Isidor Wallimann and Michael N. Dobkowski, eds., Genocide and the Modern Age: Etiology and Case Studies of Mass Death (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1987), p. 62. Wiesenthal’s letter is quoted in part in Hancock, “‘Uniqueness’ of the Victims,” 55.

11. A recent example of pertinence to the present discussion is an article on the Pequot War by Steven T. Katz, Professor of Near Eastern Studies (Judaica) at Cornell University and author of several studies on the history of the Holocaust. Professor Katz apparently became annoyed when he discovered that some historians had described the almost total extermination of the Pequot people as “genocide” and so he took time out from work in his own field to set them straight. Beginning with a rejection of conventional definitions of genocide—including that of the United Nations—and offering a substitute of his own, Professor Katz concludes his essay by observing that some Pequots survived the English colonists’ efforts to annihilate them as a people, adding: “As recently as the 1960s, Pequots were still listed as a separate group residing in Connecticut. . . . [W]hile the British could certainly have been less thorough, less severe, less deadly in prosecuting their campaign against the Pequots, the campaign they actually did carry out, for all its vehemence, was not, either in intent or execution, genocidal.” In other words, because the British did not kill all the Pequots they did not commit a genocide. This is not the place for a detailed critique of Professor Katz’s flimsy thesis, but one can only wonder (actually, one need not wonder) at what his response might be to a Professor of Native American Studies taking the trouble to write an essay claiming that the Holocaust was not an act of genocide (“although the [Nazis] could certainly have been less thorough, less severe, less deadly in prosecuting their campaign against the [Jews]”) because, after all, some Jews survived—a number of whom even live in Connecticut today. See Steven T. Katz, “The Pequot War Reconsidered,” New England Quarterly, 64 (1991), 206–24, quoted words on p. 223.

12. Michael Berenbaum, “The Uniqueness and Universality of the Holocaust,” in Berenbaum, ed., A Mosaic of Victims, p. 34. Increasingly, scholarship on genocide has recognized the necessity for comparative analysis, while acknowledging the unique particulars of individual cases. For some recent examples, in addition to A Mosaic of Victims, see the following: Israel Charny, ed., Toward the Understanding and Prevention of Genocide (Boulder: Westview Press, 1984); Leo Kuper, The Prevention of Genocide (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1985); Ervin Staub, The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Wallimann and Dobkowski, eds., Genocide and the Modern Age; and Chalk and Jonassohn, The History and Sociology of Genocide.

13. Noam Chomsky, “Intervention in Vietnam and Central America: Parallels and Differences,” in James Peck, ed., The Chomsky Reader (New York: Pantheon Books, 1987), p. 315.

14. Irving Abrahamson, ed., Against Silence: The Voice and Vision of Elie Wiesel (New York: Holocaust Library, 1985), Volume One, p. 33; for Wiesel on the uniqueness of the Jewish Holocaust, see Volume Three, p. 314.

15. Arno J. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken? The “Final Solution” in History, Expanded Edition (New York: Pantheon Books, 1990), p. 98.

16. John Toland, Adolf Hitler (New York: Doubleday and Company, 1976), p. 702. See also, Richard Rubenstein, “Afterword: Genocide and Civilization,” in Wallimann and Dobkowski, eds., Genocide and the Modern Age, p. 288.

17. Giulia Sissa, “Maidenhood Without Maidenhead: The Female Body in Ancient Greece,” in David M. Halperin, John J. Winkler, and Froma I. Zeitlin, eds., Before Sexuality: The Construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 346.

18. William Guthrie, ed. and trans., Cicero de Officiis; or, His Treatise Concerning the Moral Duties of Mankind (London: Lackington, Hughes, 1820), pp. 70–71.

19. Elaine Pagels, Adam, Eve, and the Serpent (New York: Random House, 1988), pp. 99, 145. Jacques le Goff is quoted in Peter Brown, The Body and Society: Men, Women and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988), p. 441.

20. Jo Ann McNamara, “Chaste Marriage and Clerical Celibacy,” in Vern L. Bullough and James Brundage, eds., Sexual Practices and the Medieval Church (Buffalo, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1982), pp. 22–33. See also, P.J. Payer, “Early Medieval Regulations Concerning Marital Sexual Relations,” Journal of Medieval History, 7 (1980), 370–71; and Jean-Louis Flandrin, “La vie sexuelle des gens mariés dans l’ancienne société,” Communications: Sexualités Occidentals, 35 (1982), pp. 102–105. I am grateful to the late Philippe Ariès for sending me a copy of this last reference.

21. See Peter Brown, “Person and Group in Judaism and Early Christianity,” in Paul Veyne, ed., A History of Private Life: From Pagan Rome to Byzantium (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), pp. 266–67.

22. Quoted in Aline Rousselle, Porneia: On Desire and the Body in Antiquity, translated by Felicia Pheasant (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988), p. 170.

23. Ibid., p. 150.

24. Ibid., pp. 151–52.

25. Quoted in Frederick Turner, Beyond Geography: The Western Spirit Against the Wilderness (New York: Viking Press, 1980), p. 75.

26. Rousselle, Porneia, p. 154–56.

27. Excerpted in Roland Bainton, Early Christianity (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1960), p. 153.

28. Henry Chadwick, The Early Church (London: Penguin Books, 1967), p. 180.

29. See Cyril C. Richardson, ed., Early Christian Fathers (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1953), pp. 74–120; and Saint Augustine, The City of God, translated by Marcus Dods (New York: Modern Library, 1950), pp. 22–32.

30. Quoted in Jean Delumeau, Sin and Fear: The Emergence of a Western Guilt Culture, 13th-18th Centuries, translated by Eric Nicholson (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1990), p. 14. In a different context I have treated the contemptus mundi tradition and its theological precursors in an earlier work: The Puritan Way of Death: A Study in Religion, Culture, and Social Change (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977), pp. 19–27.

31. Quoted in Delumeau, Sin and Fear, p. 15.

32. Ibid, p. 17.

33. Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium: Revolutionary Millenarians and Mystical Anarchists of the Middle Ages, Revised and Expanded Edition (New York: Oxford University Press, 1970), p. 127.

34. Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 209–10.

35. Ibid, pp. 214–15, 221.

36. loan P. Couliano, Eros and Magic in the Renaissance, translated by Margaret Cook (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), pp. 209–11; Hans Peter Duerr, Dreamtime: Concerning the Boundary between Wilderness and Civilization, translated by Felicitas Goodman (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985), pp. 52–55.

37. John Bromyard, Summa Predecantium, quoted in T.S.R. Boase, Death in the Middle Ages: Mortality, Judgment and Remembrance (London: Thames and Hudson, 1972), pp. 44–45.

38. Quoted in Philippe Braunstein, “Toward Intimacy: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries,” in Georges Duby, ed., A History of Private Life: Revelations of the Medieval World (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), pp. 603–606.

39. The best study of this subject focuses on France: Georges Vigarello, Concepts of Cleanliness: Changing Attitudes in France Since the Middle Ages, translated by Jean Birrell (New York: Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).

40. J.H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469–1716 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1964), p. 229.

41. See Leah Lydia Otis, Prostitution in Medieval Society: The History of an Urban Institution in Languedoc (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1985), pp. 25–45.

42. Duerr, Dreamtime, p. 55.

43. Couliano, Eros and Magic in the Renaissance, pp. 212–14. See also Couliano’s recent literature review, “A Corpus for the Body,” Journal of Modern History, 63 (1991), 61–80.

44. Couliano, Eros and Magic in the Renaissance, p. 214; Jeffrey Burton Russell, Witchcraft in the Middle Ages (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1972), pp. 94–95. On the relationship between sexuality and witchcraft in the Malleus and the Tratado, see Carol F. Karlsen, The Devil in the Shape of a Woman: Witchcraft in Colonial New England (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1987), pp. 155–59.

45. Norman Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons: An Inquiry Inspired by the Great Witch-Hunt (New York: Basic Books, 1975), pp. 101–102.

46. Quoted in Couliano, Eros and Magic in the Renaissance, p. 151.

47. Agostino Carracci did, it must be noted, also produce much more graphically sexual work that some might think borders on the pornographic. It was, however, suppressed—although even in this work he made an effort to connect with the mythical past: almost all Carracci’s happily coupling couples in these latter works are named Jupiter, Juno, Hercules, Deianira, and the like. For a discussion, see David O. Frantz, Festum Voluptatis: A Study of Renaissance Erotica (Columbus: Ohio State University Press, 1989), pp. 118–39.

48. Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea in America (New York: Schocken Books, 1965), pp. 3–16.

49. Kurt von Fritz, “The Influence of Ideas on Ancient Greek Historiography,” in Philip P. Wiener, ed., Dictionary of the History of Ideas (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1973), Volume II, pp. 499–511.

50. Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death: A Comparative Study (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), p. 178.

51. A. Bartlett Giamatti, The Earthly Paradise and the Renaissance Epic (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), p. 3.

52. Homer, The Odyssey, translated by Walter Shewring (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), p. 48.

53. Hesiod, Theogony and Works and Days, translated with an introduction by M.L. West (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), pp. 41–42.

54. Ibid., pp. 40–41.

55. Giamatti, Earthly Paradise and the Renaissance Epic, p. 20.

56. Hesiod, Theogony and Works and Days, pp. 43–44.

57. Ibid., p. 44.

58. Giamatti, Earthly Paradise and the Renaissance Epic, pp. 30, 32.

59. The best study of this subject, on which much of the present discussion draws, is John Block Friedman, The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981).

60. Ibid., pp. 34–36.

61. Quoted in ibid., pp. 91–92.

62. Quoted in ibid., p. 73.

63. Richard Bernheimer, Wild Men in the Middle Ages: A Study in Art, Sentiment, and Demonology (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952), p. 1.

64. Hayden White, “The Forms of Wildness: Archaeology of an Idea,” in Edward Dudley and Maximillian E. Novak, ed., The Wild Man Within: An Image of Western Thought from the Renaissance to Romanticism (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1972), p. 24; Russell, Witchcraft in the Middle Ages, p. 50. For more on this theme, see Bernheimer, Wild Men in the Middle Ages, pp. 121–75.

