Notes

Abbreviations

(a) Modern

AE

L’Année Epigraphique.

BMCRE

H.B. Mattingly et al., Coins of the Roman Empire in the British Museum (London, 1923–62).

BMCRR

H.A. Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic in the British Museum (London, 1910).

C

H. Cohen, Description historique des monnaies frappées sous l’Empire Romain (Paris, 1880–92).

CAH

A.K. Bowman et al., The Cambridge Ancient History, Volume X: The Augustan Empire, 43BC-AD69 (Cambridge, 1996).

Calicó

X. and F. Calicó, Catálogo de Monedas Antiguas de Hispania (Barcelona, 1979).

CBN

Catalogue des monnaies de l’empire romaine, Bibliothèque nationale (Paris, 1976–88).

CIG

Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (Berlin, 1828–77).

CIL

T. Mommsen et al., Corpus Inscriptionem Latinarum (Berlin, 1863-).

CRA

P. Erdkamp, A Companion to the Roman Army (Oxford, 2007).

EJ

V. Ehrenberg and A.H.M. Jones, Documents Illustrating the Reigns of Augustus and Tiberius (Oxford, 1949; Second revised edition, 1955).

Eph. Epig.

Ephemeris Epigraphica.

IGR

Inscriptiones Graecae et res Romanas pertinentes.

ILS

Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae.

ILTG

P. Wuilleumier, Inscriptions Latines des Trois Gaules (Paris, 1963).

JbSGU

Jahrbuch (Jahresbericht) der Schweizerischen Gesellschaft fur Urgeschichte.

JRA

Journal of Roman Archaeology.

JRMES

Journal of Roman Military Equipment Studies.

JRS

Journal of Roman Studies.

Klose

D.O.A. Klose, Die Münzprägung von Smyrna in der römischen Kaiserzeit (Berlin, 1987).

MDAI(I)

Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts (Abteiling Instanbul).

RIC

H.B. Mattingly and E.A. Sydenham, Roman Imperial Coinage (London, 1913–56).

RIL

Rendiconti del Instituto Lombardo di scienza e lettere, Classe di Lettere.

RPC

A. Burnett et al., Roman Provincial Coinage, Vol. I (London, 1992).

RSC

H.A. Seaby et al., Roman Silver Coins (London, 1978–87).

S

D.R. Sear, Roman Coins and Their Values (Fifth revised edition, London, 2000).

SCPP

Senatus Consultum de Cn. Pisonem patre.

SIG³

W. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum (Third revised edition, Leipzig, 1883).

SNG Aulock

H. von Aulock, Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, Deutschland, Cilicia (Berlin, 1981).

SNG Copenhagen

Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, Danish National Museum (Copenhagen, 1942–79).

SNG Levante

E. Levante, Sylloge Nummorum Graecorum, Switzerland 1: Cilicia (Bern, 1986).

Svoronos

J. Svoronos, Ta Nomismata tou Kratous ton Ptolemaion (Athens, 1904–08).

(b) Ancient Authors

Amm. Marc.

Ammianus Marcellinus, Res Gestae.

App., Bell. Civ.

Appian, Bellum Civile.

App., Ill.

Appian, Illyrike.

Athen., Deipn.

Athenaeus, Deipnosophistai.

Aul. Gell., Noct. Att.

Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae.

Caes., Bell. Alex.

Caesar, Bellum Alexandrinum.

Caes., Bell. Gall

Caesar, Bellum Gallicum.

Cato, Agr.

Cato the Elder, De Agricultura.

Cic., Att.

Cicero, Ad Atticum.

Cic., Brut.

Cicero, Brutus.

Cic., Div.

Cicero, De Divinatione.

Cic., Font.

Cicero, Pro Fonteio.

Cic., Prov. Cons.

Cicero, De Provinciis Consularibus.

Cic., Tusc. Disp.

Cicero, Tusculanae Disputationes.

Dio

Cassius Dio, Romaiki Historia.

Diog. Laert.

Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers.

Diod. Sic.

Diodorus Siculus, Bibliotheka Historika.

Ennius, Ann.

Ennius, Annales.

Eutrop., Brev.

Eutropius, Breviarium.

Frontin., Aq.

Frontinus, De Aquis.

Hdt.

Herodotus, Istorian.

Hor., Carm.

Horace, Carmina.

Joseph., Ant. Iud.

Josephus, Antiquitatae Iudaicae.

Joseph., Ap.

Josephus, Contra Apionem.

Juv., Sat.

Juvenal, Saturae.

Lib., Or.

Libanius, Orationes.

Livy

Livy, Ab Urbe Condita.

Livy, Per.

Livy, Periochae.

Mart., Epig.

Martial, Epigrammata.

Ov., Fast.

Ovid, Fasti.

Ov., Pont.

Ovid, Epistulae Ex Ponto.

Ov., Tr.

Ovid, Tristia.

Paus.

Pausanias, Ellados Periegisis.

Pliny, Ep.

Pliny the Younger, Epistulae.

Pliny, Nat. Hist.

Pliny the Elder, Naturalis Historia.

Plut., Ant.

Plutarch, Antonius.

Plut., Caes.

Plutarch, Caesar.

Plut., Mar.

Plutarch, Marius.

Polyb.

Polybius, Istorian.

Ptol., Geog.

Ptolemy, Geography.

Sen., Constant.

Seneca the Younger, De Constantia Sapientis.

Sen., Ep.

Seneca the Younger, Epistulae Morales.

Sen., Nat. Qu.

Seneca the Younger, Quaestiones Naturales.

Sen., Ira

Seneca the Younger, De Ira.

Sen., Polyb.

Seneca the Younger, De Consolatione ad Polybium.

Sen., Suas.

Seneca the Elder, Suasoriae.

Strab., Geog.

Strabo, Geographika.

Suet., Calig.

Suetonius, Caligula.

Suet., Div. Aug.

Suetonius, Divus Augustus.

Suet., Div. Claud.

Suetonius, Divus Claudius.

Suet., Div. Iul.

Suetonius, Divus Iulius.

Suet., Div. Vesp.

Suetonius, Divus Vespasianus.

Suet., Ner.

Suetonius, Nero.

Suet., Tib.

Suetonius, Tiberius.

Tac., Agr.

Tacitus, Agricola.

Tac., Ann.

Tacitus, Annales.

Tac., Germ.

Tacitus, Germania.

Tac., Hist.

Tacitus, Historiae.

Val. Max.

Valerius Maximus, Facta et Dicta Memorabilia.

Vell. Pat.

Velleius Paterculus, Historiae Romanae.

Xen., Anab.

Xenophon, Anabasis.

Zonar.

Zonaras, Epitome Istorian.

Chapter 1: In the Name of the Father

1.  This reconstruction is based on the account of Drusus the Elder’s funeral in Tacitus, (Annales 3.5) with details taken from much earlier funerals witnessed by Polybius (6.53.1–10), Propertius (1.17.19–24; 2.24.35–8, 49–52) and Tibullus (3.2.9–22), supplemented by the research findings of Favro and Johanson (2010) and Powell (2011a), pp. 111–14.

2.  Based on Suet., Div. Vesp. 19.2. For use of imagines, see Flower (1996), pp. 32–59.

3.  The clothes of the murdered Iulius Caesar were displayed in this way at his funeral: Suet., Div. Iul. 84.1–5; App., Bell. Civ. 2.146–7.

4.  The Rostra Augusti was used at the funerals of his step-aunt Octavia Maior at which his father had spoken and later step-grandfather Augustus; Dio 54.35.5; Suet., Div. Aug. 100.

5.  A boundary line, the pomerium (meaning ‘the post behind the wall’), traced the original outer limit of the Four Regions of the city of Rome, but was later extended by Sulla and Iulius Caesar.

6.  Polybius specifically cites the wearing of ancestral masks and delivery of eulogies: Polyb. 6.53.5–7. See also Flower (1996), pp. 91–127.

7.  Polyb. 6.53.4.

8.  Dio 55.1.1.

9.  Livy, Per. 142; Dio 55.1.3; Florus 2.30.23–4; Val. Max. 5.5.3.

10.  Suet., Div. Claud. 1.3.

11.  Suet., Tib. 7.3; Livy, Per. 142.

12.  Tac., Ann. 3.5; Suet., Tib. 6.4. On laudationes, see Flower (1996), pp. 128–58.

13.  Ov., Fast. 1.597–8: et mortem et nomen Druso Germania fecit; | me miserum, virtus quam brevis illa fuit!

14.  Polyb. 6.53.8.

15.  Paoli (1963), p. 130.

16.  Dio 55.2.2–3.

17.  Polyb. 6.53.8.

18.  Consolatio ad Liviam 177.

19.  Suet., Div. Claud. 1.5: Augustus… et defunctum ita pro contione laudaverit, ut deos precatus sit, similes ei Caesares suos facerent sibique tam honestum quandoque exitum darent quam illi dedissent.

20.  Augustus, Res Gestae 2.12.

21.  Paoli (1963), p. 131.

22.  Paoli (1963), p. 131.

23.  Suet., Div. Claud. 1.3–4.

24.  The year is generally accepted as 16 BCE, based on Germanicus’ death occurring at 34 years of age, as stated by Suetonius (Div. Claud. 1.6), though some argue for 15 BCE; e.g. Seager (1972), p. xv.

25.  In 9 BCE, Lyon was still known by the name its founder gave it, rather than the Lugdunum of later years.

26.  For a detailed review of the campaign, see Powell (2011a), pp. 33–4 and 38–48.

27.  Powell (2011a), p. 48.

28.  Powell (2011a), pp. 50–1.

29.  Powell (2011a), pp. 18–19.

30.  Powell (2011a), pp. 61–7.

31.  Dio 54.35.4.

32.  Inscriptiones Italiae 13.2.117.

33.  Augustus, Res Gestae 2.12.

34.  Fragments of the altar were discovered in the silt in 1568 and reassembled under Benito Mussolini in 1938. A controversial cover building designed by Richard Meier and opened in 2006 now houses the Ara Pacis.

35.  Staccioli (1986), pp. 347–8.

36.  Staccioli (1986), p. 348.

37.  One interpretation of the event depicted in the frieze is that it represents the suovetaurilia Augustus ordered to be offered annually at the site, on the anniversary of the day the senate commissioned the altar, marking his return (reditus) from his extended stay in the Tres Galliae and Hispaniae in 13 BCE. However, an equally plausible explanation is that the frieze shows the actual consecration ceremony for the altar (dedicatio) in 9 BCE.

38.  An alternative interpretation is that the woman is Iulia, Agrippa’s wife.

39.  The identification of the figures continues to be controversial; for example, see Crawford (1922), citing Domaszewski (1903), pp. 57ff; Mrs. Arthur Strong, Roman Sculpture from Augustus to Constantine (1907), pp. 39ff; J. Sieveking, ‘Zur Ara Pacis Augustae’, Jh. Oest. Arch. I. 10 (1907), pp. 175ff.; F. Studniczka, ‘Zur Ara Pacis’, Abh. Sachs. Ges. 27 (1909), Phil.-Hist. Kl., pp. 911ff.; and E. Petersen, Ara Pacis Augustae (1902). Most authors agree that the figure in caligae and wearing the paludamentum is Drusus the Elder.

40.  Powell (2011a), p. 135.

41.  Suet., Div. Claud. 1.6; Kokkinos (2002), p. 11.

42.  Val. Max. 4.3.3.

43.  Dio 50.26; Plut., Ant. 31.

44.  Plut., Ant. 87.3; Val. Max. 4.3.3; see also Goethert-Polaschek (1973); Kokkinos (2002), p. 28.

45.  Suet., Div. Aug. 83.

46.  Suet., Div. Aug. 64.3.

47.  Suet., Div. Aug. 64.3.

48.  Suet., Tib. 1.1; Tac., Ann. 11.23.

49.  Suet., Tib. 1.2.

50.  Suet., Tib. 2.1.

51.  Livy 11.29.

52.  Diod. Sic. 23.3.

53.  Suet., Tib. 2.2: Claudius Pulcher apud Siciliam non pascentibus in auspicando pullis acper contemptum religionis mari demersis, quasi ut biberent quando esse nollent, proelium nauale iniit; superatusque, cum dictatorem dicere a senatu iuberetur, uelut iterum inludens discrimini publico Glycian uiatorem suum dixit.

54.  Livy 27.41–51.

55.  Suet., Tib. 4.3.

56.  Cic., Att. 6.6.

57.  Caes., Bell. Alex. 25; Dio 42.40.

58.  Suet., Tib. 6.4.

59.  E. Huzar, Mark Antony: A Biography (1978), pp. 12–13.

60.  Livy 3.35.11.

61.  Livy 3.38.5, 41.10, 42.2–3; 4.42.3.

62.  Huzar (1978), pp. 13–14.

63.  Huzar (1978), p. 143.

64.  Huzar (1978), p. 15–16.

65.  Huzar (1978), p. 12. The day and month of his birth are securely attested as 14 January; see Suet., Div. Claud. 11.3. Claudius argued it was the same as his father’s birthday, but Ovid (Fast. 1.587ff.) clearly suggests 13 January; Sen., Polyb. 16.1f. Plutarch (Ant. 86.8) records two traditions that he was 53 or 56 at his death in 30 BCE. It may be supposed that Antonius falsified his age in later life, following the example of his political mentor Iulius Caesar, to make himself three years younger; Caesar himself cut two years off his own age.

66.  Huzar (1978), pp. 16–19; P. Southern, Mark Antony: A Life (2010), p. 35.

67.  Huzar (1978), pp. 17–18.

68.  Plut., Ant. 2.3; the sum was equivalent to 6 million sestertii.

69.  Plut., Ant. 2.5.

70.  Plut., Ant. 3.1–6. The proconsul of Syria was the same A. Gabinius who was later impeached by Ti. Claudius Nero.

71.  Huzar (1978), p. 23.

72.  Huzar (1978), pp. 68–72.

73.  Plut., Ant. 14.3. Huzar (1978), pp. 84–7.

74.  Plut., Ant. 21.4–22.4. Huzar (1978), pp. 125–8.

75.  Plut., Ant. 25.1; 31.1. Huzar (1978), p. 139.

76.  Plut., Ant. 63.1–68.3. Huzar (1978), pp. 216–22.

77.  Plut., Ant. 76.4–78.1. Huzar (1978), p. 226.

78.  Suet., Div. Aug. 13.5; Plut., Ant. 36.3; 54.4–6; 81.1–82.2. Huzar (1978), pp. 230–1. M. Antonius’ eldest son was killed in a squabble with Octavianus’ soldiers.