65. Alexander Heidel, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1949), p. 6.

66. Paul Zweig, The Adventurer (New York: Basic Books, 1974), pp. 64–65.

67. Ibid., p. 75; emphasis added.

68. Bernheimer, Wild Men in the Middle Ages, p. 19.

69. Turner, Beyond Geography, p. 205.

70. Quoted in E.M.Y. Tillyard, The Elizabethan World Picture (New York: Vintage Books, n.d.), pp. 26–27.

71. Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology, Revised Edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), p. 22.

72. Quoted in Arthur O. Love joy, The Great Chain of Being: A Study in the History of an Idea (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936), p. 80.

73. White, “The Forms of Wildness,” p. 14.

74. The classic brief statement on Christianity’s negative view of nature is Lynn White, “The Historical Roots of Our Ecologic Crisis,” Science, 155 (March, 1967), 1203–1207.

75. Ulrich Mauser, Christ in the Wilderness (London: SCM Press, 1963), p. 97.

76. David R. Williams, Wilderness Lost: The Religious Origins of the American Mind (London: Associated Universities Presses, 1987), pp. 26–27.

77. Ibid., p. 29.

78. For some provocative thoughts on this, though painted with an overly broad and orthodox Freudian brush, see Brigid Brophy, Black Ship to Hell (New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, 1962), esp. pp. 193–95.

79. See Cohn, Europe’s Inner Demons, pp. 1–15.

80. R. Po-Chia Hsia, The Myth of Ritual Murder: Jews and Magic in Reformation Germany (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988), pp. 2–5.

81. Hugh J. Schonfield, According to the Hebrews: A New Translation of the Jewish Life of Jesus (the Toldoth Jeshu) with an Inquiry into the Nature of its Sources and Special Relationship to the Lost Gospel According to the Hebrews (London: Duckworth, 1937).

82. Anna Sapir Abulafia, “Invectives Against Christianity in the Hebrew Chronicles of the First Crusade,” in Peter W. Edbury, ed., Crusade and Settlement: Papers Read at the First Conference of the Society of the Crusades and the Latin East (Cardiff: University College Cardiff Press, 1985), pp. 66–67.

83. See Jacob Katz, Exclusiveness and Tolerance: Jewish-Gentile Relations in Medieval and Modern Times (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961), p. 89.

84. Abulafia, “Invectives Against Christianity,” p. 70.

85. Raul Hilberg, The Destruction of the European Jews (Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1961), pp. 3–4.

86. Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, p. 69. On the crusaders’ ignorance of canon law and related matters, see Jonathan Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading (London: The Athlone Press, 1986), pp. 50–57.

87. “The Chronicle of Solomon bar Simson,” in Shlomo Eidelberg, ed. and trans., The Jews and the Crusaders: The Hebrew Chronicles of the First and Second Crusades (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1977), pp. 28, 33, 35, 43.

88. Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, p. 69.

89. Bainton, Early Christianity, pp. 52–55; cf., David Little, “‘Holy War’ Appeals and Western Christianity: A Reconsideration of Bainton’s Approach,” in John Kelsay and James Turner Johnson, eds., Just War and Jihad: Historical and Theoretical Perspectives on War and Peace in Western and Islamic Traditions (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1991), pp. 124–25.

90. James Turner Johnson, “Historical Roots and Sources of the Just War Tradition in Western Culture,” in Kelsay and Johnson, eds., Just War and Jihad, p. 7.

91. Frederick H. Russell, The Just War in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975), pp. 19–20; see Little, “‘Holy War’ Appeals and Western Christianity,” p. 126.

92. The classic study on this subject is Carl Erdmann’s 1935 Die Entstehung des Kreuzzugsgedankens, translated as The Origin of the Idea of Crusade by Marshall W. Baldwin and Walter Goffart (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1977). See especially, pp. 4–32, 105–108.

93. See Riley-Smith, The First Crusade and the Idea of Crusading for discussion, pp. 84–85.

94. Amin Maalouf, The Crusades Through Arab Eyes, translated by Jon Rothschild (London: Al Saqi Books, 1984), pp. 48–49.

95. Quoted in Turner, Beyond Geography, p. 79.

96. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?, pp. 24–25; Roland Bainton, Christian Attitudes Toward War and Peace: A Historical Survey and Critical Reevaluation (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1960), p. 112.

97. James A. Brundage, “Prostitution, Miscegenation, and Sexual Purity in the First Crusade,” in Edbury, ed., Crusade and Settlement, p. 58. On pride as another sin responsible for defeat, see Elizabeth Siberry, Criticism of Crusading, 1095–1274 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985), pp. 99–101; Siberry also discusses the perceived relationship between sexual behavior and defeat, pp. 45–46, 102–103.

98. Brundage, “Prostitution, Miscegenation, and Sexual Purity,” pp. 60–61.

99. Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, p. 87.

100. Moses I. Finley, “Was Greek Civilization Based on Slave Labor?” in Moses I. Finley, ed., Slavery in Classical Antiquity: Views and Controversies (Cambridge: W. Heffer & Sons, 1968), pp. 58–59.

101. Keith R. Bradley, “On the Roman Slave Supply and Slavebreeding,” in Moses I. Finley, ed., Classical Slavery (London: Frank Cass & Co., 1987), p. 42.

102. John Boswell, The Kindness of Strangers: The Abandonment of Children in Western Europe from Late Antiquity to the Renaissance (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988), pp. 71, 75.

103. David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1966), p. 38.

104. David Brion Davis, Slavery and Human Progress (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. 55.

105. Charles Verlinden, The Beginnings of Modern Colonization: Eleven Essays with an Introduction, translated by Yvonne Freccero (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1970), p. 39.

106. Boswell, Kindness of Strangers, pp. 405–406.

107. Patterson, Slavery and Social Death, p. 171; Verlinden, Beginnings of Modern Colonization, p. 94; Charles Verlinden, “Medieval ‘Slavers,’” in David Herlihy, Robert Lopez, and Vsevolod Slessarev, eds., Economy, Society, and Government in Medieval Italy: Essays in Memory of Robert L. Reynolds (Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press, 1969), p. 7; Davis, Problem of Slavery in Western Culture, p. 61.

108. Elliott, Imperial Spain, p. 95. On the special dress requirements for Muslims and Jews, and the penalties for sexual liaisons with Christians, see Elena Lourie, “Anatomy of Ambivalence: Muslims Under the Crown of Aragon in the Late Thirteenth Century,” in Lourie, Crusade and Colonisation: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Medieval Aragon (Hampshire: Variorum, 1990), pp. 54–56.

109. Cecil Roth, “Marranos and Racial Anti-Semitism—A Study in Parallels,” Jewish Social Studies, 2 (1940), 239–48.

110. See Stephen Haliczer, “The Jew as Witch: Displaced Aggression and the Myth of the Santo Niño de La Guardia,” in Mary Elizabeth Perry and Anne J. Cruz, eds., Cultural Encounters: The Impact of the Inquisition in Spain and the New World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), pp. 150–53. The story of Christobalico is only one example among many of the common Christian “blood libel” at that time of charging that Jews had crucified children to mock the crucifixion of Christ. For discussion, see L. Sinanoglou, “The Christ Child as Sacrifice,” Speculum, 43 (1973), 491–509; and, for an early variation on the theme, see Elena Lourie, “A Plot Which Failed? The Case of the Corpse Found in the Jewish Call of Barcelona (1301),” Mediterranean Historical Review, 1 (1986), 187–220.

111. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?, pp. 459, 461.

112. Stephan L. Chorover, From Genesis to Genocide: The Meaning of Human Nature and the Power of Behavior Control (Cambridge: The MIT Press, 1979), pp. 80–81, 100–101.

113. Richard L. Rubenstein, The Cunning of History: The Holocaust and the American Future (New York: Harper & Row, 1978), passim.

114. Lucien Febvre and Henri-Jean Martin, The Coming of the Book: The Impact of Printing, 1450–1800, translated by David Gerard and edited by Geoffrey Nowell-Smith and David Wootton (London: N.L.B., 1984), p. 186.

115. Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Later Middle Ages: A Study in Joachimism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), pp. 259, 430–31.

116. Ibid., p. 305.

117. Leonard I. Sweet, “Christopher Columbus and the Millennial Vision of the New World,” The Catholic Historical Review, 72 (1986), 373. The source of Columbus’s claim that Joachim of Fiore had said that “he who will restore the ark of Zion will come from Spain,” has long puzzled students of the subject. For discussion, and the identification of Arnold of Villanova, see John Leddy Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, Revised Edition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), pp. 22, 134–35; and Pauline Moffitt Watts, “Prophecy and Discovery: On the Spiritual Origins of Christopher Columbus’s ‘Enterprise of the Indies,’” American Historical Review, 90 (1985), 94–95.

118. Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of the Expansion of Christianity (New York: Harper & Row, 1940), Volume Three, p. 2; quoted in Phelan, Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans, p. 27.

119. Probably the best account of the trial and execution of John Huss remains that of Henry Charles Lea in The Inquisition of the Middle Ages, available in a single volume edition abridged by Margaret Nicholson (New York: Macmillan, 1961), pp. 475–522.

120. Ibid., p. 568.

121. Quoted in Philip Ziegler, The Black Death (New York: Harper & Row, 1971), pp. 270–71.

122. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World System, I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (London: Academic Press, 1974), p. 80. On inflation, see Fernand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), Volume One, pp. 516–21; and J.H. Elliott, The Old World and the New, 1492–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), p. 62.

123. Wallerstein, Modern World System, I, pp. 21–22.

124. L. S. Stavrianos, Global Rift: The Third World Comes of Age (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1981), pp. 86–87.

125. Amidst a vast and growing literature on this topic, two older overviews remain especially helpful: Kenelm Burridge, New Heaven, New Earth: A Study of Millenarian Activities (New York: Schocken Books, 1969), and Michael Barkun, Disaster and the Millennium (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1974).

126. Quoted in Cohn, Pursuit of the Millennium, p. 239.

127. Barbara B. Diefendorf, Beneath the Cross: Catholics and Huguenots in Sixteenth-Century Paris (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 102–103.

128. Quoted in Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?, p. 22.

129. Elliott, Imperial Spain, p. 49.

130. “Royal Decree Ordering the Suspension of Judicial Proceedings Against Criminals, Provided they Ship with Columbus, 30 April 1492,” in Samuel Eliot Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (New York: The Heritage Press, 1963), pp. 33–34.

131. The most detailed study of Columbus’s crews on the first voyage—literally the scholarly labor of a lifetime—is Alice Bache Gould, Nueva lista documentada de los tripulantes de Colón en 1492, edited by José de la Peña y Camara (Madrid, 1984), and discussed in John Noble Wilford, The Mysterious History of Columbus: An Exploration of the Man, the Myth, the Legacy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991), pp. 115–26.

132. “The Journal of the First Voyage,” in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, pp. 48–49.

Chapter Six

1. The Libro de las Profecías of Christopher Columbus, translation and commentary by Delno C. West and August King (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1991), pp. 24, 109.

2. Pauline Moffitt Watts, “Prophecy and Discovery: On the Spiritual Origins of Christopher Columbus’s ‘Enterprise to the Indies,’” American Historical Review, 90 (1985), 82–83.

3. Ibid., p. 87.

4. Libro de las Profecías, p. 24; Watts, “Prophecy and Discovery,” 88; Samuel Eliot Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (New York: The Heritage Press, 1963), pp. 22–23.

5. Libro de las Profecías, p. 109.

6. John Leddy Phelan, The Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New World, Revised Edition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970), p. 22.

7. For a list of Columbus’s known readings, see Libro de las Profecías, pp. 24–25. On Mandeville’s Travels, see the discussion in Mary B. Campbell, The Witness and the Other World: Exotic European Travel Writing, 400–1600 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1988), esp. pp. 122–61.

8. “Columbus’s Letter to the Sovereigns on His First Voyage, 15 February—4 March 1493,” and “Journal of the First Voyage,” in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, pp. 88, 185. In considering the veracity of Columbus’s claim that the natives had told him this, it is important to note not only that the Spaniards and the Indians spoke mutually unintelligible languages but that the Indians could not have described creatures as having heads like dogs, because they had never seen any dogs and would not see any until Columbus’s second voyage.

9. See Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians: A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1959), pp. 130–31, note 14; W. Arens, The Man-Eating Myth: Anthropology and Anthropophagy (New York: Oxford University Press, 1979), pp. 44–54; and R.A. Myers, “Island Carib Cannibalism,” Nieuwe West-Indische Gids, 58 (1984), 147–84. The easy assumption (with no good evidence) of widespread cannibalism among native peoples serves the same political function among accusers as does the charge of wholesale infanticide and other allegedly savage traits. I have discussed this phenomenon in “Recounting the Fables of Savagery: Native Infanticide and the Functions of Political Myth,” Journal of American Studies, 25 (1991), 381–418.

10. “Columbus’s Letter to the Sovereigns on the Third Voyage,” in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, pp. 286–87.

11. Ibid., p. 286.

12. Germán Arciniegas, America in Europe: A History of the New World in Reverse, translated by Gabriela Arciniegas and R. Victoria Arana (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1986), pp. 44–45.

13. Leonard I. Sweet, “Christopher Columbus and the Millennial Vision of the New World,” The Catholic Historical Review, 72 (1986), 375–76, 378.

14. “Journal of the First Voyage,” in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, p. 93.

15. Ibid., p. 48.

16. France V. Scholes, “The Spanish Conqueror as a Business Man: A Chapter in the History of Fernando Cortés,” New Mexico Quarterly, 28 (1958), 26. For a convenient and insightful treatment of the rise of individualism in the fifteenth century, see Philippe Braunstein, “Toward Intimacy: The Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries,” in Georges Duby, ed., A History of Private Life, II: Revelations of the Medieval World, translated by Arthur Goldhammer (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1988), esp. pp. 554–83.

17. “Journal of the First Voyage,” in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, pp. 65–67.

18. Ibid., pp. 69, 86; Leonardo Olschki, “What Columbus Saw on Landing in the West Indies,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 84 (1941), 656.

19. Ibid., 655.

20. “Columbus’s Memorial to the Sovereigns on Colonial Policy, April 1493,” in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, pp. 199–200.

21. Ibid., pp. 200–201.

22. “Michele de Cuneo’s Letter on the Second Voyage, 28 October 1495,” in ibid., pp. 214–15.

23. Ibid., p. 215.

24. Ibid.

25. Robert L. O’Connell, Of Arms and Men: A History of War, Weapons, and Aggression (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 95–96.

26. “Michele de Cuneo’s Letter,” in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, p. 220.

27. “Letter of Dr. Chanca, written to the City of Seville,” in Cecil Jane, ed., Select Documents Illustrating the Four Voyages of Columbus (London: Hakluyt Society, 1930), Volume One, pp. 52, 70.

28. Andrés Bernáldez, “History of the Catholic Sovereigns, Don Ferdinand and Dona Isabella,” ibid., pp. cxlvii, 118, 124.

29. “Columbus’s Letter to the Sovereigns,” in Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents, p. 186.

30. “Syllacio’s Letter to the Duke of Milan, 13 December 1494,” ibid., pp. 236, 244.

31. Ibid., p. 245.

32. Quoted in Benjamin Keen, ed., Readings in Latin-American Civilization, 1492 to the Present (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1955), p. 78; and Tzvetan Todorov, The Conquest of America: The Question of the Other, translated by Richard Howard (New York: Harper & Row, 1984), p. 151.

33. Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians, p. 4; Stanley L. Robe, “Wild Men and Spain’s Brave New World,” in Edward Dudley and Maximillian E. Novak, eds., The Wild Man Within: An Image in Western Thought from the Renaissance to Romanticism (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1972), p. 44.

34. J.H. Elliott, The Old World and the New, 1492–1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972), pp. 43–44.

35. David Brion Davis, Slavery and Human Progress (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984), p. 55; Elena Lourie, “Anatomy of Ambivalence: Muslims under the Crown of Aragon in the Late Thirteenth Century,” in Lourie, Crusade and Colonisation: Muslims, Christians, and Jews in Medieval Aragon (Hampshire: Variorum, 1990), p. 53.

36. David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966), p. 101. Although this decision by the Priors of Florence was particularly telling, it is worth noting that in Spain a century earlier Islamic converts to Christianity continued to suffer unique indignities—such as being referred to disdainfully as baptisats—and they remained vulnerable to enslavement. See Lourie, “Anatomy of Ambivalence,” p. 71.

37. Quoted in Elena Lourie, “A Society Organised for War: Medieval Spain,” Past and Present, 35 (1966), 73; emphasis added.

38. C.R. Boxer, Two Pioneers of Tropical Medicine: Garcia d’Orta and Nicolas Monardes. Diamante, Volume 14 (London: The Hispanic and Luso-Brazilian Councils, 1963), p. 11; quoted in Joseph H. Silverman, “On Knowing Other Peoples’ Lives, Inquisitorially and Artistically,” in Mary Elizabeth Perry and Anne J. Cruz, Cultural Encounters: The Impact of the Inquisition in Spain and the New World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 161. The fifteenth- and sixteenth-century history of the doctrine of limpieza de sangre is discussed briefly but insightfully in J.H. Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469–1716 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1964), pp. 95, 212–17 and Ronald Sanders, Lost Tribes and Promised Lands: The Origins of Racism (Boston: Little, Brown, 1978), pp. 70–73.

39. Thomas F. Gossett, Race: The History of an Idea in America (New York: Schocken Books, 1965), p. 15.

40. See Anthony Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man: The American Indian and the Origins of Comparative Ethnology, Revised Edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), pp. 38–39, 47–50.

41. Lewis Hanke, Aristotle and the Americans: A Study in Race Prejudice in the Modern World (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1959), p. 47; Don Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas, In Defense of the Indians, translated and edited by Stafford Poole (DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1974), pp. 37–42.

42. Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians, p. 65.

43. Ibid., p. 74.

44. Quoted in Pagden, The Fall of Natural Man, p. 104.

45. Quoted in Lewis Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1965), p. 11.

46. John H. Elliott, “Renaissance Europe and America: A Blunted Impact?” in Fredi Chiappelli, Michael J.B. Allen, and Robert L. Benson, eds., First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), Volume One, p. 15.

47. Hugh Honour, The New Golden Land: European Images of America from the Discoveries to the Present Time (New York: Pantheon Books, 1975), pp. 53–55.

48. Elliott, Imperial Spain, p. 215.

49. Stanley G. Payne, A History of Spain and Portugal (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1973), Volume One, p. 281.

50. Kirkpatrick Sale, The Conquest of Paradise: Christopher Columbus and the Columbian Legacy (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990), pp. 180–81.

51. Ralph Davis, The Rise of the Atlantic Economies (London: Weidenfeld and Nicoloson, 1973), pp. 40–41.

52. Ibid., pp. 41–42.

53. Earl J. Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1934), p. 34. Hamilton’s figures are presented in pesos of 450 maravedis; they are converted to ducats (375 maravedis) by Elliott, Imperial Spain, p. 175.

54. Payne, History of Spain and Portugal, p. 283; Davis, Rise of the Atlantic Economies, p. 68; William McNeill, The Pursuit of Power: Technology, Armed Force, and Society Since A.D. 1000 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), p. 109; Charles Wilson, The Transformation of Europe, 1558–1648 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), p. 136.

55. Immanuel Wallerstein, The Modern World-System, I: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (New York: Academic Press, 1974), p. 179.

56. Gaspar de Espinosa’s fortune is mentioned in Elliott, The Old World and the New, p. 67; “Harvest of Blood” is the title O’Connell gives to his chapter on the sixteenth century in Of Arms and Men, pp. 124–47.