79.  Paoli (1963), p. 169.

80.  Two elaborate examples are shown in the Pompeii AD 79 exhibition catalogue, Royal Academy of Arts 1977, item 48.

81.  Balsdon (1969), p. 120.

82.  Suet., Div. Aug. 84.1.

83.  Ov., Pont. 2.5.5–8.

84.  Ov., Pont. 2.5.41–6: Te iuuenum princeps, cui dat Germania nomen, | participem studii Caesar habere solet. | Tu comes antiquus, tu primis iunctus ab annis | ingenio mores aequiperante places. | Te dicente prius studii fuit impetus illi | teque habet elicias qui sua uerba tuis.

85.  Paoli (1963), p. 170.

86.  Suet., Gramm. 7.

87.  Suet., Div. Aug. 89.1.

88.  Paoli (1963), p. 192.

89.  Suet., Div. Aug. 74.

90.  Suet., Div. Aug. 20–1.1.

91.  Dio 54.28.3–5.

92.  Dio 54.31.2.

93.  Dio 55.6.2–3.

94.  Dio 55.6.3; Tac., Ann. 2.26; Augustus, Res Gestae 6.32.

95.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 3.136–137.

96.  Dio 55.1, 55.8.2.

97.  Dio 55.6.5–6. Rowe (2002), p. 22.

98.  Dio 55.9.4; 55.10.20.

99.  Suet., Tib. 11.1. The reasons for Tiberius’ retirement have perplexed historians both ancient and modern. Suetonius (Tib. 11.5) suggests he left Rome to avoid the suspicion of rivalry with Caius and Lucius Caesar. Dio (55.9.7–8) suggests other explanations, such as he wanted to put some distance between himself and Caius and Lucius, fearing their anger or that he was too prominent, or to get away from his wife, or that he was angry at not being made Caesar, or even that he had been ordered to leave by Augustus, or that he was plotting against the princeps or his sons. The Roman sources are inconclusive. For a full discussion of points raised see Levick (1972a).

100.  Suet., Tib. 12.2; Tac., Ann. 1.4.

101.  Suet., Div. Claud. 1.5.

102.  Dio 55.9.7.

103.  Suet., Div. Aug. 65.

104.  Aul. Gell., Noct. Att. 15.7.3.

105.  Suet., Div. Aug. 54.1; the procedure involved touching a pair of scales with a copper as three times in the presence of a praetor.

106.  In the letter quoted by Aulus Gellius (Noct. Att. 15.7.3), dated 23 September 1 CE, his sixty-third birthday, Augustus addresses his son as mi Gai, meus asellus iucundissimus, quem semper medius fidius desidero, cum a me abes, ‘my Caius, my darling little donkey, whom the Heavens know I miss when you are away’.

107.  Suet., Div. Aug. 29.4; 43.5.

108.  Dio 55.10.19. Coins: aureus: RIC 209 (R3); C 42; Calicó 177; denarius: BMCRE 540; C 43; RIC II, 210.

109.  Dio 55.9.3–4.

110.  Dio 55.9.4.

111.  Dio 55.9.9; Suet., Div. Aug. 26.2; Tac., Ann. 1.3.

112.  Dio 55.9.10.

113.  Dio 55.9.1–2.

114.  Dio 55.10.17.

115.  Dio 55.10a.9. Rowe (2002), p. 17, citing Kornemann (1930), notes the development of parallel careers, and assigning different theatres to pairs of his sons and stepsons was a characteristic of establishing Augustus’ dynastic intentions.

116.  Dio 55.10.18; Florus 2.32.

117.  Dio 55.10.18.

118.  Dio (55.10.18) states that ‘he did not dare send out any other influential man’.

119.  Suet., Div. Aug. 54.1; Tib. 12.2.

120.  Dio 55.10.18; note also 53.13.2. She is also known by the name Livia.

121.  Suet., Tib. 12.2 : Comes et rector.

122.  Vell. Pat. 2.97.1; Hor., Carm. 4.9.37f.

123.  Dio (55.10.19) says Chios; Suetonius (Tib. 12.2) says Samos.

124.  Dio 55.10.19.

125.  Lollius’ behaviour towards Tiberius would later come back to haunt him with a censure in the Senate: Tac., Ann. 3.48.

126.  Dio 55.10.19; Suet., Div. Aug. 93.

127.  Dio 55.10.20–1; Florus 2.32.

128.  Dio 55.10a.4–6.

129.  See denarius BMCRE 500; C 40; RIC II, 199.

130.  Dio 55.10a.9.

131.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 9.118.

132.  Tac., Ann. 3.48.

133.  Dio 55.10a.5.

134.  Dio 55.10a.6–8.

135.  Dio 55.10.19.

136.  Dio 55.10a.6.

137.  Dio 55.10a.7; Vell. Pat. 2.102.2.

138.  Florus 2.32. The Parthian attacker committed suicide when surrounded by many angry Roman soldiers.

139.  Dio 55.10a.8; Vell. Pat. 2.102.3.

140.  Dio 55.10a.8.

141.  Suet., Div. Aug. 65.1; Dio 55.10a.9. ILS 140. C. Caesar was widely mourned (CIL XI, 1421; ILS 140). Many honours were heaped upon him in death by citizens and city officials of the Empire, including Colonia Obsequens Iulia Pisana (Pisa), where it was decreed that the proper rites must be observed for matrons to lament his passing. Temples, public baths and shops shut their doors as women wept. Gordon (1983), p. 106, no. 31.

142.  Vell. Pat. 2.102.3. An inscription was erected in the Portico that bore his and his brother’s names in the Forum Romanum, next to an arch that straddled a newly-constructed spur of the via Sacra: Suet., Div. Aug. 29.4; Dio 56.27.5; Gordon (1983), p. 105, no. 30. A marble inscription found in Kempten is dedicated to L. Caesar; see Wamser et al. (2004), p. 15 (fig. 12).

143.  Suet., Div. Aug. 65.1; Dio 55.10a.9–10.

144.  Dio 55.12.1. For the honours voted to Caius, see ILS 140; for those voted to Lucius, see ILS 13 9, from the Roman colonia at Pisa. The honours to Lucius were passed in response to a decree of the Senate, in the form of a letter to Augustus asking him about proper honours for his son. The honours were not of equal measure, however. David S. Potter notes: ‘the vastly more elaborate celebration of Caius probably reflects the final decree of the senate in Lucius’ case, and a number of honors that were only granted at Rome. Assuming that the senate will suggest similar measures in honor of Caius, the Pisans are adopting those provisions for their own city, and to do for Caius at their city what the senate would do at Rome’. Further, he notes: ‘the funeral honors for Lucius and his brother Caius are of great importance because they illustrate the development of the concept of the imperial house defined in terms of relationship to Augustus’.

145.  Suet., Div. Aug. 55.2; Suet., Tib. 23; Vell. Pat. 2.103.2–3.

146.  Suet., Div. Aug. 61; Tib. 15; Dio 55.13.2; Vell. Pat. 2.103.2–3.

147.  Suet., Tib. 13.2; Vell. Pat. 2.103.1.

148.  Suet., Calig. 4.1: Quarum virtutum fructum uberrimum tulit, sic probatus et dilectus a suis, ut Augustus – omitto enim necessitudines reliquas – diu cunctatus an sibi successorem destinaret.

149.  Tac., Ann. 4.57.

150.  Suet., Div. Aug. 55.1. Tiberius’ son by his marriage to Vipsania Agrippina, named Nero Claudius Drusus, now became, in turn, Drusus Iulius Caesar (Drusus the Younger).

151.  Suet., Tib. 21.3 : Rei publicae causa; Vell. Pat. 2.104.1. Levick (1966).

152.  Dio 55.13.2; Suet., Tib. 16; Tac., Ann. 1.10; Vell. Pat. 2.103.3.

153.  Vell. Pat. 2.103.3.

154.  Suet., Div. Aug. 55.2. See Jameson (1975), Levick (1972b) and Pappano (1941).

155.  Suet., Div. Aug. 55.1; Tib. 15.2; Tac., Ann. 1.3; 4.57.

156.  Kornemann (1930), pp. 24ff.

157.  Gruen (2005), p. 48.

158.  Kienast (2009), pp. 138–9.

159.  Suet., Calig. 3.2: Formae minus congruebat gracilitas crurum, sed ea quoque paulatim repleta assidua equi vectatione post cibum.

160.  Tac., Ann. 1.33: nam iuveni civile ingenium, mira comitas.

161.  Suet., Calig. 3.1: Omnes Germanico corporis animique virtutes, et quantas nemini cuiquam, contigisse satis constat: formam et fortitudinem egregiam … benivolentiam singularem conciliandaeque hominum gratiae ac promerendi amoris mirum et efficax studium.

162.  Plut, De Invidia et Odio 3 (Mor. 537b): ‘Germanicus could endure neither the crowing nor the sight of a cock’.

163.  Tac., Ann. 1.33; Suet., Div. Aug. 64.1.

164.  Suet., Calig. 7.

165.  Ironically, such micro-managing had unintended negative effects on his daughter, Iulia.

166.  Suet., Div. Aug. 64.2.

167.  Suet., Div. Aug. 73.

168.  Suet., Div. Aug. 64.2–3.

169.  Tac., Ann. 1.33.

170.  Balsdon (1962), p. 211.

171.  Carcopino (1940), p. 81.

172.  Balsdon (1969), p. 66; Paoli (1963), p. 116.

173.  Carcopino (1940), pp. 81–2; Paoli (1963), pp. 116–17.

174.  Carcopino (1940), pp. 81–2; Paoli (1963), pp. 116–17.

175.  Carcopino (1940), pp. 81–2; Paoli (1963), pp. 116–17.

176.  Suet., Tib. 50. Fantham (2006), p. 90.

177.  Joseph., Ant. Iud. 19.1.15.

178.  Tac., Ann. 5.1: nullam posthac subolem edidit sed sanguini Augusti per coniunctionem Agrippinae et Germanici adnexa communispronepotes habuit; contrast this assessment with allegations of simmering ‘feminine jealousies’ mentioned in 1.33. SeeChapter 7, note 64.

179.  Dio 55.22.30.

180.  Livy 35.10.12; 40.51.6; 41.27.

Chapter 2: First Steps to Glory

1.  Dio 55.26.3.

2.  Dio 55.26.2.

3.  Dio 55.26.1.

4.  Dio 55.26.3.

5.  For a survey of famines in the ancient world, see Garnsey (1988).

6.  Juv., Sat. 10.77–81.

7.  Carcopino (1940), p. 18.

8.  Carcopino (1940), p. 18 and 175.

9.  Carcopino (1940), p. 16 and 18, citing Aurelius Victor and Josephus. For a survey of the annona, see Erdkamp (2005).

10.  Carcopino (1940), p. 175.

11.  Dio 55.26.3.

12.  Dio 55.31.4.

13.  Dio 55.26.4.

14.  e.g. Dio 55.12.4.

15.  Dio 55.26.4–5.

16.  Dio 55.27.1.

17.  Or Plautius Rufus in Suet., Div. Aug. 19.

18.  Dio 55.27.2.

19.  Dio 55.33.4.

20.  Dio 55.27.3–4; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 8.2.

21.  Futrell (1997), pp. 33–38.

22.  Suet., Tib. 6.4.

23.  Beacham (1999), p. 13.

24.  Dio 55.33.4.

25.  Claridge (1998), p. 264.

26.  Suet., Div. Aug. 44.3–4.

27.  For a detailed description of the different types of gladiators, see Shadrake (2005), p. 127–211.

28.  Estimates are based on known contests by Georges Ville, cited by Shadrake (2005), p. 95.

29.  Cic., Tusc. Disp. 2.41: gladiatores, aut perditi homines aut barbari, quasplagas perferunt! quo modo illi, qui bene instituti sunt, accipere plagam malunt quam turpiter vitare! quam saepe apparet nihil eos malle quam vel domino satis facere vel populo! mittunt etiam vulneribus confecti ad dominos qui quaerant quid velint; si satis eis factum sit, se velle decumbere. Quis mediocris gladiator ingemuit, quis vultum mutavit umquam? quis non modo stetit, verum etiam decubuit turpiter? quis, cum decubuisset, ferrum recipere iussus collum contraxit? Tantum exercitatio, meditatio, consuetudo valet. Ergo hoc poterit ‘Samnis, spurcus homo, vita illa dignus locoque,’ vir natus ad gloriam ullam partem animi tam mollem habebit, quam non meditatione et ratione conroboret? Crudele gladiatorum spectaculum et inhumanum non nullis videri solet, et haud scio an ita sit, ut nunc fit. Cum vero sontes ferro depugnabant, auribus fortasse multae, oculis quidem nulla poterat esse fortior contra dolorem et mortem disciplina.

30.  Shadrake (2005), p. 27.

31.  Dio 55.33.4.

32.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 8.2: Germanici Caesaris munere gladiatorio quosdam etiam inconditos meatus edider saltantium modo. Vulgare erat per auras iacere, non auferentibus ventis, atque inter se gladiatorios congressus edere aut lascivienti pyrriche conludere. Postea et per funes incessere, lecticis etiam ferentes quaterni singulos puerperas imitantes, plenisque homine tricliniis accubitum iere per lectos ita libratis vestigiis, ne quis potantium attingeretur. Compare Pliny’s account with the embellished version in Ael., Nat. Animal. 2.11.

33.  Dio 55.27.4; cf. 55.33.4.

34.  Dio 55.27.4. The addition of -ianus to the nomen gentile indicated adoption, as in, e.g., Octavianus, the boy C. Octavius Thurinus, who was adopted by C. Iulius Caesar in 44 BCE.

35.  Cic., Div. 2.37.

36.  Augur or auspex derives from the Latin avis, ‘bird’.

37.  Livy 6.41.4: auspiciis hanc urbem conditam esse, auspiciis bello ac pace, domi militiaeque omnia geri quis est, qui ignoret?

38.  Livy 1.18.5–10; Cic., Div. 2.33.

39.  Cic., Div. 2.36.

40.  Aul. Gell., Noct. Att. 6.7.

41.  Rüpke (2008), p. 156.

42.  Strab., Geog. 5.3. The festival occurred on 17, 19, and 20 May, or 27, 29, and 30 May.

43.  An inscription preserves an account of the different ceremonies of this festival. It was written in the first year of the reign of the Emperor Heliogabalus (218 CE), who was elected a member of the college under the name of M. Aurelius Antoninus Pius Felix.

44.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 18.2.

45.  Th. Mommsen, History of Rome, Book 1, Chapter 15, notes that the Romans of Augustus’ time regarded the document to be the oldest existing in their language. This hints at an origin of the religious rite going back to at least the founding of the City, with legend suggesting Romulus was the founding member of the order.

46.  He is called Nero Caesar in CIL III, 2808 (Scardona, Dalmatia); V, 23 (Pola, Gallia Cisalpina), 4374 (Brixia); VI, 887, 914 (=ILS 184), and 31274 (Rome); X, 5393 (Aquinum), 6101 (Formiae); XI, 3336 (Blera), 3789 (Veii); XIV, 3017 (Praeneste). His name appears in the Ostian Calendar (XIV, 244, lines 8–9) simply as Nero: VII Idus Iun. Nero to[gam virilem] | sumpsit. Cong. di[visit]. His full name, Nero Iulius Caesar, appears in Suet., Calig. 15; IGR IV, 1300 = CIG 3528 (near Cyme, Asia); CIL V, 6416 – ILS 107 (Ticinum); and possibly in the very fragmentary inscriptionCIL V, 853 (Aquileia). His official titles were flamen Augustalis: CIL III, 3808; VI, 887, 913; X, 798; XI, 3336; quaestor: VI, 887, 913; X, 798; XI, 3336; XIV, 2965; sodalis Augustalis: VI, 913; X, 798; XI, 3336; duovir quinquennalis: XIV, 2965 (Praeneste); sodalis Titius: VI, 913; frater Arvalis: VI, 913 ; fetialis: VI, 913. All of these titles (except IIvir quinquennalis) are recorded in CIL VI, 913: Neroni Caesari | Germanici Caesaris f., | Ti. Caesaris Augusti n., I divi Augusti pro n., | flamint Augustali, | sodali Augustali, I sodali Titio, frdtri Arvdli, | fetiali, quaestori | ex s. c. This inscription was dedicated between the years 27 CE – in which he held the quaestorship (Tac., Ann. 3.29) – and 29 CE – the year of his condemnation before the senate (Tac., Ann. 5.3). Tacitus records (Ann. 3.9) that the pontificate was decreed to Nero in the year 20 CE.

47.  Suet., Tib. 1.2.

48.  Examples of writers living during the Late Republic who exerted influence on their Augustan successors are the orator, philosopher and statesman M. Tullius Cicero, the orator M. Porcius Cato, the poets P. Valerius Cato and C. Valerius Catullus, and the grammarian M. Terentius Varro. Horace was a personal friend of the princeps and a willing contributor to the public relations apparatus manufacturing the image of Augustus as the bringer of peace after years of civil strife, the founder of a new epoch (saeculum) in the history of mankind, and the restorer of traditional Roman values. Horace composed the Carmen Saeculare for the spectacular Secular Games of 17 BCE, as well as Carmen IV that celebrated the exploits of Drusus the Elder and Tiberius during the Alpine and Norican Wars of 15 BCE.

49.  Ovid was exiled to Tomis on the Black Sea in 8 CE – see Preston (1918).

50.  Suet., Calig. 3.1–3: atque inter cetera studiorum monimenta reliquit et comoedias Graecas.

51.  Ov., Pont. 4.8.73.

52.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 8.68: fecit et Divus Augustus equo tumulum, de quo germanici caesaris carmen est.

53.  Gain (1976), p. 13.

54.  Gain (1976), p. 13.

55.  Possanza (2004), pp. 1–19, 99, 105–9, 13–38, 219–43, makes a compelling case for Germanicus as the author of the work.

56.  Suet., Calig. 3.1–3. Possanza (2004), pp. 131–38, argues that Germanicus paid a debt to Ovid, Vergil, and Cicero, who had himself completed a translation of Aratus, but also places him firmly in the tradition of learned poetry.

57.  Gain (1976), p. 16.

58.  Suet., Tib. 6.4.

59.  Dio 58.8.2.

60.  Suet., Tib. 70.1. Fragment VI of the Aratus states that, while Greek may be a rich language in terms of its vocabulary, the word triangula was a perfectly acceptable native alternative to use in Latin.

61.  Suet., Tib. 69.1, 70.2–3.

62.  Aratus 1–16.

63.  Aratus 558–560.

64.  Possanza (2004), pp. 219–43, makes a strong case for Germanicus as the author of the work.

65.  Gain (1976), p. 20.

66.  Suet., Calig. 1.1.

67.  Dio 54.26; the number was originally twenty-six, but was reduced to twenty (vigintiviri) while Augustus was away from Rome in 16–13 BCE.

68.  For example, an inscription in the Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften attests the presence of P. Quinctilius Varus, probably as quaestor, in Pergamon. It was presumably erected for an act of generosity on his part to the citizens:http://www.lwl.org/varus-download/presse_imperium/Presseinformation_I_eng.pdf.

69.  Suet., Tib. 8.

70.  Dio 55.2.5–6; 53.13.2.

71.  Pliny, Ep. 7.31.

72.  Drinkwater (1983), p. 132.

73.  Dio 55.10a.2; Suet., Ner. 4.

74.  Dio 55.10a.3.

75.  Dio 55.28.5; Vell. Pat. 2.105.1–3.

76.  Dio 55.28.6; Vell. Pat. 2.105.1. Saturninus was the son of the commander of the same name who had served in the region before him. For Saturninus, see Kokkinos (1995).

77.  Fossa Drusiana is quoted by Tac., Ann. 2.8.1. Suetonius (Div. Claud. 1) uses the term Fossae Drusinae suggesting there was more than one canal.

78.  Evidence suggests that Lacus Flevo was originally landlocked and the open end of the lake did not exist until 1163, when the sea broke through and changed freshwater Lake Flevo into briney Zuider Zee. The landscape of the Netherlands may have changed just too much in the last two millennia to make possible a certain identification of the location of the fossa Drusiana (or fossae Drusianae) and reveal how its structures worked. Until better evidence is found, the Drusus Canal – or system of canals – remains an enigma. What can be said with certainty is that it was considered important enough in Roman times to be maintained as late as the third century CE when the nearby fort at Fectio is known from inscriptions to have still been in service as a naval base. For a full review of the evidence, see Powell (2011a), pp. 64–67.

79.  Vell. Pat. 2.106.3.

80.  Vell. Pat. 2.106.1: receptae Cauchorum nationes: omnis eorum iuventus infinita numero, immensa corporibus, situ locorum tutissima, traditis armis una cum ducibus suis saepta fulgenti armatoque militum nostrorum agmine ante imperatoris procubuit tribunal.

81.  Vell. Pat. 2.106.2.

82.  Vell. Pat. 2.106.2: Fracti Langobardi, gens etiam Germana feritate ferocior; denique quod numquam antea spe conceptum, nedum opere temptatum erat.

83.  Vell. Pat. 2.106.2; Eutrop., Brev. 7.9. Contrast the Roman response to the Langobardi with the Sugambri: in 8 BCE, Tiberius negotiated the surrender of the Sugambri and their war-chief Maelo, who had led the invasion of Gaul in 17 BCE – triggering Augustus’s war of conquest – and relocated 40,000 of them to live on the Roman side.

84.  Dio 55.27.3; Ov., Fast. 1.705ff.

85.  Vell. Pat. 2.106.1: Perlustrata armis tota Germania est, victae gentes paene nominibus incognitae. Cf. Dio 55.28.5, whose verdict is altogether more sober, saying Tiberius achieved nothing worthy of record.

86.  Vell. Pat. 2.108.1.

87.  Strab., Geog. 7.1.3; Vell. Pat. 2.108.2.

88.  Vell. Pat. 2.108.3–9.2.

89.  Vell. Pat. 2.106.3.

90.  Seager (1972), p. 40.

91.  Vell. Pat. 2.109.3.

92.  For a discussion of the organization and equipment of the Roman army, see Appendix 1. Tiberius was to lead at least eight legions (VIII Augusta from Pannonia, XV Apollinaris and XX Valeria Victrix from Illyricum, XXI Rapax from Raetia, and XIIIGemina, XIV Gemina and XVIGallica from Gallia Belgica, and an unknown unit), while Saturninus was to lead at least five legions (I Germanica, V Alaudae, XVII, XVIII and XIX).

93.  Wells (1984), p. 80.

94.  For a full discussion of Varus and Legio XIX, see Powell (2011a), pp. 42, 44 and 48.

95.  Vell. Pat. 2.110.1: Rumpit interdum, interdum moratur proposita hominum fortuna.

96.  App., Ill. 6. Later Roman writers, Dio among them, differentiate between Dalmatia and Pannonia, which were the names given to the two provinces created out of the larger when it was split.

97.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 3.26; Florus 2.25. In modern terms, it would cover parts of Albania, Croatia, Bosnia-Herzegovina and Montenegro.

98.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 3.28; Florus 2.24. In today’s terms, it would cover parts of Austria, Croatia, Serbia, Slovenia, Slovakia and Bosnia-Herzegovina.

99.  App., Ill. 22.

100.  Wilkes (1992), pp. 203–5.

101.  Mallory (1989), pp. 73–76.

102.  Dzino (2010), p.xi.

103.  Wilkes (1992), p. 206; J.-M. Rodaz, Marcus Agrippa (Paris, 1984), pp. 140–5.

104.  Pliny (Nat. Hist. 3.28) mentions ‘Serretes, Serrapilli, Jasi, and Sandrozetes: Saus through the Colapiani and Breuci. And these are the chief of the People. Moreover, the Arivates, Azali, Amantes, Belgites, Catari, Corneates, Aravisci, Hercuniates, Latovici, Oseriates, and Varciani. The Mountain Claudius (Mons Claudius), in the Front of which are the Scordisci, and upon the Back, the Taurisci’. On the construction of Illyricum, see Dzino (2010), p. 178.

105.  Dzino (2005), pp. 141, 159–60.

106.  Dio 54.34.2.

107.  Dio 54.33.3; App., Ill. 15.

108.  Dio 54.34.2; 53.12.7.

109.  For a full discussion of rebellions and wars of conquest in Illyricum and Pannonia, see Dzino (2005), pp. 117–37.

110.  Dio 54.31.3. Tiberius’ brutal approach contrasts starkly with that of his brother Drusus, who saw value in the war-fighting skills of the men he defeated, such as the Ligures and Raeti, and recruited them into the Roman army as national units, deploying them into other theatres of

111.  Iulius Caesar’s army took this sea crossing in 48 BCE; his impatience at the speed of its progress, leading to a rare example of his humbling by the ferocious waves of the Adriatic Sea, is recorded by Valerius Maximus (9.8.2).

112.  Strab., Geog. 7.5.10; cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. 3.25–8.

113.  Vell. Pat. 2.108.3–9.1.

114.  Dio 56.16.3.

115.  Dio 55.29.1.

116.  Dio 55.29.3.

117.  Dzino (2005), p. 146.

118.  Dio 55.29.3. Strabo (Geog. 7.5.1) catalogues ‘the tribes of the Pannonii are: the Breuci, the Andizetii, the Ditiones, the Peirustae, the Mazaei, and the Daesitiatae, whose leader is Bato, and also other small tribes of less significance which extend as far as Dalmatia and, as one goes south, almost as far as the land of the Ardiaei’.

119.  Dio 55.29.3.

120.  Dzino (2005), p. 147. Compare to Appian’s estimate (Ill. 22) that the Pannonians could field 100,000 men.

121.  Strab., Geog. 7.5.4.

122.  For a full discussion of Iron Age Celtic society, arms, armour and modes of combat, see Powell (2011a), pp. 34–8.

123.  See Wilkes (1992), p. 199, fig. 23, for an inscription from Ribic, Bosnia.

124.  Ennius, Ann. 5.540.

125.  On Illyrian arms and armour, see Wilkes (1992), pp. 238–41.

126.  App, Ill. 22.

127.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 3.26.

128.  Of these fortifications, the eastern section of the town walls – built out of huge stone blocks with the door surrounded by octagonal towers (Porta Caesarea) dating from the time of Augustus – still stands to the present day.

129.  Dio 55.29.4; cf. Cowan (2010).

130.  Dio 55.29.4.

131.  Vell. Pat. 2.111.1: Habiti itaque dilectus, revocati undique et omnes veterani, viri feminaeque ex censu libertinum coactae dare militem. Audita in senatu vox principis, decimo die, ni caveretur, posse hostem in urbis Romae venire conspectum. Senatorum equitumque Romanorum exactae ad id bellum operae, pollicitati.

132.  Vell. Pat. 2.111.2: Itaque ut praesidium ultimum res publica ab Augusta ducem in bellum poposcit Tiberium.

133.  Dio 55.30.1–2. The home base of Legio XX was Burnum in Dalmatian Illyricum.

134.  Suet., Tib. 26.

135.  Swan (2004), p. 247.

136.  Dio 55.30.2.

137.  Dio 55.30.3.

138.  Dio 55.30.3–4.

139.  Dio 55.30.4.

140.  Dio 55.30.4; 55.33.2.

141.  Vell. Pat. 2.111.3.

142.  Vell. Pat. 2.111.4.

143.  Vell. Pat. 2.112.2.

144.  Vell. Pat. 2.112.2.

145.  Suet., Tib. 20; Vell. Pat. 2.112.2: ornamenta took the form of an ovatio rather than a full triumph.

146.  Vell. Pat. 2.112.3.

147.  Dio 55.30.5; Vell. Pat. 2.112.1.

148.  Dio 55.30.5–6.

149.  Dio 55.30.5–6.

150.  Vell. Pat. 2.111.1.

151.  Dio 55.31.1.

152.  Suet., Tib. 21.4ff.

153.  Tac., Ann. 1.4; Vell. Pat. 2.112.7.

154.  Dio 55.32.1–2; Suet., Div. Aug. 65.4. On the dire ramifications of his involuntary abdication see Levick (1972b).

155.  Dio 55.31.1.

156.  The most famous example is Iulius Caesar’s Commentarii de Bello Gallico, ‘Commentaries on the Gallic War’.

157.  A compound word comprising strategos, ‘army’, and agein, ‘to lead’.

158.  Frontinus, selected from the introductions to Books 2 and 4.

159.  Suet., Tib. 37.1. The Praetorian Cohorts did not yet have a dedicated camp but were quartered in the city; cf. Rankov (1994), pp. 4–5.