57. O’Connell, Of Arms and Men, p. 132.

58. Ibid., p. 133.

59. Henri de la Popelinière, Les Trois Mondes (Paris, 1582), quoted in Elliott, The Old World and the New, p. 83.

60. Quoted in Todorov, Conquest of America, pp. 150–51.

61. There is a substantial literature on the New World Inquisition. The best and most recent review of it is by a pioneer in the subject area, Richard E. Greenleaf, “Historiography of the Mexican Inquisition: Evolution of Interpretations and Methodologies,” in Perry and Cruz, eds., Cultural Encounters, pp. 248–76. Two other essays in this same volume, which come to conflicting opinions on certain points, deserve attention as well: J. Jorge Klor de Alva, “Colonizing Souls: The Failure of the Indian Inquisition and the Rise of Penitential Discipline,” pp. 3–22; and Roberto Moreno de los Arcos, “New Spain’s Inquisition for Indians from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Century,” pp. 23–36.

62. Charles L.G. Anderson, Life and Letters of Vasco Nuñez de Balboa, Including the Conquest and Settlement of Darien and Panama (New York: Fleming H. Revell, 1941), pp. 163–65. On the matter of alleged Indian traits and brutishness generally, see Anthony Pagden, “The Forbidden Food: Francisco de Vitoria and José de Acosta on Cannibalism,” Terrae Incognitae, 13 (1981), 17–29.

63. Hanke, The Spanish Struggle for Justice in the Conquest of America, pp. 12, 122; Phelan, Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans, pp. 94–95.

64. Toribio Motolinía, quoted in Alfred W. Crosby, Jr., The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492 (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1972), p. 52.

65. See Chapter Five, p. 166.

66. Quoted in Phelan, Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans, p. 93.

67. Juan de Matienzo, Gobierno del Perú, edited by Guillermo Lohmann Villena (Paris-Lima, 1967), p. 1618; quoted in J.H. Elliott, “The Discovery of America and the Discovery of Man,” Proceedings of the British Academy, 58 (1972), 108–109. It is worth noting that Elliott also points out in this essay (p. 108, note 3) that dark skin as both a negative and an immutable condition was an idea hardly original with Matienzo; among others, Francisco López de Gómara had put forward similar arguments at a much earlier date.

68. Noble David Cook, Demographic Collapse: Indian Peru, 1520–1620 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 114.

69. For more detailed discussion of this matter, see Appendix Two, pp. 269–78.

70. Winthrop D. Jordan, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550–1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968), p. 98.

71. Wallerstein, Modern World System, J, p. 271.

72. L.S. Stavrianos, Global Rift: The Third World Comes of Age (New York: William Morrow and Company, 1981), pp. 95–98.

73. See Harold A. Innis, The Cod Fisheries: The History of an International Economy (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1940).

74. Wallerstein, Modern World System I, pp. 225, 230–31.

75. Davis, Rise of the Atlantic Economies, p. 211.

76. Edmund S. Morgan, American SlaveryAmerican Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1975), p. 17.

77. Eileen McCracken, “The Woodlands of Ireland circa 1600,” Irish Historical Studies, 11 (1959), 271–96.

78. See the essays “Ireland as Terra Florida” and “The Theory and Practice of Acculturation: Ireland in a Colonial Context,” by Nicholas Canny in his Kingdom and Colony: Ireland in the Atlantic World, 1560–1800 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1988), esp. pp. 19, 36–37. Emphasis added.

79. Ibid., p. 53.

80. Ibid., p. 66. See also, Nicholas Canny, “Identity Formation in Ireland: The Emergence of the Anglo-Irish,” in Nicholas Canny and Anthony Pagden, eds., Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World, 1500–1800 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987), pp. 159–212.

81. Frantz Fanon, Black Skin, White Masks, translated by Charles Lam Markmann (New York: Grove Press, 1967), p. 115.

82. Loren E. Pennington, “The Amerindian in English Promotional Literature, 1575–1625,” in K.R. Andrews, N.P. Canny, and P.E.H. Hair, eds., The Westward Enterprise: English Activities in Ireland, the Atlantic, and America, 1480–1650 (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1979), p. 180.

83. See Margaret T. Hodgen, Early Anthropology in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964), p. 409.

84. Pennington, “The Amerindian in English Promotional Literature,” p. 183.

85. Quoted in Arthur O. Lovejoy, The Great Chain of Being: A Study in the History of an Idea (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1936), p. 145.

86. Ibid., p. 184.

87. Keith Thomas, Man and the Natural World: A History of the Modern Sensibility (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983), p. 134.

88. Joseph François Lafitau, Customs of the American Indians Compared with the Customs of Primitive Times, edited and translated by William N. Fenton and Elizabeth L. Moore (Toronto: The Champlain Society, 1974). The illustration is on plate 3, between pages 72 and 73 in Volume One; for discussion, see Volume Two, pp. 278–79.

89. In David B. Quinn, ed., The Roanoke Voyages, 1584–1590 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1955), Volume One, pp. 108, 110.

90. Ibid., p. 191.

91. Robert Gray, A Good Speed to Virginia (London, 1609), n.p.

92. Edward Waterhouse, A Declaration of the State of the Colony and Affaires in Virginia (London, 1622), pp. 30–31. For other examples of Spanish influence on British thinking regarding the nature and colonization of indigenous peoples, see Nicholas P. Canny, “The Ideology of English Colonization from Ireland to America,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, 30 (1973), 593–95.

93. Bernadette Bucher, Icon and Conquest: A Structural Analysis of the Illustrations of de Bry’s Great Voyages, translated by Basia Miller Gulati (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), pp. 142–44.

94. Michel de Montaigne, “Of Cannibals,” in The Complete Essays of Montaigne, translated by Donald M. Frame (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1958), p. 220.

95. John Higham, “Indian Princess and Roman Goddess: The First Female Symbols of America,” Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, 100 (1990), 48.

96. See, for example, Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Settling with the Indians: The Meeting of English and Indian Cultures in America, 1580–1640 (Totowa, N.J.: Rowman and Littlefield, 1980), esp. pp. 169–88; and Alden T. Vaughan, “From White Man to Redskin: Changing Anglo-American Perceptions of the American Indian,” American Historical Review, 87 (1982), 917–53.

97. One writer (Karen Ordahl Kupperman, in Settling With the Indians, op. cit.) makes much of the point that those Englishmen who were most likely to have favorable things to say about the Indians were those who actually spent time with them. While the observation is correct, the conclusion that she draws from it—that among those Englishmen who settled in America racism was a later seventeenthcentury development—is completely unfounded. For while it may well be that a higher proportion of those who visited America became friendlier to the notion of Indians as potential equals than were those who stayed in England (a common and predictable phenomenon) in both cases the proportion holding positive views of the natives was infinitesimal. Through the early years of the seventeenth century the number of Englishmen who lived in North America never numbered more than several hundred (as late as 1625 it still was less than 1500), while the population of Britain, where the dominant ideology was being molded, was about 5,000,000. Thus, even accepting Kupperman’s premise without question—that in the early years of exploration and settlement, within the very small group of Englishmen who actually lived in North America, there was a minority (that did not include those who held important leadership positions) who had favorable impressions of the Indians—the observation best serves to provide a relative few exceptions who prove the rule. And that in part explains, for example, the confused statement of one of the first Jamestown settlers that the Indians “are naturally given to trechery, howbeit we could not finde it in our travell up the river, but rather a most kind and loving people.” [Anonymous (Gabriel Archer?), “A Breif discription of the People,” in Philip L. Barbour, ed., The Jamestown Voyages Under the First Charter, 1606–1609 (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1969), Volume One, pp. 103–104.] The realities of Indian society were forcing on this writer a befuddled reconsideration of what he—and millions of other Englishmen—had been taught for nearly a century. But he was only one among multitudes, and the others were not having similar second thoughts. On another small point, Kupperman claims (p. 40) that the British did not associate the Indians with the wild men of European cultural tradition (despite her own quoting of such comments as Robert Johnson’s assertion in 1609 that the Indians were “wild and savage people, they live and lie up and down in troupes like heards of Deare in a Forrest: they have no law but nature, their apparell skinnes of beasts, but most goe naked”) because, says Kupperman, “the Indian was depicted as being less hairy than Europeans,” whereas the traditional image of the wild man was that “he was covered with a coat of hair.” Again, the simple observation is correct, but not the conclusion drawn from it—for what Kupperman is doing here is insisting that informal sixteenth- and seventeenth-century folk knowledge meet the strict consistency criteria of the modern academic. Popular racist thought, however, invariably confounds such finicky maxims, as with the extreme and inconsistent anti-Semitic charge that Jews are both inferior sub-human beings (even “vermin” in certain versions) and enormously intelligent, powerful, and wily leaders of world-wide conspiracies. Clearly, the Indians’ comparative lack of body hair was no impediment to British and other European commentators four and five hundred years ago who regarded the New World’s indigenous people as brutes in the manner of—but not necessarily identical with—the creatures described in their own classic literature. Nor should it be an impediment to our understanding—evident in an immense body of data—of the brutal and racist ways in which the Europeans, including the British, viewed and treated the Indians.

98. Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, Enlarged Edition (New York: Free Press, 1968), pp. 474, 477.

99. Cotton Mather, quoted in John Canup, Out of the Wilderness: The Emergence of an American Identity in New England (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1990), p. 79.

100. Richard Slotkin, Regeneration Through Violence: The Mythology of the American Frontier (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1973), p. 132.

101. Quoted in Philip Greven, The Protestant Temperament: Patterns of Child-Rearing, Religious Experience, and the Self in Early America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1977), p. 68.

102. Frederick Crews, The Sins of the Fathers: Hawthorne’s Psychological Themes (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), p. 19. This insightful work, originally published in 1966, must be read in this most recent edition as it contains an important Afterword by the author addressing the excesses of its psychoanalytic approach. Greven, Protestant Temperament, pp. 110, 121. Emphasis added. Greven subsequently has pursued these themes across the Protestant American historical experience, up to and including the present. See Philip Greven, Spare the Child: The Religious Roots of Punishment and the Psychological Impact of Physical Abuse (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991), esp. pp. 60–72.