160.  Mart., Epig. 6.76; Tac., Ann. 16.27; Hist. 1.38.

161.  Augustus made the change in 2 BCE, setting the term of service at twelve years, compared to sixteen for the regular legions: Rankov (1994), pp. 4–5.

162.  Dio 55.31.1; cf. Brunt (1974).

163.  Vell. Pat. 2.110.6: Quin etiam tantus huius belli metus fuit, ut stabilem illum et firmatum tantorum bellorum experientia Caesaris Augusti animum quateret atque terreret.

164.  Dio 55.31.4.

165.  Dio 55.31.2.

166.  Th. Mommsen, History of Rome, translated by William Purdie Dickson (New York, 1894), Volume 3, Book 4, p. 244.

167.  Dio 55. 32.3.

168.  Vell. Pat. 2.113.1: unctis exercitibus, quique sub Caesare fuerant quique ad eum venerant, contractisque in una castra decem legionibus, septuaginta amplius cohortibus, decem alis et pluribus quam decem veteranorum milibus, ad hoc magno voluntariorum numero frequentique equite regio, tanto denique exercitu. Suetonius (Tib. 26) states that fifteen legions and an equal number of auxiliaries were involved; Seager (1972), p. 42, asserts that this is ‘far more than he really needed’, but this underestimates the difficulty of the terrain and the refusal of the rebels to fight in the open.

169.  Vell. Pat. 2.113.1: quantus nullo umquam loco post bella fuerat civilia, omnes eo ipso laeti erant maximamque fiduciam victoriae in numero reponebant.

170.  Tac., Agr. 5: Nec Agricola licenter, more iuvenum qui militiam in lasciviam vertunt, neque segniter ad voluptates et commeatus titulum tribunatus et inscitiam rettulit.

171.  Vell. Pat. 2.112.4–5: apud signa quoque legionum trepidatum.

172.  Vell. Pat. 2.112.6.

173.  Vell. Pat. 2.112.5: Sed Romani virtus militis plus eo tempore vindicavit gloriae quam ducibus reliquit, qui multum a more imperatoris sui discrepantes ante in hostem inciderunt, quam per explora, tores, ubi hostis esset, cognoscerent.

174.  Vell. Pat. 2.112.6: Iam igitur in dubiis rebus semet ipsae legiones adhortatae, …invasere hostes nec sustinuisse contenti perrupta eorum acie ex insperato victoriam vindicaverunt.

175.  Dio 55.32.3.

176.  Dio 55.32.3.

177.  Dio 55.32.3–4.

178.  Vell. Pat. 2.112.3; Pliny (Nat. Hist. 3.28) places Mons Claudius between the Scordisci and Taurisci.

179.  Dio’s account for 7 CE is lightweight, so our understanding of events may miss important events.

180.  Dio 55.32.4.

181.  Strab., Geog. 7.5.1.

182.  Dio 55.32.4.

183.  Tac., Agr. 5: nosci exercitui, discere a peritis, sequi optimos, nihil adpetere in iactationem, nihil ob formidinem recusare, simulque et anxius et intentus agree.

184.  Dio 55.33.3.

185.  Dio 56.11.1. The exact identity of this location is not known.

186.  Evans (1883), pp. 11–12.

187.  Mount Igman rises to its highest point at Vlahinja Ridge, 1,502m (4,928ft) high. Today it is a popular hiking and skiing resort.

188.  Dio 56.11.1.

189.  Dio 56.11.1.

190.  Dio 56.11.2.

191.  Dio 56.11.2.

192.  Dio 56.11.1; 56.11.3. Raetinium may be the Rataneum of Pliny the Elder (Nat. Hist. 3.26). The modern location might be Bihać on the Una River.

193.  Dio 56.11.3–7.

194.  Swan (2004), p. 247, argues for eight legions.

195.  Dio 56.12.2.

196.  Dio 55.34.5–6.

197.  Dio 55.34.6.

198.  Wilkes (1969), p. 553.

199.  Dio 55.34.7.

200.  Dio 56.12.3.

201.  Dio 56.12.4.

202.  Dio 56.12.5.

203.  Suet., Tib. 26.

204.  Dio 55.33.1.

205.  Dio 55.33.2; 56.15. On the Pannonian deserters, see Dzino (2005), pp. 154–5.

206.  Dio 56.13.1.

207.  Dio 56.13.2.

208.  Dio 56.13.3.

209.  Dio 56.13.4.

210.  Dio 56.14.1.

211.  Dio 56.14.5.

212.  Dio 56.14.6.

213.  Dio 56.14.7.

214.  Dio 56.14.7.

215.  Dio 56.15.1.

216.  Dio 56.15.1–2.

217.  Dio 56.15.2.

218.  Dio 56.15.3.

219.  Dio 56.16.1.

220.  Dio 56.16.2.

221.  Dzino (2005), p. 155.

222.  Dio 56.16.2–3.

223.  Dio 56.16.2.

224.  Suet., Tib. 16.

225.  Dio 56.16.4.

226.  Dio 55.28.7.

227.  Dio 55.29.6–7.

228.  Augustus, Res Gestae 30: Pannoniorum gentes, quas ante me principem populi Romani exercitus nunquam adit.

229.  Dio 56.17.1; Ov., Pont. 2.1. On the meaning of the title imperator see Dio 52.41.3–4. Augustus normally assumed the battle honours won by his deputies for himself. He had refused Tiberius before, and also his brother Drusus the Elder’s use of the title in 11 BCE, despite his troops having acclaimed him at the end of the campaign: see Dio 54.33.5.

230.  Dio 56.17.1.

231.  Ov., Pont. 2.75–126.

232.  Levick (1976/1999), p. 111.

233.  Dzino (2005), p. 154, n. 74: Cohortes Breucorum are attested by several extant inscriptions, e.g. CIL III, 5613, 11781; XVI, 89; XLIII = Eph. VII, n. 670, 671. For a full discussion, see Bogaers (1969).

234.  Dio 54.31.3.

235.  Wilkes (1995), p. 207.

236.  Vell. Pat. 2.116: Magna in bello Delmatico experimenta virtutis in incultos ac difficilis locos praemissus Germanicus dedit; celebri etiam opera diligentique.

237.  Dio 56.17.2. Ornamenta triumphalia entitled Germanicus to ride on horseback through the streets of Rome; his father Drusus the Elder had been so honoured in 11 BCE (Dio 54.33.5).

238.  Vell. Pat. 2.116.1: Magna in bello Delmatico experimenta virtutis in incultos ac difficilis locos praemissus Germanicus dedit.

Chapter 3: Law and Disorder

1.  The units known or deduced to have remained in the region were Legio VIII Augusta, Legio VIIII Hispana, residing at Siscia (Sisak), and Legio XV Apollinaris at Ljubljana and/or Vindobona (modern Vienna) in Pannonia; while Legio XI Claudia Pia Fideliswas stationed in Dalmatia, possibly at Burnum (located 2.5km north of modern Kistanje, Croatia).

2.  Vell. Pat. 2.117.1.

3.  Dio 56.18.1.

4.  Vell. Pat. 2.117.1.

5.  Tac., Ann. 1.57.

6.  Dio 56.22.2.

7.  Dio 56.22.4.

8.  Dio 56.22.2.

9.  Suet., Div. Aug. 23.2: Quintili Vare, legiones redde!; Dio 56.23.1.

10.  Dio 56.23.1.

11.  Vell. Pat. 2.119.5.

12.  On the Germani Corporis Custodes, see Rankov (1994), pp. 11–12.

13.  Dio 56.23.4.

14.  Dio 56.22.2.

15.  Dio 56.23.2–3: ὄφελος ἦν, ἐκεκάκωτο. ὅμως δ᾽ οὖν τά τε ἄλλα ὡς ἐκ τῶν παρόντων παρεσκευάσατο, καὶ ἐπειδὴ μηδεὶς τῶν τὴν στρατεύσιμον ἡλικίαν ἐχόντων καταλεχθῆναι ἠθέλησεν, ἐκλήρωσεν αὐτούς, καὶ τῶν μὲν μηδέπω πέντε καὶ τριάκοντα ἔτη γεγονότων τὸν πέμπτον, τῶν δὲ πρεσβυτέρων τὸν δέκατον ἀεὶ λαχόντα τήν τε οὐσίαν ἀφείλετο καὶ ἠτίμωσε. καὶ τέλος, ὡς καὶ πάνυ πολλοὶ οὐδ᾽ οὕτω τι αὐτοῦ προετίμων, ἀπέκτεινέ τινας. ἀποκληρώσας δὲ ἔκ τε τῶν ἐστρατευμένων ἤδη καὶ ἐκ τῶν ἐξελευθέρων ὅσους ἠδυνήθη, κατέλεξε, καὶ εὐθὺς σπουδῇ μετὰ τοῦ Τιβερίου ἐς τὴν Γερμανίαν.

16.  Dio 56.24.1.

17.  Suet., Tib. 17.2.

18.  For the contractual relationship between gods and men, see Powell (2010).

19.  Dio 56.24.1.

20.  Dio 56.24.4.

21.  Dio 56.24.1: πολλαχῇ ἐῴκει, ἀστέρες τε κομῆται συχνοὶ ἅμα κατεφαίνοντο, καὶ δόρατα ἀπ᾽ ἄρκτου φερόμενα πρὸς τὰ τῶν Ῥωμαίων στρατόπεδα προσπίπτειν ἐδόκει, μέλισσαί τε περὶ τοὺς βωμοὺς αὐτῶν κηρία ἀνέπλασσον, καὶ Νίκης τι ἄγαλμα ἔν τε τῇ Γερμανίᾳ ὂν καὶ πρὸς τὴν πολεμίαν βλέπον. Remarkably, the gilt bronze head of a horse from a statue of Augustus on horseback was discovered at Waldgirmes in the Lahn Valley in 2009:http://www.dainst.org/index_0824b37863dd14a91601001c3253dc21_de.html.

21.  Dio 56.24.6: Τιβέριος διαβῆναι τὸνῬῆνον οὐκἔκρινεν,ἀλλ᾽ἠτρέμιζενἐπιτηρῶνμὴοἱ βάρβαροι τοῦτο ποιήσωσιν. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδ᾽ἐκεῖνοι διαβῆναιἐτόλμησαν γνόντες αὐτὸν παρόντα.

22.  Dio 56.22.4.

23.  Dio 56.25.4.

24.  Dio 55.33.4; 56.27.2–3.

25.  Metzger (2004), pp. 249–52.

26.  Cic., Verr. 4.66.148.

27.  Crook (1967), pp. 73–5; Paoli (1963), pp. 194–5.

28.  Paoli (1963), pp. 193–4. Paoli notes that Germanicus’ brother Claudius, as emperor, put a ceiling of 10,000 sesterces on fees that lawyers could charge their clients.

29.  Metzger (2004), pp. 252–3, suggesting that the Romans did not have a system based on case law, but that it was based on formulary procedure, and ‘the decision of a Roman judge did not make law for future decisions’.

30.  Cic., Brut. 43.158.

31.  Suet., Calig. 3.1: ingenium in utroque eloquentiae doctrinaeque genere praecellens.

32.  Dio 56.24.7.

33.  Dio 56.24.7: ἔδεισενὁκατήγορος αὐτοῦμὴἐλαττωθῇδιὰτοῦτο παρὰτοῖς δικασταῖς ἐφ᾽ οἷσπερ εἰώθει τὰτοιαῦτα κρίνεσθαι, καὶ παρὰτῷΑὐγούστῳδικασθῆναι μάτηνἠθέλησεν: οὐ γὰρἐκράτησεν.

34.  Dio 56.24.7.

35.  Dio 56.24.7: ὅτιὁΓερμανικὸςἐκ πολλῶνᾠκειοῦτο τῷπλήθει, καὶὅτιὑπερεδίκει τινῶν, οὐχ ὅπωςἐπὶ τῶνἄλλων δικαστῶνἀλλὰκαὶἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦτοῦΑὐγούστου. διὸκαὶ ταμίᾳτινὶ φόνου αἰτίανἔχοντι τοῦΓερμανικοῦσυναγορεύειν μέλλοντος.

36.  Suet., Div. Aug. 33.1; Everitt (2006), p.249.

37.  Suet., Tib. 8.

38.  Tac., Ann. 1.41; 2.43: insigni fecunditate.

39.  Suet., Calig. 7. Several inscriptions mention Drusus Iulius Caesar. He is called Drusus Caesar in CIL II, 609; III, 380 = ILS 185; V, 4953 =ILS 187; 7567; X, 6101; XI, 3788; ILS 186; IGR IV, 75 = IG XII.2, 213; Drusus Iulius: CIL II, 1553; Drusus: CIL VI, 5201 = ILS 1837, which is one relating to his childhood; CIL VI, 31274, which is a fragment of marble surviving from a monument that seems to have been dedicated ob honorem Augustalitatis by a municipium close to Rome, and reads Druso Germanici Caesaris f.; and IGR IV, 78 = IG XII.2, 172 = ILS 8789, from Mytilene, which mentions Drusi in Greek. The variations of his name are similar to those of his brother Nero (see Chapter 2, note 46) and the full name, Drusus Iulius Germanicus, appears in CIL V, 6416 no. 9 =ILS 107 no. 9. The clan name Iulius, which was usually omitted in the house of Augustus, recurs here not among his sons, but among his grandsons and great-grandsons. Drusus held fewer public offices than his older brother, Nero: known from inscriptions arepraefectus urbi and sodalis Augustalis: ILS 186 (Bordeaux); pontifex: CIL III, 380; duovir quinquennalis: XIV, 2965 (Praeneste); cf. 3017. One P. Vergilius is implied as praefectus of Drusus in CIL V, 7567; and P. Plautius Pulcher as comes Drusi in XIV, 3607. Tacitus (Ann. 6.40.4) reports that Drusus was married to Aemilia Lepida, to whom CIL VI, 9449 apparently refers.

40.  Suet., Calig. 7.

41.  CIL VI, 888: Ti. Caesar | Germanici Caesaris f. | hic crematus est. It was found in 1777 near the Mausoleum of Augustus from the crematory (ustrinum domus Augustae) along with five other epitaphs of members of the princeps’ household.