103. Davis, Problem of Slavery in Western Culture, p. 337.

104. Benjamin Wadsworth, “The Nature of Early Piety as it Respects God,” in A Course of Sermons on Early Piety (Boston, 1721), p. 10.

105. On the fear of contamination, see Canup, Out of the Wilderness, pp. 155–56, 169–72. See also, Slotkin, Regeneration Through Violence, pp. 116–45. On aversive attitudes of the British colonists toward Indian-European sexual encounters, including the examples cited, see Michael Zuckerman, “Identity in British America: Unease in Eden,” in Canny and Pagden, eds., Colonial Identity in the Atlantic World, esp. pp. 145–47.

106. R.H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism (New York: New American Library, 1954), pp. 35, 125–26.

107. Hanke, Aristotle and the American Indians, p. 47; Thomas, Man and the Natural World, p. 31.

108. The quotation from More’s Utopia is also cited in Wilcomb E. Washburn, “The Moral and Legal Justifications for Dispossessing the Indians,” in James Morton Smith, ed., Seventeenth-Century America: Essays in Colonial History (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1972), p. 24; Luther is quoted in Richard Schlatter, Private Property: The History of an Idea (New York: Russell & Russell, 1973), p. 88.

109. Schlatter, Private Property, p. 89.

110. John Locke, Two Treatises of Government, ed. Peter Laslett (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960), section 32.

111. C.B. Macpherson, The Political Theory of Possessive Individualism: Hobbes to Locke (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1962), pp. 261–62.

112. Edmund S. Morgan, American Slavery—American Freedom: The Ordeal of Colonial Virginia (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1975), p. 381.

113. See Schlatter, Private Property, pp. 77–123.

114. Thomas More, Utopia, edited by Edward Surtz (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964), p. 76.

115. See Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975), pp. 82, 135–38.

116. R.C. [Robert Cushman?], “Reasons and Considerations Touching Upon the Lawfulness of Removing Out of England into the Parts of America,” Collections of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Second Series, 9 (1832), 69–70.

117. John Winthrop, “Reasons to be Considered, and Objections with Answers,” reprinted in Edmund S. Morgan, ed., The Founding of Massachusetts: Historians and the Sources (Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1964), p. 175. Regarding the apocalyptic beliefs of these early settlers, the leading minister and religious thinker among the first Massachusetts colonists was John Cotton, who delivered a series of highly influential sermons during the 1630s and 1640s that not only announced the imminent coming of the end of the world but even pinpointed the date—1655. See John Cotton, An Exposition Upon the Thirteenth Chapter of the Revelation (London, 1655), first distributed in 1639 or 1640. For discussion, see Everett H. Emerson, John Cotton (New York: Twayne, 1965), pp. 95–101; Larzer Ziff, The Career of John Cotton (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1962), pp. 170–202; and, more generally, J.F. Maclear, “New England and the Fifth Monarchy: The Quest for the Millennium in Early American Puritanism,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, 32 (1975), 223–60.

118. Winthrop, “Reasons to be Considered,” pp. 177–78.

119. Roger Williams, A Key into the Language of America (1643), quoted in William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 1983), p. 60.

120. Bartolomé de Las Casas, The Devastation of the Indies: A Brief Account, translated by Herma Briffault (New York: Seabury Press, 1974), p. 41. By 1720 the combined white populations of the various British colonies was approximately 400,000, according to U.S. Census Bureau figures reprinted in The Statistical History of the United States from Colonial Times to the Present (Stamford, Conn.: Fairfield Publishers, 1965), p. 756, Series Z 1–19. As noted earlier (Chapter Three, note 127), the comparable figure after more than a century of Spanish settlement in the New World was probably about 200,000, although it may have been less than that in view of the heavy return traffic; one study, for example, contends that an average of about 6000 Spaniards per decade left the New World and returned to Spain between 1550 and 1650. [Theopolis Fair, “The Indiano During the Spanish Golden Age from 1550 to 1650” (Doctoral dissertation, Temple University, 1972), p. 75.] Moreover, unlike the British colonists, most of the Spanish migration to the Americas for more than a century was overwhelmingly young, single, male, and impoverished. Magnus Mörner has demonstrated that the Spanish migrants were 95 percent male through 1540, while Peter Boyd-Bowman has shown that even after a century of migration, two of three Spanish settlers were male. Indeed, here is Boyd-Bowman’s “composite picture” of the “typical . . . Spanish emigrant” near the start of the seventeenth century: “a poverty-stricken Andalusian male aged 27Image, unmarried, unskilled, and probably only semi-literate, driven by hunger to make his way to Peru in the employ of any man who would pay his passage and had secured the necessary permit.” [See Magnus Mörner, “Spanish Migration to the New World Prior to 1810: A Report on the State of Research,” in Chiappelli, Allen, and Benson, eds., First Images of America, Volume Two, p. 744; and Peter Boyd-Bowman, “Spanish Emigrants to the Indies, 1595–98: A Profile,” in ibid., pp. 729, 732.] Letters home from these men—both conquistadors and ostensible settlers—show that they shared a common goal: as James Lockhart puts it, “practically all [Spanish] settlers originally intended to return [home], and . . . the maximum ambition for all, regardless of how often it could be realized, was a seigneurial existence in Spain.” [James Lockhart, “Letters and People to Spain,” in ibid., pp. 795–96, note 28.] One example of the success rate for those desiring to return, which may or may not have been typical, shows that of the men who followed Pizarro to Peru—approximately 80 percent of whom have been accounted for—fully half are known to have returned to Spain to live out their lives. [James Lockhart, The Men of Cajamarca: A Social and Biographical Study of the First Conquerors of Peru (Austin: University of Texas Press for the Institute of Latin American Studies, 1972), p. 47, Table 12.] In contrast, not only were a much greater proportion of the seventeenth-century English colonists females and married males, but servants tended to remain in the colonies following the completion of their indentures, and even English servants in Barbados, when they achieved their freedom, tended to head for Virginia or other North American colonies rather than return to England. [See Morgan, American SlaveryAmerican Freedom, pp. 298–99.] It is true that some of the earliest Massachusetts Bay colonists planned at some time to return to England, but that hope ended for most within a decade or two with the outbreak in England of civil war. [For discussion, see William L. Sachse, The Colonial American in Britain (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1956).]

121. See Anthony Pagden, Spanish Imperialism and the Political Imagination: Studies in European and Spanish-American Social and Political Theory, 1513–1830 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), esp. pp. 16–33; another version of this analysis is the same author’s essay, “Dispossessing the Barbarian: The Language of Spanish Thomism and the Debate over the Property Rights of the American Indians,” in Anthony Pagden, ed., The Languages of Political Theory in Early-Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), pp. 79–98.

122. Quoted in David Beers Quinn, Set Fair for Roanoke: Voyages and Colonies, 1584–1606 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1985), pp. 228–30; see also, Karen Ordahl Kupperman, Roanoke: The Abandoned Colony (Totowa, N.J.: Rowman & Allanheld, 1984), pp. 62–63.

123. William Bradford, Of Plymouth Plantation, ed. Samuel Eliot Morison (New York: Modern Library, 1967), pp. 270–71; Canup, Out of the Wilderness, pp. 21, 30.

124. Cotton Mather, Magnolia Christi Americana, ed. Kenneth B. Murdock (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1977), p. 129; second passage quoted in Forrest G. Wood, The Arrogance of Faith: Christianity and Race in America from the Colonial Era to the Twentieth Century (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1990), p. 262.

125. Canup, Out of the Wilderness, p. 77.

126. Mather, Magnalia Christi Americana, p. 89.

127. There is a good deal of literature on this, but see especially the following: Neal E. Salisbury, “Red Puritans: The ‘Praying Indians’ of Massachusetts Bay and John Eliot,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, 31 (1974), 27–54; James P. Ronda, “‘We Are Well As We Are’: An Indian Critique of Seventeenth-Century Christian Missions,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, 34 (1977), 65–82; Gary B. Nash, “Perspectives on the History of Seventeenth-Century Missionary Activity in Colonial America,” Terrae Incognitae, 11 (1979), 19–27; and Zuckerman, “Identity in British America,” esp. pp. 147–48.

128. Sacvan Bercovitch, The Puritan Origins of the American Self (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1975), p. 141.

129. Ibid., pp. 141–43.

130. From Inaugural Addresses of the Presidents of the United States (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1965), p. 13.

131. Quoted in Ronald T. Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in 19th-century America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 103. It is not incidental to Jefferson’s willingness to exterminate Indians that at about this same time he was devising a plan to ship the nation’s African Americans back to Africa. When this turned out to be excessively expensive, he proposed taking black infants away from their parents (each black baby he calculated to be worth $22.50) and shipping them back, leaving the adult African American population to die out “naturally.” On the matter of the morality of forcibly removing an entire race of children from their parents (itself an act of genocide, so the United Nations later would decide), Jefferson acknowledged that it “would produce some scruples of humanity. But this would be straining at a gnat, and swallowing a camel.” See, ibid., pp. 44–45.

132. See Chapter Four, notes 89 and 90.

133. Barry Holstun Lopez, Of Wolves and Men (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1978), pp. 170–71. While the use of smallpox-infected blankets as a method for exterminating Indians was not as widespread (or as effective) as is popularly believed, it was an occasional practice, and as such it marked “a milestone of sorts” in military history, writes Robert O’Connell: “While infected carcasses had long been catapulted into besieged cities, this seems to be the first time a known weakness in the immunity structure of an adversary population was deliberately exploited with a weapons response.” O’Connell, Of Arms and Men, p. 171. For an eighteenth-century example of the deliberate use of smallpox as a weapon “to extirpate [the] exorable race” of Indians—an example that killed large numbers of Delaware, Mingo, and Shawnee people—see E. Wagner Stearn and Allen E. Stearn, The Effect of Smallpox on the Destiny of the Amerindian (Boston: Humphries, 1945), pp. 44–45.

134. Cotton Mather, Souldiers Counselled and Comforted (Boston, 1689), p. 28; Rev. Solomon Stoddard to Gov. George Dudley (22 October 1703) in New England Historical and Genealogical Register, 24 (1870), 269–70.

135. Some of the cultural byways of these conflicting impulses are discussed in Lawrence J. Friedman, Inventors of the Promised Land (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975).

136. Quoted in Christopher Lasch, “The Anti-Imperialists, the Philippines, and the Inequality of Man,” in Lasch’s The World of Nations: Reflections on American History, Politics, and Culture (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1973), p. 78. See also Drinnon, Facing West, pp. 307–32.

137. J.D.F. Smith, A Tour of the United States of America (London, 1784), Volume One, pp. 345–46.

138. Samuel G. Morton, Crania Americana, or a Comparative View of the Skulls of Various Aboriginal Nations of North and South America (Philadelphia: John Pennington, 1839), pp. 81–82.

139. Francis Parkman, The Conspiracy of Pontiac and the Indian War After the Conquest of Canada (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1915), Volume One, pp. ix, 48.

140. Frederick Farrar and H.K. Rusden, quoted in Raymond Evans, Kay Saunders, and Kathryn Cronin, Exclusion, Exploitation, and Extermination: Race Relations in Colonial Queensland (Sydney: Australia and New Zealand Book Company, 1975), pp.14, 81–82.

141. Rev. Rufus Anderson, D.D., The Hawaiian Islands: Their Progress and Condition Under Missionary Labors (Boston: Gould & Lincoln, 1864), p. 276.

142. Quoted in James Belich, The New Zealand Wars and the Victorian Interpretation of Racial Conflict (Auckland: Auckland University Press, 1986), p. 299.

143. Quoted in Gossett, Race, p. 243.

144. William Dean Howells, “A Sennight of the Centennial,” Atlantic Monthly, 38 (July, 1876), p. 103.

145. G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence: Its Psychology and Its Relations to Physiology, Anthropology, Sociology, Sex, Crime, Religion, and Education, Volume Two (New York: D. Appleton and Company, 1904), p. 651.

146. Quoted in Thomas G. Dyer, Theodore Roosevelt and the Idea of Race (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1980), pp. 78, 86, 159–64.

147. Ibid., p. xiii.

148. Daniel Gasman, The Scientific Origins of National Socialism: Social Darwinism in Ernst Haeckel and the German Monist League (New York: Elsevier, 1971), pp. 150, 39–40.

149. Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 1986), pp. 431, 441–42.

Epilogue

1. Martin Luther, “On the Jews and Their Lies,” in Franklin Sherman, ed., Luther’s Works (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1971), Volume 47, pp. 265–92.

2. Ibid., p. 306. Emphasis added.

3. On Marr, see Moshe Zimmermann, Wilhelm Marr: The Patriarch of Anti-Semitism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986).

4. Norman Cohn, Warrant for Genocide: The Myth of the Jewish World-Conspiracy and the Protocols of the Elders of Zion (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), p. 171.

5. Cohn, Warrant for Genocide, p. 172.

6. George L. Mosse, Toward the Final Solution: A History of European Racism (New York: Howard Fertig, 1978), p. 108.

7. For discussion of this in Hitler’s thinking and in Nazism in general, see Robert Jay Lifton, The Nazi Doctors: Medical Killing and the Psychology of Genocide (New York: Basic Books, 1986), pp. 481–85.

8. Joseph Conrad, Last Essays (London: J.M. Dent & Sons, 1926), p. 25. The toll in Soviet military casualties from Operation Barbarossa is reported in Peter Calvocoressi, Guy Wint, and John Pritchard, Total War: Causes and Courses of the Second World War, Revised Second Edition (New York: Pantheon Books, 1989), p. 204.

9. Frederick R. Karl and Laurence Davies, eds., The Collected Letters of Joseph Conrad (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), Volume Two, p. 16. Hitler’s contempt for humanity is well known and widely discussed, but see, for example, Alan Bullock, Hitler: A Study in Tyranny, Revised Edition (New York: Harper & Row, 1962), pp. 398–99.

10. Albert J. Guerard, “Introduction” to Joseph Conrad, Heart of Darkness and the Secret Sharer (New York: New American Library, 1950), pp. 7–8.

11. The quoted words are from Chinua Achebe’s brilliant essay, “An Image of Africa: Racism in Conrad’s Heart of Darkness,” in Chinua Achebe, Hopes and Impediments: Selected Essays (New York: Doubleday, 1989), pp. 14–15; and Marianna Torgovnick, Gone Primitive: Savage Intellects, Modern Lives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990), p. 141.

12. Achebe, “An Image of Africa,” pp. 11, 19. In Gone Primitive, pp. 270–71, Torgovnick discusses the outrage that erupted in some literary circles following the original 1977 publication of Achebe’s essay; Torgovnick herself (pp. 141–58) focuses on the female element in Conrad’s racist vision of African primitivism.

13. Conrad, Heart of Darkness, pp. 105–106.

14. Chinua Achebe, “Impediments to Dialogue Between North and South,” in Hopes and Impediments, p. 23.

15. Quoted in John W. Dower, War Without Mercy: Race and Power in the Pacific War (New York: Pantheon Books, 1986), p. 64. The quotations in the preceding paragraph are from ibid., pp. 108, 335.

16. Ibid., pp. 64–65.

17. Ronald T. Takaki, Iron Cages: Race and Culture in 19th-century America (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 96.

18. Quoted in Richard Drinnon, Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian-Hating and Empire-Building (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980), pp. 448–49.

19. Ibid., pp. 369, 449; Frances FitzGerald, Fire in the Lake: The Vietnamese and the Americans in Vietnam (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1972), pp. 367–68.

20. Further excerpts—much more violent and obscene than this—were published in Christopher Hitchens, “Minority Report,” The Nation (13 February 1989), p. 187, but even Hitchens could not reprint certain verses.

21. New York Times (28 March 1991), p. A18, columns 3 and 4.

22. The estimates of the number of children killed as a direct result of the war, and the prediction of numbers slated to die in the months ahead, come from a ten-member Harvard University medical team that visited Iraq in the immediate aftermath of the war. See New York Times (22 May 1991), p. A16, columns 1 and 2. See also the report of a United Nations Secretary-General investigation in London’s Guardian Weekly (4 August 1991), p. 9, columns 1 through 5. Reflections on the U.S. war against Iraq are just beginning to appear at this writing, but one of the first books to be published that is deserving of attention is Thomas C. Fox, Iraq: Military Victory, Moral Defeat (New York: Sheed & Ward, 1991).

23. Arno J. Mayer, Why Did the Heavens Not Darken? The “Final Solution” in History, Expanded Edition (New York: Pantheon Books, 1990), pp. 365, 462.

24. Michael R. Marrus, The Holocaust in History (Hanover, N.H.: Brandeis University Press and University Press of New England, 1987), p. 20.

25. There is an overview of these and other practices in Rex Weyler, Blood of the Land: The Government and Corporate War Against the American Indian Movement (New York: Random House, 1982), esp. pp. 218–26. The best sources for up to date reports on such matters are the South and Meso American Indian Information Center in Oakland, California, which publishes a newsletter and other documents, and the International Work Group for Indigenous Affairs, home-based in Copenhagen, which publishes a newsletter and a Document Series on violence and genocide against native peoples. To date, there are several score book-length reports in the IWGIA Document Series.

26. Until the recent passage of the Indian Child Welfare Act, year in and year out between a quarter and a third of all American Indian children were removed by government authorites from their families and placed in foster homes, adoptive homes, or institutions—80 to 90 percent of which were headed and run by non-Indian persons. Article II, Section (e) of the Genocide convention defines as genocide “forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.” On the problem of the forced break-up of Indian families (published prior to the implementation of the Indian Child Welfare Act), see Steven Unger, ed., The Destruction of American Indian Families (New York: Association on American Indian Affairs, 1979).

27. Leo Kuper, “The United States Ratifies the Genocide Convention,” Internet on the Holocaust and Genocide, 19 (February, 1989), reprinted in Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn, The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990) pp. 422–25.

28. For detailed discussion and analysis of the American government’s ongoing refusal to join the rest of the world’s nations in their unconditional condemnation of genocide, see Lawrence J. LeBlanc, The United States and the Genocide Convention (Durham: Duke University Press, 1991).

29. New York Times International (21 May 1991), p. A5, columns 1–6.

30. Edward S. Herman and Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: The Political Economy of the Mass Media (New York: Pantheon Books, 1988), pp. 37–86.

31. U.S. Department of Commerce-Bureau of the Census, We, the First Americans (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1989), pp. 12–13; U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Indian Health Service Chart Series Book (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1988), pp. 43 (Table 4.20), 47 (Table 4.24). It must be noted that even these shocking suicide and health statistics greatly understate the desperate reality of life on many Indian reservations, for there are direct correlations between such so-called quality of life indices and the degree of cultural integrity individual Indian peoples have been able to maintain. Thus, for example, among the different Pueblo peoples of New Mexico, those who have suffered the most erosion of traditional values through forced acculturation into American life have two to three (and in one case almost forty) times the overall suicide rate of those who have been able to hold on to more of their customary lifeways. See N. Van Winkle and P. May, “Native American Suicide in New Mexico, 1957–1979: A Comparative Study,” Human Organization, 45 (1986), 296–309; and Group for the Advancement of Psychiatry, Suicide and Ethnicity in the United States (New York: Brunner/Mazel, 1989), p. 6.

32. Paul Stuart, Nations Within a Nation: Historical Statistics of American Indians (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1987), pp. 15 (Table 2.1), 29 (Table 2.15).

33. See Susanne Jonas, The Battle for Guatemala: Rebels, Death Squads, and US. Power (Boulder: Westview Press, 1991), esp. pp. 103–13, and 145–59.

34. For overviews and analyses of some of these matters, see Peter Matthiessen, Indian Country (New York: Viking Press, 1984) and M. Annette Jaimes, ed., The State of Native America: Genocide, Colonization, and Resistance (Boston: South End Press, 1992).