42.  http://www.utexas.edu/depts/classics/documents/Life.html. For a statistical survey, see Scheidel (2009), which shows that infant deaths peaked during the months of late summer and early autumn.

43.  Suet., Calig. 8.2.

44.  Suet., Div. Aug. 34.2; Calig. 7, 8.2. CIL VI, 889 = ILS 181, found at the sepulchral monument near the Mausoleum of Augustus on the via Flaminia, reads C. Caesar | Germanici Caesaris f. | hie crematus est.

45.  Suet., Calig. 7, 8.2.

46.  Suet., Calig. 7.

47.  Suet., Div. Aug. 34: accitos Germanici liberos receptosque partim ad se partim in patris gremium ostentavit, manu vultuque significans ne gravarentur imitari iuvenis exemplum.

48.  Dio 56.25.2: Τιβέριος μὲνκαὶ Γερμανικὸςἀντὶὑπάτουἄρχωνἔςτετὴν Κελτικὴνἐσέβαλον καὶ κατέδραμόν τινα αὐτῆς. The claim that Germanicus was proconsul seems anachronistic; he had not yet served a term as consul. The trip in 11 CE was Germanicus’ first visit to the region.

49.  Dio 56.25.2: οὐμέντοι οὔτε μάχῃτινὶἐνίκησαν῾ἐςγὰρχεῖρας οὐδεὶςαὐτοῖςᾔεἰ οὔτε.

50.  Dio 56.25.3: ἔθνος τιὑπηγάγοντο: δεδιότες γὰρμὴκαὶ συμφορᾷαὖθις περιπέσωσιν, οὐπάνυ πόρρω τοῦῬήνου προῆλθον. Dio’s comment overlooks the fact that Tiberius’ patient but methodical approach had been key to winning the Bellum Batonianum. Augustus himself was fond of the Greek maxim, ‘the cautious commander is better than the bold’: Suet., Div. Aug. 25.

51.  Dio 56.25.3: ἀλλὰαὐτοῦπου μέχρι τοῦμετοπώρου μείναντες καὶ τὰτοῦΑὐγούστου γενέθλια ἑορτάσαντες καί τιναἱπποδρομίανἐναὐτοῖςδιὰτῶνἑκατοντάρχων ποιήσαντεςἐπανῆλθον.

52.  Timpe (1968), p. 37; cf. p. 45, proposes that, for this campaign, Germanicus was acclaimed imperator. Syme (1978), p. 60 n. 3, thinks this ‘cannot be correct’.

53.  Suet., Calig. 1.1: et post eam consulatum statim gessit.

54.  Dio 56.1; Suet., Calig. 8.

55.  Cic., Font. 18, cited by Weinstock (1950).

56.  Dio 56.1.

57.  Cowell (1962), pp. 166–71.

58.  Everitt (2001), p. 87.

59.  Everitt (2006), pp. 209–11.

60.  Dio 53.12.1.

61.  Dio 56.26.1.

62.  Consules suffecti were traditional replacements for men who had died or resigned from office. Suffects were elected in each of the following years of his lifetime since birth: 16, 12, 5, 4, 2 and 1 BCE, and 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 CE.

63.  Varro was a later deputy of Tiberius in the province of Germania Inferior: Tac., Ann. 3.41.

64.  Dio 56.26.1: Γερμανικὸς…καὶ αὐτὸςμὲνοὐδὲν ἄξιον μνήμης ἔπραξε, πλὴν ὅτι καὶ τότε ὑπερεδίκησεν, ἐπεί γε ὁ συνάρχων αὐτοῦΓάιος Καπίτων καὶ πάνυ τὴνἄλλωςἠριθμεῖτο.

65.  Dio 56.26.2.

66.  Dio 56.27.4.

67.  Dio 56.27.4.

68.  Dio 56.27.5.

69.  Beacham (1999), p. 115.

70.  Cato, Agr. 141.4.

71.  Shadrake (2005), p. 236.

72.  Dio 54.2.4.

73.  Sen., Ep. 70.20, says that the bestiarii were generally a feature of the morning show, and, as they were usually condemned criminals or prisoners, they were considered of lesser status than gladiators.

74.  Futrell (1997), p. 45; Shadrake (2005), p. 25.

75.  Dio 56.27.5.

76.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 2.25.

77.  Suet., Calig. 8.1, 5: he argues strongly for Antium, a seaside resort town located along the western coast of Italy some 64km (40 miles) south of Rome, based on an entry in the proceedings of the Senate, and against other contemporaries who argued for Tibur.

78.  Suet., Calig. 8.1.

79.  Suet., Calig. 7.

80.  Ov., Pont. 4.13.47f.

81.  Seager (1972), p. 45 n. 6, points out that the day is certain but the year is not, though there is more evidence in support of 12 CE.

82.  Dio 56.17.1; Suet., Tib. 17.2.

83.  Dio 56.18.1; Vell. Pat. 2.112.2; 121.3; Suet., Tib. 20.

84.  Suet., Tib. 20; Ov., Pont. 2.1, 2; 3.3.85ff.

85.  Dio 55.8.2.

86.  Ov., Pont. 2.1.25ff.

87.  Suet., Tib. 17. A silver denarius minted in Lugdunum in 13 CE shows Tiberius standing to the right in a triumphal quadriga, holding an eagle-tipped sceptre: RIC 222; RSC 300; BMCRE 512.

88.  Ov., Pont. 2.1.45–6; Suet., Tib. 20.

89.  M. Grant, Caesar (London, 1974), p. 160.

90.  Dio 56.12.5.

91.  Suet., Tib. 20.

92.  Suet., Tib. 16: Ac perseuerantiae grande pretium tulit, toto Illyrico, quod inter Italiam regnumque Noricum et Thraciam et Macedoniam interque Danuuium flumen et sinum maris Hadriatici patet, perdomito et in dicionem redacto.

93.  Suet., Tib. 20.

94.  The Gemma Augustea is now in the Collection of Greek and Roman Antiquities in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna (inventory number IX A 79).

95.  On the arguments about the dating of the gem and what its images represent, see Zanker (1990), pp. 230–3; Galinsky (1996), pp. 120–1.

96.  An alternative interpretation sees the reclining woman as Italia Turrita, the personification of the Italian nation.

97.  Suet., Tib. 21.1. The tribunician power had been granted to him for the second time before the Batonian War: Suet., Tib. 16.1.

98.  Ov., Pont. 2.1.57–68.

99.  Suet., Tib. 20.

100.  Tac., Ann. 1.3, 14.

101.  Lintott (1993), p. 22.

102.  Suet., Calig. 8.3.

103.  Barrett (1989), p. 7.

104.  A.K. Bowman, ‘Provincial Administration and Taxation’, CAH, pp. 344–5.

105.  Powell (2011a), pp. 52–7.

106.  Dio 54.25.1; Drinkwater (1983), pp.228–30; Wolff (1998), p. 121.

107.  Tac., Ann. 1.11.7.

108.  On the paucity of evidence for these magistracies in the Gallic civitates, see Drinkwater (1983), p. 108.

109.  Goudineau, in CAH, pp. 498–9; Wightman (1971), p. 37.

110.  Wolff (1998), p. 33.

111.  Tac., Agr. 21.

112.  Tac., Agr. 21.

113.  Tac., Agr. 11.

114.  In the settlement with the Senate in 27 BCE, Augustus took over all imperial provinces and the army located in them, which left the Senate with control of the other territories, but no means to enforce it: Dio 55.23.1–5.6.

115.  Dio 55.23.2–6; Tac., Ann. 1.31; in 1.56, he states that there were at least ‘5,000 auxiliaries’ under Caecina in Germania Inferior.

116.  Tac., Ann. 1.7.

117.  Erdkamp (2007), p. 102.

118.  Erdkamp (2007), p. 103.

119.  P. Herz, ‘Finances and Costs of the Roman Army’, CRA, p. 317.

120.  Brunn (1999), p. 24, cites the example of RIC I, 25; Sutherland (1978), pp. 65–6.

121.  Brunn (1999), p. 24. Copper aes and bronze dupondii coins continued to be minted in Rome.

122.  Grant (1958), p. 79.

123.  Mattingly (1960), pp. 104–5.

124.  For a full discussion, see Powell (2011a), pp. 56–7 and 96–9.

125.  Wightman (1971), p. 36.

126.  Dio 55.10a.3.

127.  Tac., Ann. 1.39, 57.2.

128.  Drinkwater (1983), p. 21.

129.  Dio 54.25.1.

130.  Augustus, Res Gestae 2.8; Livy, Per. 134.

131.  Tac., Ann. 1.31; 2.6.

132.  Ulpian, Digesta 50.15.4, cited in Levick (1985), pp. 72–4, no. 63.

133.  The best known example of a census is that recorded in the Gospel of St Luke 2:1–6; see Braunert (1957).

134.  ILS 1514, cited in Mommsen and Demandt (1996), p. 291 n. 495.

135.  Suet., Calig. 8.1.

136.  Suet., Calig. 7.

137.  Suet., Calig. 8.1: OB AGRIPPINAE PUERPERIUM. He writes that Agrippina had nine children, two of whom – an unnamed boy and Caius – died in infancy and one boy died entering boyhood, plus three girls who lived, who were born in successive years, which would be 15, 16 and 18 CE. This leaves one child unaccounted for, which I place at Ambitarvium. See Lindsay (1995).

138.  Suet., Calig. 8.4: see the interpretation of the context in Barrett (1989), p. 7.

139.  Tabula Siarensis, lines 13–14: Germanici Caesaris, cum[i]is Germanis bello supe[ratis| [–-] a Gallia sum〈m〉otis. See Rowe (2002), p. 3; Levick (1976/1999), p.x.

140.  Vell. Pat. 2.121.1.

141.  See Syme (1978), pp. 58 with notes 5 and 6. Syme believes that the epigram celebrates Germanicus’ later victories in Germania, rather than a Gallic insurrection. In Syme (1979), p. 318, he again points out that the Greek poet may mean Germans, ‘alluding to the subsequent campaigns of Germanicus Caesar’, but also suggests he might be referring to the campaigns of the man’s father, Drusus the Elder.

142.  As noted by Syme (1978), pp. 58–61, Germanicus is known to have been acclaimed as imperator twice during his lifetime. The first occasion is still the subject of debate amongst scholars.

143.  Vell. Pat. 2.123: Quippe Caesar Augustus cum Germanicum nepotem suum reliqua belli patraturum misisset in Germaniam.

144.  Vell. Pat. 2.123; Tac., Ann. 1.5.3; Suet., Div. Aug. 97.3; Tib. 21.1.

145.  Suet., Div. Aug. 97.3. On the shooting star see Sen. Nat. Qu. 1.3.

146.  Tac., Ann. 1.33.

147.  Suet., Div. Aug. 50. See also Simpson (2005), pp. 180–8.

148.  Tac., Ann. 1.7.

149.  Dio 56.30.1; 30.5; Suet., Div. Aug. 98.5–100.1; Tac., Ann. 1.9.

150.  Suet., Div. Aug. 101.2; Eutrop., Brev. 7.10.

151.  Tac., Ann. 1.14: at Germanico Caesari pro consulare imperium petivit, missique legati qui deferrent, simul maestitiam eius ob excessum Augusti solarentur.

152.  Life: Dio 56.30.5. Princeps Senatus: Augustus, Res Gestae 1.7.

153.  Dio 56.32.1; Suet., Div. Aug. 101.2; Tib. 23; Tac., Ann. 1.8 (mentions the breviary listing imperial revenues and military dispositions). Only Dio (56.33.1) states that there was a fourth document in which Augustus advised against expanding the empire’s borders. On the discrepancy between the number of documents and its significance, see Ober (1982).

154.  Dio 56.32.2; Suet., Div. Aug. 101.2.

155.  Dio 57.18.11.

156.  Dio 56.32.2; Suet., Div. Aug. 101.2–3.

157.  Will: Dio 56.33.1–4; Suet., Div. Aug. 101.4; Tib. 23. Dio mentions Tiberius and Drusus the Younger as present during the meeting of the Senate and at the funeral, but not Germanicus. Limits to Empire: Dio 56.33.5–6; Tac., Ann. 1.9, 11.

158.  Gruen (2005), p. 50.

159.  Suet., Tib. 21; Vell. Pat. 2.121.1. On the importance of creating and maintaining the façade of Republican legitimacy, see Ehrenberg (1953), pp. 113–36.

160.  Dio 57.2.1; Suet., Tib. 23–4; Tac., Ann. 1.7.

161.  Dio 56.44.3; Tac., Ann. 1.2, 12.

162.  Tac., Ann. 1.33.

163.  Suet., Tib. 50.1.

164.  Dio 56.43.4. This era of peace was symbolically represented by closing the doors of the Temple of Janus, an achievement boasted of by Augustus in his Res Gestae (2.13), and the consecration of the Ara Pacis Augustae in the Campus Martius in January 9 BCE. On the rei publicae causa, see Chapter 1, n. 151.

165.  Dio 56.43.4.

166.  Tac., Ann. 1.6: eam condicionem esse imperandi, ut non aliter ratio constet quam si uni reddatur.

167.  Dio 56.45.1–2.

168.  Dio 56.41.1.

169.  Dio 56.41.9: τοιγαροῦνδιὰταῦτα εἰκότως καὶ προστάτην αὐτὸνκαὶ πατέρα δημόσιον ἐποιήσασθε, καὶἄλλοις τε πολλοῖςκαὶὑπατείαις πλείσταιςἐπεγαυρώσατε, καὶ τὸτελευταῖον καὶἥρωαἀπεδείξατε καὶἀθάνατονἀπεφήνατε. οὔκουν οὐδὲπενθεῖναὐτὸνἡμῖν πρέπει, ἀλλὰ τὸμὲνσῶμα αὐτοῦτῇφύσειἤδηἀποδοῦναι, τὴνδὲψυχὴνὡςκαὶ θεοῦἀεὶἀγάλλειν.

170.  Dio 56.46.1.

171.  Tac., Ann. 1.54. See also Rüpke (2008), p. 9.

172.  Tac., Ann. 1.54.

173.  Rüpke (2008), p. 161.

174.  Dio 51.19; 54.34; Tac., Ann. 1.54.

175.  Tac., Ann. 1.13, 15; Dio 56.46.

176.  Dio 54.34; Suet., Div. Aug. 98.

177.  Dio 56.29.1.

178.  Augustalia of 14 CE: Tac., Ann. 1.54. Content of the Augustalia: Suet., Claud. 11.2; cf. Dio 56.46.1–47.2. Tiberius’ complex personality: Dio 57.1.1–6; Tac., Ann. 1.33. Actors’ dispute: Dio 56.47.2.

179.  Dio 56.47.2; Tac., Ann. 1.54.

180.  Dio 57.8.2: καὶ πολλάκις γεἔλεγενὅτι‘δεσπότης μὲντῶν δούλων, αὐτοκράτωρ δὲ τῶν στρατιωτῶν.

181.  Tac., Ann. 1.7.

182.  Suet., Tib. 22; Tac., Ann. 1.5–6, 53. See Allen (1947). Postumus had been banished to Surrentum in 6 CE and to Planasia in 7 CE – Levick (1972b), pp. 692 and 694–95.

183.  Suet., Tib. 25. Detweiler (1970), pp. 289–295. See also Allen (1947), who argues that Postumus may have died a natural death.

184.  Dio 57.18.1; Tac., Ann. 1.53.

185.  Suet., Div. Aug. 101.3.

186.  Tac., Ann. 1.7: ausa praecipua ex formidine, ne Germanicus, in cuius manu tot legiones, immensa sociorum auxilia, mirus apud populum favor, habere imperium quam exspectare mallet.

187.  Suet., Tib. 24; Tac., Ann. 1.7.

188.  L. Scribonius Libo: Suet., Tib. 25.

189.  Suet., Tib. 25: Quem maxime casum timens, partes sibi quas senatui liberet, tuendas in re p. depoposcit, quando uniuersae sufficere solus nemo posset nisi cum altero uel etiam cum pluribus.

190.  Tac., Ann. 1.14.3.

191.  Syme (1978), p. 57, citing Tac., Ann. 1.31.

192.  Tac., Ann. 1.34; Suet., Tib. 25.

193.  Tac., Ann. 1.34.

194.  Vell. Pat. 2.125; Tac., Ann. 1.31.

195.  Tac., Ann. 1.34.

196.  Tac., Ann. 1.16.

197.  Dio 57.4.1.

198.  Tac., Ann. 1.31.

199.  Pliny, Ep. 3.5.4: ‘Bellorum Germaniae viginiti’; quibus quae cum Germanis gessimus bella collegit. Incohavit cum in Germania militaret, somnio monitus: adstitit ei quiescenti Drusi Neronis effigies, qui Germaniae latissime victor ibi periit, commenadabat memoriam suam orabatque ut se iniuria oblivionis aderet.

200.  Tac., Ann. 3.41; 4.73; 13.53. The region covers what is now North Rhine-Westfalia, Luxembourg, and the southern part of the Netherlands.

201.  Tac., Ann. 3.41; 4.73; 13.53. The region covers what is now western Switzerland, Jura and Alsace in France, and Bavaria.

202.  Tac., Ann. 1.31, 37–39, 45.

203.  Tac., Ann. 1.34.

204.  Tac., Ann. 1.34.

205.  Rowe (2002), p. 163.

206.  Tac., Ann. 1.35. Rowe (2002), p. 163, notes similarities to the speech recorded by Tacitus in the Tabula Siarensis, which records his actual words to the troops against Piso.

207.  Tac., Ann. 1.35.

208.  Tac., Ann. 1.35.

209.  Tac., Ann. 1.35. Cassius Chaerea would become famous in history as the assassin of Caligula.

210.  Tac., Ann. 1.35.

211.  Tac., Ann. 1.35: mox indiscretis vocibus pretiα vαcαtionum, αngustiαs stipendii, duritiαm operum αc propriis nominibus incusαnt vallum, fossas, pabuli materiae lignorum adgestus, et si qua alia ex necessitate aut adversus otium castrorum quaeruntur. atrocissimus veteranorum clamor oriebatur, qui tricena aut supra stipendia numerantes, mederetur fessis, neu mortem in isdem laboribus, sed finem tam exercitae militiae neque inopem requiem orabant.

212.  Dio 55.23.1.

213.  Dio 57.4.2; cf. Vell. Pat. 2.125, noting that the men ‘demanded a new leader, a new constitution, a new republic; they even had the confidence to threaten that they would give laws to the Senate, and to the princeps; and they attempted to fix the amount of their pay and of their service’ (Quippe exercitus, qui in Germania militabat…, rabie quadam et profunda confudendi omnia cupiditate novum ducem, novum statum, novam quaerebant rem publicam; quin etiam ausi sunt minaridaturos se senatui, daturos principi leges; modum stipendii, finem militiae sibi ipsi constituere conati sunt).

214.  Dio 55.25.1.

215.  Dio 55.24.9–55.25.1.

216.  Augustus, Res Gestae 3.

217.  Dio 55.25.3; Suet., Div. Aug. 49. The tax on auctions was reduced by Tiberius to half of one per cent (ducentesima), and abolished altogether by Caligula in Italy (Tac., Ann. 1.78; 2.42; Suet., Calig. 16).

218.  Dio, 55.23–35; Augustus, Res Gestae 17.

219.  The praetores aerarii were chosen by lot: Frontin., Aq. 100; Suet., Div. Aug. 36; Tac., Ann. 1.75; 13.2, 28–9.

220.  Dio 55.23.1: χαλεπῶςδὲ δὴτῶν στρατιωτῶνπρὸςτὴντῶνἄθλων σμικρότητα διὰτοὺς πολέμους τοὺς τότεἐνεστηκότας οὐχἥκισταἐχόντων, καὶ μηδενὸςἔξω τοῦτεταγμένου τῆς στρατείας σφίσι χρόνου ὅπλα λαβεῖν ἐθέλοντος, ἐψηφίσθη τοῖςμὲν ἐκτοῦ δορυφορικοῦ πεντακισχιλίας δραχμάς, ἐπειδὰνἑκκαίδεκαἔτη, τοῖςδὲἑτέροις τρισχιλίας, ἐπειδὰν.

221.  Dio 55.24.8.

222.  Dio 55.24.8: καὶ εἰσὶ καὶ νῦν σύστημαἴδιον, ῥάβδους φέροντεςὥσπερ οἱἑκατόνταρχοι.

223.  Tac., Ann. 1.35.

224.  Tac., Ann. 1.31: igitur audito fine Augusti vernacula multitudo, nuper acto in urbe dilectu, lasciviae sueta, laborum intolerans, implere ceterorum rudes animos: venisse tempus quo veterani maturam missionem, iuvenes largiora stipendia, cuncti modum miseriarum exposcerent saevitiamque centurionum ulciscerentur. The levy followed the emergency to raise troops to defend Italy after the disaster at Teutoburg in 9 CE.

225.  Tac., Ann. 1.31.

226.  They may not necessarily have been in one giant circumvallated camp, but two camps of the legions, paired up and located in close proximity. Co-billeting of legions on this scale, however, was common in the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius.

227.  Tac., Ann. 1.32.

228.  Tac., Ann. 1.31: sua in manu sitam rem Romanam, suis victoriis augeri rem publicam, in suum cognomentum adscisci imperatores.

229.  Tac., Ann. 1.35.

230.  Dio 57.5.1.

231.  Tac., Ann. 1.31: Isdem ferme diebus isdem causis Germanicae legiones turbatae, quanto plures tanto violentius, et magna spe fore ut Germanicus Caesar imperium alterius pati nequiret daretque se legionibus vi sua cuncta tracturis.

232.  Dio 57.5.2; Tac., Ann. 1.35; Suet., Tib. 25.

233.  Dio 57.5.2; Tac., Ann. 1.35.

234.  Dio 57.5.3: ὁοὖν Γερμανικὸςἰδὼνὅποι1τὸπρᾶγμα προεληλύθει, ἀποκτεῖναι μὲνἑαυτὸνοὐκ ἐτόλμησε διά τε τἆλλα καὶὅτι στασιάσειν αὐτοὺςοὐδὲνἧττονἤλπισε, γράμματα δὲδή τιναὡς καὶ παρὰ τοῦ Τιβερίου πεμφθέντα συνθείς, τήν τε δωρεὰντὴν ὑπὸ τοῦ Αὐγούστου καταλειφθεῖσάν σφισι διπλῆνὡςκαὶ παρ᾽ἐκείνουἔδωκε, καὶ τοὺς.

235.  Tac., Ann. 1.35.

236.  Tac., Ann. 1.36.

237.  Tac., Ann. 1.36.

238.  Tac., Ann. 1.36: igitur volutatis inter se rationibusplacitum ut epistulae nomineprincipis scriberentur: missionem dari vicena stipendia meritis, exauctorari qui sena dena fecissent ac retineri sub vexillo ceterorum inmunes nisi propulsandi hostis, legata quae petiverant exsolvi duplicarique. The same episode is repeated in Dio 57.5.1.

239.  Dio 57.5.1–2; Tac., Ann. 1.37.

240.  Dio 57.5.3; Tac., Ann. 1.37.

241.  Dio 57.5.4: ἔξω τῆςἡλικίαςἀφῆκε: καὶ γὰρἐκτοῦἀστικοῦὄχλου, οὓςὁΑὔγουστος μετὰτὴν τοῦΟὐάρου συμφορὰν προσκατέλεξεν, οἱ πλείους αὐτῶνἦσαν.

242.  Tac., Ann. 1.45.

243.  A vexillation may also have been stationed 40.6km (28.6 miles) away in Novaesium, which had been the original home of Legiones XVIII and XIX – with forward bases possibly at Oberaden and confirmed at Haltern – before they were annihilated in 9 CE.

244.  Tac., Ann. 1.37. There was considerable movement of legionary units in the aftermath of the disaster at Teutoburg. Legio II Augusta was based, at this time, at Mogontiacum (Mainz); Legio XIII Gemina may have been stationed at Augusta Vindelicorum (Augsburg) or Mogontiacum, before finally settling at Vindonissa (Windisch); and Legio XVI Gallica is attested at Mogontiacum in 14 CE, alongside XIV Gemina.

245.  Tac., Ann. 1.37.

246.  Tac., Ann. 1.38.

247.  Tac., Ann. 1.38.

248.  Dio 57.5.4; Tac., Ann. 1.39.

249.  Dio 57.5.4–5: ὕστερον δὲπρεσβευτῶν παρὰτοῦΤιβερίου βουλευτῶνἐλθόντων, οἷςἐκεῖνοςἐν ἀπορρήτῳμόνα εἶπενὅσατὸν Γερμανικὸν μαθεῖνἠθέλησεν῾εὖτε γὰρἠπίστατο πάντως σφᾶς ἐροῦντάς οἱ πάντα τὰἑαυτοῦδιανοήματα, καὶ οὐκἠβουλήθη παρὰταῦτα οὐδέν, ὡςκαὶ μόνα ὄντα, οὔτε ἐκείνους οὔτε τὸν Γερμανικὸν πολυπραγμονῆσαἰ, τούτων οὖν ἀφικομένων οἱ στρατιῶται τό τε τοῦΓερμανικοῦστρατήγημα μαθόντες, καὶτοὺς βουλευτὰςὡςκαὶἐπὶτῇτῶν πεπραγμένωνὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦκαταλύσει παρόνταςὑποπτεύσαντες, ἐθορύβησαν.

250.  Tac., Ann. 1.39.

251.  Tac., Ann. 1.39.

252.  Dio 57.5.6.

253.  Dio 57.5.6; Suet., Calig. 9; Tac., Ann. 1.39.

254.  Dio 57.5.6; Tac., Ann. 1.39.

255.  On the importance of the legion’s aquila, see Dio 40.18.1–2; 43.35.4.

256.  Tac., Ann. 1.39.

257.  Tac., Ann. 1.39.

258.  Tac., Ann. 1.40.

259.  Upon enlistment in the army, married men below the rank of centurion were automatically granted divorce. For the presence of women in military bases, see Barrett (2006); Campbell (2010).

260.  Tac., Ann. 3.33: Inter quae Severus Caecina censuit ne quem magistratum cui provincia obvenisset uxor comitaretur, multum ante repetito concordem sibi coniugem et sex partus enixam, seque quae in publicum statueret dσmi servavisse, cohibita intra Italiam, quamquam ipse pluris per provincias quadraginta stipendia explevisset. haud enim frustra placitum olim ne feminae in socios aut gentis externas traherentur: inesse mulierum comitatui quae pacem luxu, bellum formidine morentur et Romanum agmen ad similitudinem barbari incessus convertant. non imbecillum tantum et imparem laboribus sexum sed, si licentia adsit, saevum, ambitiosum, potestatis avidum; incedere inter milites, habere ad manum centuriones.

261.  Tac., Ann. 1.40.

262.  Suet., Calig. 9.

263.  Tac., Ann. 1.41.

264.  Tac., Ann. 1.40. Tacitus wryly comments that they wept as much for her departure as for their own insecurity at being left behind.

265.  Tac., Ann. 1.41.

266.  Suet., Calig. 9.

267.  Tac., Ann. 1.42–3.

268.  Dio 57.5.7; Suet., Calig. 9; Tac., Ann. 1.44.

269.  Tac., Ann. 1.44.

270.  Dio 57.5.7; Tac., Ann. 1.44.

271.  Tac., Ann. 1.44.

272.  Tac., Ann. 1.45.

273.  Tac., Ann. 1.48.

274.  Tac., Ann. 1.48.

275.  Tac., Ann. 1.49: mox ingressus castra Germanicus, non medicinam illud plurimis cum lacrimis sed cladem appellans, cremari corpora iubet.

276.  Tac., Ann. 1.35.3.

277.  Dio 57.6.1; Tac., Ann. 1.44, 49.

278.  Tac., Ann. 1.43.

279.  Tac., Ann. 1.49: sequitur ardorem militum Caesar iunctoque ponte tramittit duodecim milia e legionibus, sex et viginti socias cohortis, octo equitum alas, quarum ea seditione intemerata modestia fuit; cf. Dio 57.6.1. The bridge was probably erected at Vetera.

280.  Tac., Ann. 1.50.

281.  Tac., Ann. 1.50: at Romanus agmine propero silvam Caesiam limitemque a Tiberio coeptum scindit, castra in limite locat, frontem ac tergum vallo, latera concaedibus munitus. It is not at all clear where and what this barrier was, and so far nothing has been discovered through archaeology.