35. “Columbus’s Letter to the Sovereigns on His First Voyage, 15 February—4 March, 1493,” in Samuel Eliot Morison, ed., Journals and Other Documents on the Life and Voyages of Christopher Columbus (New York: The Heritage Press, 1963), p. 182.

Appendix I

1. For an early summary discussion, see S.K. Lothrop, “Early Migrations to Central and South America: An Anthropological Problem in the Light of Other Sciences,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 91 (1961), 97–123.

2. J.L. Bada, R.A. Schroeder, and G.F. Carter, “New Evidence for the Antiquity of Man in North America Deduced from Aspartic-Acid Racemization,” Science, 184 (1974), 791–93; J.L. Bada and P.M. Masters, “Evidence for a 50,000–Year Antiquity of Man in the Americas Derived from Amino-Acid Racemization in Human Skeletons,” in Jonathan E. Ericson, R.E. Taylor, and Rainier Berger, eds., Peopling of the New World (Los Altos, Calif.: Ballena Press, 1982), pp. 171–79.

3. Richard S. MacNeish, “Early Man in the New World,” American Scientist, 63 (1976), 316–27; for convenient summaries of much of the data on this matter as of the early 1980s, see the essays on specific locales in Jesse D. Jennings, ed., Ancient South Americans (New York: W.H. Freeman and Company, 1983).

4. See the overview discussion in Tom D. Dillehay, “A Late Ice-Age Settlement in Southern Chile,” Scientific American, 251 (1984), 106–19.

5. See William N. Irving and C.R. Harrington, “Upper Pleistocene Radiocarbon-Dated Artifacts from the Northern Yukon,” Science, 179 (1973), 335–40; and two reports by James M. Adovasio: “Excavations at Meadowcroft Rock Shelter, 1973–75: A Progress Report,” Pennsylvania Archaeologist, 45 (1975), 1–30; and “Meadowcroft Rock Shelter, 1977: An Overview,” American Antiquity, 43 (1978), 632–51. For the Missouri site, see M.J. Regan, R.M. Rowlett, E.G. Garrison, W. Dort, Jr., V.M. Bryant, Jr., and C.J. Johannsen, “Flake Tools Stratified Below Paleo-Indian Artifacts,” Science, 200 (1978), 1272–75. The Warm Mineral Springs site is discussed briefly in State of Florida, Division of Archives, History, and Records Management, Archives and History News, 5 (July-August 1974), p. 1.

6. N. Guidon and G. Delibrias, “Carbon-14 Dates Point to Man in the Americas 32,000 Years Ago,” Nature, 321 (1986), 769–71.

7. The most detailed discussion of these earliest sites focuses on Monte Verde. See Tom D. Dillehay, Monte Verde: A Late Pleistocene Settlement in Chile (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1989). For a non-technical review of the ferment in archaeological circles surrounding the discoveries at Monte Verde, Pedra Furada, and other early human settlements in the Americas, see Richard Wolkomir, “New Finds Could Rewrite the Start of American History,” Smithsonian, 21 (March 1991), pp. 130–44.

8. Morris Swadesh, “Linguistic Relations Across Bering Strait,” American Anthropologist, 64 (1962), 1262–91; Harold E. Driver, Indians of North America, Second Edition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), p. 25; L. Campbell and M. Mithun, eds., The Languages of Native America: Historical and Comparative Assessment (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1979).

9. Joseph H. Greenberg’s Language in the Americas (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1988) is the most prominent and controversial of these new studies. For an important recent discussion and critique, see James Matisoff, “On Megalo-comparison,” Language, 66 (1990), 106–20. On the evolution of indigenous language change in South America, see Mary Ritchie Key, ed., Language Change in South American Indian Languages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1991).

10. Richard A. Rogers, Larry D. Martin, and T. Dale Nicklas, “Ice-Age Geography and the Distribution of Native North American Languages,” journal of Biogeography, 17 (1990), 131–143.

11. Fumiko Ikawa-Smith, “The Early Prehistory of the Americas as Seen from Northeast Asia,” in Ericson, Taylor, and Berger, eds., Peopling of the New World, p. 23. On sea level changes and their impact on—and obliteration of—archaeological sites in the Pacific, see John R.H. Gibbons and Fergus G.A.U. Clunie, “Sea Level Changes and Pacific Prehistory: New Insight into Early Human Settlement of Oceania,” Journal of Pacific History, 21 (1986), 58–82.

12. Jesse D. Jennings, “Origins,” in Jennings, ed., Ancient North Americans, p. 27.

13. For a recent review of the evidence, see Sally McBrearty, “The Origin of Modern Humans,” Man, 25 (1990), 129–43. Cf., Rebecca L. Cann, “DNA and Human Origins,” Annual Review of Anthropology, 17 (1988), 127–43. As of this writing the most recently published research puts the date at somewhere between 164,000 B.C. and 247,000 B.C. See Linda Vigilant, Mark Stoneking, Henry Harpending, Kristen Hawkes, and Allan C. Wilson, “African Populations and the Evolution of Human Mitochondrial DNA,” Science, 253 (1991), 1503–1507.

14. Knut R. Fladmark has long been a proponent of this idea. See, for example, his “Routes: Alternate Migration Corridors for Early Man in North America,” American Antiquity, 44 (1979), 55–69.

15. See J. Peter White and J.F. O’Connell, A Prehistory of Australia, New Guinea and Sahul (Sydney: Academic Press, 1982); and J.P. White, “Melanesia,” in Jesse D. Jennings, ed., The Prehistory of Polynesia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1979), pp. 352–77.

16. There also is the possibility that very early sites do exist and are accessible along the present northwest coast, but that archaeologists—presupposing that they could not exist—have simply not been digging deeply enough. That, at least, is the conclusion drawn by one archaeologist following recent work in the area. See R. Lee Lyman, Prehistory of the Oregon Coast: The Effects of Excavation Strategies and Assemblage Size on Archaeological Inquiry (New York: Academic Press, 1991), pp. 313–14.

17. These and other early estimates are reviewed briefly in Woodrow Borah, “The Historical Demography of Aboriginal and Colonial America: An Attempt at Perspective,” in William M. Denevan, ed., The Native Population of the Americas in 1492 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1976), pp. 14–15.

18. Paul Rivet, G. Stresser-Pean, and C. Loukotka, “Langues américaines,” in Les Langues du Monde, Volume 16, ed. Antoine Meillet and Marcel Cohen (Paris: Société de Linguistique de Paris, 1924), pp. 597–712; Karl Sapper, “Die Zahl und die Volksdichte der indianischen Bevölkerung in Amerika vor der Conquista und in der Gegenwart,” Proceedings of the Twenty-first International Congress of Americanists, Part One (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1924), pp. 95–104; and Herbert J. Spinden, “The Population of Ancient America,” Geographical Review, 28 (1928), 641–60.

19. Angel Rosenblat, “El desarrollo de la población indigena de América,” Tierra Firme, 1 (1935), 1:115–33; 2:117–48; 3:109–41; Alfred L. Kroeber, Cultural and Natural Areas of Native North America, University of California Publications in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Volume 38 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1939), Section 11. Although Kroeber could not have known it at the time that he was writing, his estimate was substantially lower than the likely population of North and South America even if the entire hemisphere had been inhabited only by small tribes of hunting and gathering peoples—which, as we have seen, it decidedly was not. On population densities for hunter-gatherer societies, see Richard B. Lee and Irven DeVore, eds., Man the Hunter (Chicago: Aldine, 1968); for discussion on this point regarding the Americas during early millennia of human settlement, see Stuart J. Fiedel, Prehistory of the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987), p. 49.

20. For a brief and instructive review of some of the data and technical approaches used by these investigators in one of the settings studied, see Woodrow Borah and Sherburne F. Cook, “Conquest and Population: A Demographic Approach to Mexican History,” Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, 113 (1969), 177–83.

21. Woodrow Borah, “America as Model: The Demographic Impact of European Expansion Upon the Non-Western World,” Actas y Memorial del XXXV Congreso Internacional de Americanistas, Volume III (Mexico City, 1962), 381; Henry F. Dobyns, “Estimating Aboriginal American Population: An Appraisal of Techniques with a New Hemispheric Estimate,” Current Anthropology, 7 (1966), 395–416.

22. John D. Durand, “Historical Estimates of World Population: An Evaluation,” Population and Development Review, 3 (1977), 253–96.

23. For helpful general discussion and an estimate in the 75,000,000 range (including between 7,000,000 and 8,000,000 for the modern-day areas of the United States and Canada), see Russell Thornton, American Indian Holocaust and Survival: A Population History Since 1492 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987), pp. 22–25. Dobyns’s conclusion that his earlier calculation for the population of the region north of Mexico was too low almost by half, and that 18,000,000 is a more probable figure, is reported in Henry F. Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned: Native American Population Dynamics in Eastern North America (Knoxville:University of Tennessee Press, 1983), pp. 42, 342–43. Dobyns’s hemispheric estimate of approximately 145,000,000 was advanced in his “Reassessing New World Populations at the Time of Contact,” paper delivered at Institute for Early Contact Studies, University of Florida at Gainesville (April 1988).

24. Terry L. Hunt and Melissa A. Kirkendall, “Social Complexity and Population Collapse in Polynesia” and “The Archaeology of Population Collapse in the Yasawa Islands, Fiji,” papers read at Seventeenth Pacific Science Congress, Honolulu, June 1991. On the potential for explosively rapid disease dispersal among isolated indigenous peoples, see also David E. Stannard, Before the Horror: The Population of Hawa‘i on the Eve of Western Contact (Honolulu: Social Science Research Institute and University of Hawai‘i Press, 1989), esp. pp. 69–75.

25. The best and most thorough examinations of the hypothesis that massive disease pandemics that were brought by Europeans preceded their physical entry (at least in large numbers) into indigenous environments—in addition to Dobyns, Their Number Become Thinned—are Ann F. Ramenofsky, Vectors of Death: The Archaeology of European Contact (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987); Marvin T. Smith, Archaeology of Aboriginal Culture Change in the Interior Southeast: Depopulation During the Early Historic Period (Gainesville: University Presses of Florida, 1987); and Daniel T. Reff, Disease, Depopulation, and Culture Change in Northwestern New Spain, 1518–1764 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1991).