282.  Tac., Ann. 1.50.

283.  Tac., Ann. 1.50: ac ne pax quidem nisi languida et soluta inter temulentos.

284.  Tac., Ann. 1.51: non sexus, non aetas miserationem attulit: profana simul et sacra et celeberrimum illis gentibus templum quod Tanfanae vocabant solo aequantur. sine vulnere milites, qui semisomnos, inermos aut palantis ceciderant.

285.  Tac., Ann. 1.51: quod gnarum duci incessitque itineri et proelio. pars equitum et auxiliariae cohortes ducebant, mox prima legio, et mediis impedimentis sinistrum latus unetvicesimani, dextrum quintani clausere, vicesima legio terga firmavit, post ceteri sociorum.

286.  Tac., Ann. 1.51: pergerent, properarent culpam in decus vertere.

287.  Suet., Calig. 4.

288.  Suet., Calig. 4: e Germania vero post compressam seditionem revertenti praetorianas cohortes universas prodisse obviam, quamvis pronuntiatum esset, ut duae tantum modo exirent, populi autem Romani sexum, aetatem, ordinem omnem usque ad vicesimum lapidem effudisse se.

289.  Tac., Ann. 1.46, 52.

290.  News of the mutiny by the Pannonian legions only reached Rome well after it had been settled: Tac., Ann. 1.46.

291.  Tac., Ann. 1.46.

292.  Suet., Tib. 38.

293.  Suet., Tib. 21.

294.  Suet., Tib. 28: in ciuitate libera linguam mentemque liber as esse debere.

295.  Tac., Ann. 1.46; cf. 1.33. Tacitus also manages to belittle Drusus the Younger and Germanicus in the same statement for their approach to the mutiny, which ‘could not be quelled by the yet imperfectly-matured authority of two striplings’ (dissideat interim miles neque duorum adulescentium nondum adulta auctoritate comprimi queat).

296.  Tac., Ann. 3.56.

297.  Dio 57.6.2.

298.  Tac., Ann. 1.52; cf. 1.46; Dio 57.6.4.

299.  Suet., Calig. 1: Germanicus, …ad exercitum in Germaniam, excessu Augusti nuntiato, legiones universas imperatorem Tiberium pertinacissime recusantis et sibi summam rei p. deferentis incertum pietate an constantia maiore compescuit.

300.  Tac., Ann. 1.52; Dio 57.4.2, 6.4–5.

301.  Tac., Ann. 1.46–7, 78.2.

Chapter 4: Up Against the Angrivarian Wall

1.  Ov., Pont. 2.1.57–68.

2.  Tac., Ann. 1.55.1. Some argue that Tiberius granted the triumph as much to gently admonish as to reward: see Syme (1978), p. 60 and Syme (1979), p. 323.

3.  Tac., Ann. 2.41.1.

4.  Tac., Ann. 1.55.

5.  Strab, Geog. 7.1.3. For a survey of current knowledge of the Chatti, see Powell (2011a), pp. 82–83.

6.  Tac., Germ. 30: Duriora genti corpora, stricti artus, minax vultus et maior animi vigor.

7.  Tac., Ann. 1.56.

8.  Tac., Germ. 30: Omne robur in pedite, quem super arma ferramentis quoque et copiis onerant: alios ad proelium ire videas, Chattos ad bellum.

9.  Tac., Germ. 30: Rari excursus et fortuita pugna. Equestrium sane virium id proprium, cito parare victoriam, cito cedere: velocitas iuxta formidinem, cunctatio propior constantiae est.

10.  Tac., Ann. 1.55. Tacitus says the opportunity arose in aestatem, ‘at the beginning of spring’.

11.  Tac., Ann. 1.56: et tumultuarias catervas Germanorum cis Rhenum colentium. The auxiliaries were probably levied from among the recently relocated Sugambri (now known by the name Ciberni or Cugerni), and the Treveri and Ubii nations, resettled by Iulius Caesar and M. Agrippa respectively, the Ubii having been specifically moved there to defend that section of the river.

12.  Tac., Ann. 1.56; 2.17. The cohors Raetorum and Vindelicorum had been established by Drusus the Elder following the Alpine War of 15 BCE.

13.  Tac., Ann. 1.56.

14.  Tac., Ann. 1.56: positoque castello super vestigia paternipraesidii in monte Tauno expeditum exercitum in Chattos rapit, L. Apronio ad munitiones viarum et fluminum relicto. nam (rarum illi caelo) siccitate et amnibus modicis inoffensum iter properaverat.

15.  Tac., Ann. 1.56: ut quod imbecillum aetate ac sexu statim captum aut trucidatum sit.

16.  This is the first mention of flumen Adrana in Latin literature.

17.  Tac., Ann. 1.56: dein tormentis sagittisque pulsi.

18.  Tac., Ann. 1.56: temptatis frustra condicionibus pacis, cum quidam ad Germanicum perfugissent, reliqui omissis pagis vicisque in silvas disperguntur.

19.  Tac., Ann. 1.56. The exact location of Mattium is not known for certain, though the Fritzlar or Maden – with its basalt mound known locally as the Maderstein rising 265m – in the Schwalm-Eder district of northern Hessen is suspected. It is one of the few Germanic place names cited in Latin literature of the time.

20.  Tac., Ann. 1.56.

21.  Grote (2005); http://www.grote-archaeologie.de/roemer.html.

22.  Tac., Ann. 1.56: non auso hoste terga abeuntium lacessere, quod illi moris, quotiens astu magis quam per formidinem cessit.

23.  Caes., Bell. Gall. 6.10.

24.  Dio 55.1.2.

25.  Or Armenius: Strab., Geog. 7.1.4.

26.  Tac., Ann. 1.56.

27.  Tac., Ann. 1.56; 2.25.

28.  Tac., Ann. 1.57.

29.  Tac., Ann. 1.57.

30.  Tac., Ann. 1.58.

31.  Tac., Ann. 1.58.5: exercitum reduxit nomenque imperatorisauctore Tiberio accepit. For a discussion of the significance of this, see Syme (1978), p. 61 and Syme (1979), pp. 322–3, noting Tiberius did not add this acclamation to his own titulature, and his declining of it may be seen as an act of ‘admonition, still amicable’. Germanicus is recorded as Imp. II on ILS 176 ff erected after his death.

32.  Tac., Ann. 1.60.

33.  Tac., Ann. 1.61.

34.  For a discussion of the canal, see Powell (2011a), pp. 64–6.

35.  Sen., Suas. 1.15: Latini declamatores in descriptione Oceani non nimis viguerunt, nam aut tumi() descripserunt aut curiose. nemo illorum potuit tanto spiritu dicere quanto PEDO, qui (in) navigante Germanico dicit. For Pedo, see Tac., Ann. 1.60.

36.  Sen., Suas. 1.15: lam pridem post terga diem solemque relictum | iamque vident noti se extorres finibus orbis, | per non concessas audaces ire tenebras | Hesperii metas extremaque litora mundi. | nunc ilium, pigris immania monstra sub undis | qui ferat, Oceanum, qui saevas undique pristis| aequoreosque canes, ratibus consurgere prensis, | accumulat fragor ipse metus, iam sidere limo | navigia et rapido desertam flamine classem, | seque feris credunt per inertia fata marinis | iam nonfelici laniandos sorte relinqui. | atque aliquis prora caecum sublimis ab alta | aera pugnaci luctatus rumpere visu, | ut nihil erepto valuit dinoscere mundo, | obstructo talis effunditpectore voces: | ‘quoferimur?’ fugit ipse dies orbemque relictum | ultima perpetuis claudit natura tenebris. | anne alio positas ultra sub cardine gentes | atque alium bellis intactum quaerimus orbem? | di revocant rerumque vetant cognoscere finem | mortales oculos. aliena quid aequora remis | et sacras violamus aquas divumque quietas | turbamus sedes? The splendidly evocative English translation was generously offered by Bob Durrett and received by the author with sincere thanks.

37.  See the excavation report on Bentumersiel online at http://www.nihk.de/index.php?id=2234.

38.  Strahl (2009b), pp. 12–15.

39.  Tac., Ann. 1.60.

40.  Tac., Germ. 33.

41.  Strab., Geog. 7.1.3: ὧνἐντῷἈμασίᾳΔροῦσος Βρουκτέρους κατεναυμάχησε..

42.  Tac., Ann. 1.60.

43.  Tac., Ann. 1.60: interque caedem et praedam repperit undevicesimae legionis aquilam cum Varo amissam.

44.  Tac., Ann. 1.60.

45.  Tac., Ann. 1.61.

46.  Tac., Ann. 1.61: incedunt maestos locos visuque ac memoria deformis.

47.  Tac., Ann. 1.62.

48.  Suet., Calig. 3.2.

49.  Tac., Ann. 1.62: Igitur Romanus qui aderat exercitus sextum post cladis annum trium legionum ossa, nullo noscente alienas reliquias an suorum humo tegeret, omnis ut coniunctos, ut consanguineos, aucta in hostem ira, maesti simul et infensi condebant.

50.  Tac., Ann. 1.62.

51.  Military commanders apparently frequently flouted rules of augury: see Cic., Div. 2.36.

52.  For an account of the Battle of Arbalo, see Powell (2011a), pp. 88–9.

53.  Tac., Ann. 1.63.

54.  Tac., Ann. 1.63: inde hostibus terror, fiducia militi.

55.  Tac., Ann. 1.63.

56.  Tac., Ann. 1.63.

57.  Tac., Ann. 1.64: Et cuncta pariter Romanis adversa, locus uligine profunda, idem ad gradum instabilis, procedentibus lubricus, corpora gravia loricis; neque librare pila inter undas poterant.

58.  Tac., Ann. 1.64.

59.  Tac., Ann. 1.64.

60.  Tac., Ann. 1.64.

61.  Tac., Ann. 1.65.

62.  Tac., Ann. 1.65: infectos caeno aut cruore cibos dividentes funestas tenebras et tot hominum milibus unum iam reliquum diem lamentabantur.

63.  Tac., Ann. 1.66.

64.  Tac., Ann. 1.67.

65.  Tac., Ann. 1.68.

66.  Tac., Ann. 1.69.

67.  Tac., Ann. 1.69: Sed femina ingens animi munia ducis per eos dies induit, militibusque, ut quis inops aut saucius, vestem et fomenta dilargita est. tradit C. Plinius Germanicorum bellorum scriptor, stetisse apud principium ponti laudes et grates reversis legionibus habentem.

68.  Tac., Ann. 1.70.

69.  Tac., Ann. 1.70: sternuntur fluctibus, hauriuntur gurgitibus; iumenta, sarcinae, corpora exanima inter-fluunt, occursant. permiscentur inter se manipuli, modo pectore, modo ore tenus extantes, aliquando subtracto solo disiecti aut obruti. non vox et mutui hortatus iuvabant adversante unda; nihil strenuus ab ignavo, sapiens ab inprudenti, consilia a casu differre: cuncta pari violentia involvebantur.

70.  The reference to the Visurgis is odd, given that Germanicus’ fleet was in the Amisia, as reported by Tacitus (Ann. 1.63). Perhaps Tacitus confused the rivers or just intended to mean that the men were marching generally in an easterly direction.

71.  Tac., Ann. 1.70.

72.  Tac., Ann. 1.71.

73.  Tac., Ann. 1.57, 71.

74.  Tac., Ann. 1.71.

75.  Tac., Ann. 1.71: Quorum laudato studio Germanicus, armis modo et equis ad bellum sumptis, propria pecunia militem iuvit. utque cladis memoriam etiam comitate leniret, circumire saucios, facta singulorum extollere; vulnera intuens alium spe, alium gloria, cunctos adloquio et cura sibique et proelio firmabat.

76.  Tac., Ann. 1.72. Syme (1979), p. 323, argues that the granting of ornamenta to the consular legates – since Germanicus already had triumphal honours, as yet uncelebrated – implies that the German Wars were to be regarded as terminated.

77.  Tac., Ann. 1.72, 76.

78.  Tac., Ann. 1.76.

79.  Barrett (1996), p. xix; Freisenbruch (2010), p. 100.

80.  Tac., Ann. 12.27. Under Claudius, the settlement was also elevated in status and renamed Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (CCAA).

81.  Iulia Agrippina is commonly known to history as Agrippina Minor, or Agrippina the Younger.

82.  Tac., Ann. 2.5: fundi Germanos acie et iustis locis, iuvari silvis, paludibus, brevi aestate et praematura hieme.

83.  Tac., Ann. 2.5: suum militem haud perinde vulneribus quam spatiis itinerum, damno armorum adfici.

84.  Tac., Ann. 2.5: defensantibus iniquum.

85.  Tac., Ann. 2.5: At si mare intretur, promptam ipsis possessionem et hostibus ignotam, simul bellum maturius incipi legionesque et commeatus pariter vehi; integrum equitem equosque per ora et alveos fluminum media in Germania fore.

86.  Tac., Ann. 2.6.

87.  Tac., Ann. 2.6: Mille naves sufficere visae properataeque, aliae breves, angusta puppi proraque et lato utero, quo facilius fluctus tolerarent; quaedam planae carinis, ut sine noxa siderent; plures adpositis utrimque gubernaculis, converso ut repente remigio hinc vel illinc adpellerent; multae pontibus stratae, super quas tormenta veherentur, simul aptae ferendis equis aut commeatui; velis habiles, citae remis augebantur alacritate militum in speciem ac terrorem. This is the first time that Tacitus mentions Anteius.

88.  Pitassi (2011), pp. 123–6 and plan 16.

89.  Czysz et al. (1995), pp. 493–4; http://www2.rgzm.de/navis/ships/ship037/ship037Engl.htm.

90.  Victoria: the reconstruction of ‘Oberstimm 1’ was built between January 2007 and March 2008 by historians from the University of Hamburg and boatbuilders from the shipyard of Jugend in Arbeit Hamburg e.V. At launch, it was named Victoria. See Asskamp and Schafer (2009). Tests:Terra X-Schliemanns Erbe: Der Limes (ZDF), broadcast 5 April 2009: http://terra-x.zdf.de/ZDFde/inhalt/11/0,1872,7552299,00.html.

91.  http://www2.rgzm.de/navis/Ships/Ship101/Navisnachbau1Engl.htm.

92.  Measurements are based on the lines of Mainz 5 and the shape of Mainz 1. Unlike ships built for the Mediterranean, the Mainz ships had no keelson, but instead had a mast-frame, which is cut thicker in the middle and features a hole for the mast. In the ancient world, mast-frames were often placed in ships north of the Alps. The museum notes that ‘besides the measuring unit of the Pes Drusianus the mast frame proves that the Roman shipbuilders who built the Mainz ships belonged to the provincial population north of the Alps’.