26. Critics of Dobyns, who nevertheless agree that “American Indian populations typically declined by 95 percent overall”—thus supporting very large pre-1492 native population estimates—include Dean R. Snow and Kim M. Lanphear, “European Contact and Indian Depopulation in the Northeast: The Timing of the First Epidemics,” Ethnohistory, 35 (1988), 15–33; cf., Henry F. Dobyns, “More Methodological Perspectives on Historical Demography,” Ethnohistory, 36 (1989), 285–99.

27. One of the earliest investigators to point out the demographic importance of psychological disorientation and despair among indigenous peoples, following on the devastation of epidemic disease, was J.V. Neel. See, for example, the report by Neel, W.R. Centerwall, N.A. Chagnon, and H.L. Casey, “Notes on the Effect of Measles and Measles Vaccine in a Virgin Soil Population of South American Indians,” American Journal of Epidemiology, 91 (1970), 418–29; and J.V, Neel, “Health and Disease in Unacculturated Amerindian Populations,” in Ciba Foundation Symposium Number 49, Health and Disease in Tribal Societies (Amsterdam: Elsevier/Excerpta Medica, 1977), pp. 155–68. On the enormous demographic importance of induced infertility as a consequence of imported disease and cultural dislocation among native peoples, see David E. Stannard, “Disease and Infertility: A New Look at the Demographic Collapse of Native Populations in the Wake of Western Contact,” Journal of American Studies, 24 (1990), 325–50. A recent overview, linking an array of demographic factors other than genocide in the phenomenon of indigenous population decline following Western contact, is David E. Stannard, “The Consequences of Contact: Toward an Interdisciplinary Theory of Native Responses to Biological and Cultural Invasion,” in David Hurst Thomas, ed. Columbian Consequences, Volume Three: The Spanish Borderlands in Pan-American Perspective (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991), pp. 519–39.

Appendix II

1. The quotation is from John Mason’s account of his and his followers’ crushing and burning of the Pequots in his Brief History of the Pequot War . . . in 1637 (Boston: S. Kneeland & T. Green, 1736), p. 22.

2. For examples of exceptions to this generalization, in one way or another, see James C. Ballagh, A History of Slavery in Virginia (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1902), pp. 28–35; and Ulrich B. Phillips, American Negro Slavery (New York: Appleton and Company, 1918), p. viii.

3. For the most prominent such analyses, see Oscar and Mary F. Handlin, “Origins of the Southern Labor System,” William and Mary Quarterly, Third Series, 7 (1950), 199–222; Oscar Handlin, Race and Nationality in American Life (Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1957), esp. chapters 1, 2, and 4; and Kenneth M. Stampp, The Peculiar Institution: Slavery in the Ante-Bellum South (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1956), pp. 21–23.

4. Stampp, Peculiar Institution, p. vii.

5. Winthrop D. Jordan, “Modern Tensions and the Origins of American Slavery,” Journal of Southern History, 28 (1962), 18–30.

6. Carl N. Degler, “Slavery and the Genesis of American Race Prejudice,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 2 (1959), 49–66; see also Degler’s Out of Our Past: The Forces that Shaped Modern America (New York: Harper & Row, 1959), pp. 26–39.

7. Jordan, “Modern Tensions and the Origins of American Slavery”; and Jordan, White Over Black: American Attitudes Toward the Negro, 1550–1812 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1968). This necessarily hasty overview precludes discussion of several other historians who made significant contributions to the debate, generally supportive of Degler. One of them actually preceded Degler, though her work was focused on other matters: Katharine George, “The Civilized West Looks at Primitive Africa, 1400–1800: A Study in Ethnocentrism,” Isis, 49 (1958), 62–72. See also, for examples of a variety of approaches, Dante Puzzo, “Racism and the Western Tradition,” Journal of the History of Ideas, 25 (1964), 579–86; Milton Cantor, “The Image of the Negro in Colonial Literature,” New England Quarterly, 36 (1963), 452–77; and Alden T. Vaughan, “Blacks in Virginia: A Note on the First Decade,” William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd Series, 29 (1972), 469–78.

8. Jordan, White Over Black, p. 43.

9. Jordan, “Modern Tensions and the Origins of American Slavery,” 30; Jordan, White Over Black, p. 98.

10. Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, translated by George Lawrence (New York: Anchor Books, 1969), pp. 341–42.

11. George M. Fredrickson, “Toward a Social Interpretation of the Development of American Racism,” in Nathan I. Huggins, Martin Kilson, and Daniel M. Fox, eds., Key Issues in the Afro-American Experience (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1971), Volume One, pp. 240–41. Reprinted in slightly revised form in George M. Fredrickson, The Arrogance of Race: Historical Perspectives on Slavery, Racism, and Social Inequality (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1988), pp. 189–205. Emphasis added.

12. Ibid, p. 254.

13. See, for example, George M. Frederickson, The Black Image in the White Mind: The Debate on Afro-American Character and Destiny, 1817–1914 (New York: Harper & Row, 1971); George M. Frederickson, White Supremacy: A Comparative Study in American and South African History (New York: Oxford University Press, 1981), esp. pp. 70–81; T.H. Breen and Stephen Innes, “Myne Owne Ground”: Race and Freedom on Virginia’s Eastern Shore, 1640–1676 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980); and Michael Adas, Machines as the Measure of Men: Science, Technology, and Ideologies of Western Dominance (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1989), esp. pp. 64–68.

14. One of the best studies of the emergence of racial pseudoscience in America remains William Stanton’s The Leopard’s Spots: Scientific Attitudes Toward Race in America, 1815–59 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960); bringing the story from the later nineteenth century up to the present is Stephen Jay Gould, The Mismeasure of Man (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1981).

15. Richard Drinnon, Facing West: The Metaphysics of Indian Hating and Empire Building (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1980), p. xxvii.

16. On the scientific illegitimacy of the idea of race, see Ashley Montague, ed., The Concept of Race (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980); see also, Stephen Jay Gould, “Why We Should Not Name Human Races—A Biological View,” in Stephen Jay Gould, Ever Since Darwin: Reflections in Natural History (New York: W.W. Norton, 1977), pp. 231–36.

17. On Anthony Johnson, among numerous other treatments designed to make the same point, see especially Breen and Innes, “Myne Owne Ground”, pp. 7–18.

18. On Ellison and other nineteenth-century southern black gentry and slave owners, see Michael P. Johnson and James L. Roark, Black Masters: A Free Family of Color in the Old South (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1984), esp. pp. 124–29. For the total number of African American slaveholders and their slaves, see the classic work compiled and edited by Carter G. Woodson, Free Negro Owners of Slaves in the United States in 1830 (New York: Negro Universities Press 1968) and Michael P. Johnson and James L. Roark, “Strategies of Survival: Free Negro Families and the Problem of Slavery,” in Carol Bleser, ed., In Joy and in Sorrow: Women, Family, and Marriage in the Victorian South, 1830–1900 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1991), pp. 88–102.

19. See Peter H. Merkl, Political Violence Under the Swastika: 581 Early Nazis (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975), p. 499; for a complementary analysis regarding the German population at large, see Sarah Gordon, Hitler, Germans, and the “Jewish Question” (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), esp. pp. 53–67.

20. Although it is now a staple of works on racism, the term “institutional racism” appears first to have been used and analyzed by Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton in their book Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America (New York: Vintage Books, 1967), pp. 4–6, 22–23, 156–62; on “metaracism,” see Joel Kovel, White Racism: A Psychohistory, Second Edition (New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), pp. 211–30.

21. Jane Tompkins, “‘Indians’: Textualism, Morality, and the Problem of History,” Critical Inquiry, 13 (1986), 115.

22. Alden T. Vaughan, New England Frontier: Puritans and Indians, 1620–1675 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1965), pp. 62, viii.

23. See, for example, Bernard W. Sheehan, Seeds of Extinction: Jeffersonian Philanthropy and the American Indian (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1973), esp. p. 43, note 48. Sheehan, it must be said, takes this notion to a truly amazing extreme, claiming that the murderous destruction of American Indian peoples in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century was caused simply by “naivete, perhaps even an excess of good will, but not the intentional inflicting of pain on a less powerful people” (p. 12). On the otherwise insightful Jordan’s “clouding of vision” when it came to Indians, see Drinnon, Pacing West, pp. 80–81.

24. Vaughan, New England Frontier, p. viii.

25. Wilbur R. Jacobs, Dispossessing the American Indian: Indians and Whites on the Colonial Frontier (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1972); Francis Jennings, The Invasion of America: Indians, Colonialism, and the Cant of Conquest (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1975); Richard Drinnon, Facing West; and Neal Salisbury, Manitou and Providence: Indians, Europeans, and the Making of New England, 1500–1643 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982).

26. Alden T. Vaughan, “From White Man to Redskin: Changing Anglo-American Perceptions of the American Indian,” American Historical Review, 87 (1982), 917–53. Vaughan himself notes (p. 941) that British colonists in the early 1620s—when there were not many more than a thousand white settlers in Virginia and barely a hundred in New England—were referring to the Indians as creatures “having little of Humanitie but shape,” as “more brutish than the beasts they hunt,” and as “naturally born slaves.” These, however, are not racist opinions, Vaughan thinks, because they do not mention skin color.

27. Hugh A. MacDougall, Racial Myth in English History: Trojans, Teutons, and Anglo-Saxons (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England, 1982).

28. W.E.B. DuBois, Dusk of Dawn (New York: Harcourt, Brace, 1940), p. 139.

29. Frank Chalk and Kurt Jonassohn, The History and Sociology of Genocide: Analyses and Case Studies (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), pp. 8–9.

30. The Convention contains 15 additional Articles that are not reproduced here because they are procedural, and procedural action has never been taken against any member state.

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