93.  Tac., Ann. 2.6: citae remis augebantur alacritate militum in speciem ac terrorem.

94.  Willems (1991).

95.  Tac., Ann. 2.6: insula Batavorum in quam convenirent praedicta, ob facilis adpulsus accipiendisque copiis et transmittendum ad bellum opportuna. nam Rhenus uno alveo continuus aut modicas insulas circumveniens apud principium agri Batavi velut in duos amnis dividitur, servatque nomen et violentiam cursus, qua Germaniam praevehitur, donec Oceano misceatur: ad Gallicam ripam latior et placidior adfluens (verso cognomento Vahalem accolae dicunt), mox id quoque vocabulum mutat Mosa flumine eiusque inmenso ore eundem in Oceanum effunditur.

96.  Tac., Ann. 2.7.

97.  Tac., Ann. 2.7.

98.  Tac., Ann. 2.7; compare this to Claudius’ force of 45,000 men under Aulus Plautius’ for the invasion of Britain.

99.  Tac., Ann. 2.7: et cuncta inter castellum Alisonem ac Rhenum novis limitibus aggeribusque permunita.

100.  Wells (1972), pp. 152–153. The discovery and preliminary excavation of the supply base at Olfen in October 2011 hints that other military bases remain to be discovered along the Lippe River.

101.  Tac., Ann. 2.7.

102.  Tac., Ann. 2.7.

103.  Dio 55.1.3; Florus 2.30.23–4; Val. Max. 5.5.3.

104.  Ptol., Geog. 2.10.

105.  Poppenburg in Lower Saxony on the Hellweg has recently been proposed by Jürgen Martin Regel: http://zocher-regel.gmxhome.de/ArbaloSchlacht/register.html.

106.  Tac., Ann. 2.7.

107.  Tac., Ann. 2.7: restituit aram honorique patris princeps ipse cum legionibus decucurrit; cf. Dio 56.25.3 (see Chapter 3, note 51), on the horse race held by Tiberius and Germanicus to celebrate the birthday of Augustus in 11 CE.

108.  Tac., Ann. 2.7: ingressus precatusque Drusum patrem ut se eadem ausum libens placatusque exemplo ac memoria consiliorum atque operum iuvaret.

109.  Tac., Ann. 2.7. Compare novis limitibus aggeribusque to the reference in Tac., Ann. 1.50 to a barrier apparently erected beyond the Caesian Forest between the Lippe and IJssel rivers, begun by Tiberius and added to by Germanicus in 14 CE.

110.  Tac., Ann. 2.8.

111.  Tac., Ann. 2.8.

112.  Tac., Ann. 2.8: aut transposuit militem dextras in terras iturum; ita plures dies efficiendis pontibus absumpti.

113.  Tac., Ann. 2.8: et eques quidem ac legiones prima aestuaria, nondum adcrescente unda, intrepidi transiere: postremum auxiliorum agmen Batavique in parte ea, dom insultant aquis artemque nandi ostentant, turbati et quidam hausti sunt.

114.  Tac., Ann. 2.8.

115.  Tac., Germ. 32–33.

116.  Tac., Ann. 2.8: missus ilico Stertinius cum equite et armatura levi igne et caedibus perfidiam ultus est.

117.  Strab., Geog. 1.2: much of the research was likely on account of the expeditions of Drusus the Elder, 12–9 BCE.

118.  e.g. Baehr (1887), p. 11.

119.  Tac., Ann. 2.9.

120.  Tac., Ann. 2.9: erat is in exercitu cognomento Flavus, insignis fide et amisso per vulnus oculo paucis ante annis duce Tiberio.

121.  Tac., Ann. 2.9–10.

122.  Tac., Ann. 2.9.

123.  Tac., Ann. 2.10.

124.  Tac., Ann. 2.11.

125.  As W. Hamilton Fyfe notes in the ‘Introduction’ to his translation of Tacitus’ Histories, published by Clarendon Press in 1912, ‘Tacitus is not a ‘bad military historian’. He is not a ‘military’ historian at all. Botticelli is not a botanist, nor is Shakespeare a geographer’ (p. 11).

126.  Tac., Ann. 2.11.

127.  Tac., Ann. 2.11.

128.  Tac., Ann. 2.11: qua celerrimus amnis; cf. 2.8, where the Batavi lost men during this same manoeuvre.

129.  Tac., Ann. 2.11.

130.  Tac., Ann. 2.12.

131.  Tac., Ann. 2.12.

132.  Tac., Ann. 2.12.

133.  Tac., Ann. 2.13: cum hic nobilitatem ducis, decorem alius, plurimi patientiam, comitatem, per seriaper iocos eundem animum laudibus ferrent reddendamque gratiam in acie faterentur, simul perfidos et ruptores pacis ultioni et gloriae mactandos.

134.  Tac., Ann. 2.13.

135.  Tac., Ann. 2.14.

136.  Recounting of dreams and dream visions was also a literary trope used by ancient historians to reveal a deeper truth or lend credibility to a prediction or as a way for a god to deliver a message. See Kelsey (1991), pp. 57–79.

137.  Tac., Ann. 2.14: Si taedio viarum ac maris finem cupiant, hac acie parari: propiorem iam Albim quam Rhenum neque bellum ultra, modo se patris patruique vestigia prementem isdem in terris victorem sisterent.

138.  Tac., Ann. 2.13: tertia ferme vigilia adsultatum est castris sine coniectu teli; cf. 2.17, where Tacitus says the battle lasted from nine in the morning until nightfall, quinta ab hora diei ad noctem.

139.  Tac., Ann. 2.14. See Baehr (1887), p. 11: ‘Fast alle Forscher sind darüber einig, dass der Campus Idistaviso auf dem rechten Ufer der Weser in der näheren Umgegend der Porta westfalica zu suchen sei. Eine Hauptfrage aber, die zu entscheiden sein wird, ist die: befand sich das Schlachtfeld oberhalb oder unterhalb der Porta? Die Urteile hierüber gehen weit auseinander. Um nun diese Aufrabe zu lösen, ist es, wie gesagt, unbedingt notwendig, denjenigen Weg nachzuweisen, auf welchem die Römer von der Ems bis zur Weser marschiert sind’.

140.  Tac., Ann. 2.16: Sic accensos et proelium poscentis in campum, cui Idistaviso nomen, deducunt. is medius inter Visurgim et collis, ut ripae fluminis cedunt aut prominentia montium resistunt, inaequaliter sinuatur. Pone tergum insurgebat silva editis in altum ramis et pura humo inter arborum truncos. campum et prima silvarum barbara acies tenuit: soli Cherusci iuga insedere ut proeliantibus Romanis desuper incurrerent. The name Idistaviso apparently means ‘place of the Maidens’.

141.  Tac., Ann. 2.16: Noster exercitus sic incessit: auxiliares Galli Germanique in fronte, post quos pedites sagittatii; dein quattuor legiones et cum duabus praetoriis cohortibus ac delecto equite Caesar; exim totidem aliae legiones et levis armatura cum equite sagittario ceteraeque sociorum cohortes. intentus paratusque miles ut ordo agminis in aciem adsisteret.

142.  Tac., Ann. 2.17: exclamat irent, sequerentur Romanas avis, propria legionum numina.

143.  Tac., Ann. 2.17.

144.  Tac., Ann. 2.17: quidam adgnitum a Chaucis inter auxilia Romana agentibus emissumque tradiderunt.

145.  Tac., Ann. 2.17: et plerosque tranare Visurgim conantis iniecta tela aut vis fluminis, postremo moles ruentium et incidentes ripae operuere. quidam turpi fuga in summa arborum nisi ramisque se occultantes admotis sagittariis per ludibrium figebantur, alios prorutae arbores adflixere.

146.  Tac., Ann. 2.18: Magna ea victoria neque cruenta nobis fuit. quinta ab hora diei ad noctem caesi hostes decem milia passuum cadaveribus atque armis opplevere.

147.  Syme (1978), p. 61 with n. 4.

148.  Tac., Ann. 2.19.

149.  Tac., Ann. 2.19. The comparison with the zig-zag earthwork found at Kalkriese, believed by many to be the site of the Battle of Teutoburg but disputed by some, is compelling.

150.  Tac., Ann. 2.20.

151.  Tac., Ann. 2.20: Seio Tuberoni legato tradit equitem campumque; peditum aciem ita instruxit ut pars aequo in silvam aditu incederet, pars obiectum aggerem eniteretur; quod arduum sibi, cetera legatis permisit. This is the first time Tacitus mentions Tubero.

152.  Tac., Ann. 2.20.

153.  Tac., Ann. 2.20: utrisque necessitas in loco, spes in virtute, salus ex victoria.

154.  Tac., Ann. 2.21.

155.  Suet., Calig. 3: Hostem comminus saepe percussit. For a discussion of Drusus the Elder’s reputation for fighting to win the spolia opima, see Powell (2011a), pp. 94–6.

156.  Tac., Ann. 2.21.

157.  Tac., Ann. 2.22: debellatis inter Rhenum Albimque nationibus exercitum Tiberii Caesaris ea monimenta Marti et Iovi et Augusto sacravisse. At this time the troops also acclaimed Tiberius imperator which was added to his titulature as Imp. VIII: Tac. Ann. 2.18.2. See commentary in Syme (1979), pp. 322–5 in which he notes that while Germanicus was victorious in the field, Idistaviso was to be seen as the victory of the princeps.

158.  Tac., Ann. 2.22: de se nihil addidit, metu invidiae an ratus conscientiam facti satis esse.

159.  Tac., Ann. 2.22.

160.  Strab., Geog. 7.1.4; cf. Caes., Bell. Gall. 4.13.

161.  Tac., Ann. 2.22.

162.  Tac., Ann. 2.23: ac primo placidum aequor mille navium remis strepere aut velis inpelli: mox atro nubium globo effusa grando, ńmul variis undique procellis incerti fluctus prospectum adimere, regimen inpedire; milesque pavidus et casuum maris ignarus dum turbat nautas vel intempestive iuvat, officia prudentium cσrrumpebat omne dehinc caelum et mare omne in austrum cessit, qui tumidis Germaniae terris, profundis amnibus, immenso nubium tractu validus et rigore vicini septentrionis horridiσr rapuit disiecitque navis in aperta Oceani aut insulas saxis abruptis vel per occulta vada infestas. quibus paulum aegreque vitatis, postquam mutabat aestus eodemque quo ventus ferebat, non adhaerere ancoris, non exhaurire inrumpentis undas poterant: equi, iumenta, sarcinae, etiam arma praecipitantur quo levarentur alvei manantes per latera et fluctu superurgente.

163.  Tac., Ann. 2.24: Quanto violentior cetero mari Oceanus et truculentia caeli praestat Germania, tantum illa clades novitate et magnitudine excessit, hostilibus circum litoribus aut ita vasto et profundo ut credatur novissimum ac sine terris mare. pars navium haustae sunt, plures apud insulas longius sitas eiectae; milesque nullo illic hominum cultu fame absumptus, nisi quos corpora equorum eodem elisa toleraverant.

164.  Tac., Ann. 2.24: quem per omnis illos dies noctesque apud scopulos et prominentis oras, cum se tanti exitii reum clamitaret, vix cohibuere amici quo minus eodem mari oppeteret.

165.  Tac., Ann. 2.24.

166.  Tac., Ann. 2.24: ut quis ex longinquo revenerat, miracula narrabant, vim turbinum et inauditas volucris, monstra maris, ambiguas hominum et beluarum formas, visa sive ex metu credita.

167.  Tac., Ann. 2.25.

168.  Tac., Ann. 2.25.

169.  Tac., Ann. 2.25: quippe invictos.

170.  Tac., Ann. 2.25: nullis casibas superabilis Romanos praedicabant, qui perdita classe, amissis armis, post constrata equorum virorumque corporibus litora eadem virtute, pari ferocia et velut aucti numero inrupissent.

171.  Tac., Ann. 2.26.

172.  Suet., Tib. 32.

173.  The inscription – AE 1973, 501 = 1975, 806 = 1978, 790=J.M. Cook, The Troad (Oxford, 1973), Appendix, no. 50=C. Riel, The Inscriptions of Alexandreia Troas (Bonn, 1997), 34 (Alexandria Troas, Asia) – was discovered in the Troad in 1959 and readshasta pura et corona aurea donatus est a Germanico Caesare imp[eratore] bello Germanico d[ecreto] d[ecurionem]. Cf. Brunt (1974); Orth (1978); Speidel (1976).

174.  Suet., Vit. 2.3.

175.  The sword and scabbard were found in Mainz, Germany.

176.  British Museum, London, inventory number GR 1866.8–6.1 (Bronze 867).

177.  The British Museum interprets the figures to be Augustus receiving Tiberius. Zanker argues for Tiberius receiving Germanicus: http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/gr/t/the_sword_of_tiberius.aspx.

178.  Zanker (1988), p.233.

179.  Several inscriptions mention Drusilla: one these dates from her childhood, CIL VI, 5201 = ILS 1837, which reads C. Papius Asclepiades | Papia Erotis l., | Iulia Iucunda nutrix | Drusi et Drusillae. She is usually addressed as diva Drusilla, though in at least two inscriptions she is called Iulia Drusilla: CIL V, 5722 = ILS 194 (Ager Mediolanensis, Gallia Cisalpina); XII, 1026 = ILS 195 (Avennio, Gallia Narbonensis). In CIL VI, 8822 = ILS 1655, a dispensator of Claudius with the name of Cinnamus Drusillianus is mentioned, which suggests that he took his cognomen from the name Drusilla. Cf. CIL VI, 8823. In time, Drusilla became the favourite sister of Caligula.

180.  Dio (57.14.5) records that, in 15 CE, Tiberius introduced measures to require new provincial governors to have departed Rome by 1 June of their year of appointment, because their tardiness in leaving was causing the men they were replacing to have to serve beyond their designated terms of office. However, Tacitus records (Ann. 2.36) that, in 16 CE, Tiberius resisted a proposal from Asinius Gallus on the Senate floor that the magistrates should be elected every five years, the legionary legates who had not yet been appointed as praetors should become praetors-elect, and that theprinceps should nominate twelve candidates annually; he cited subversion of laws stipulating terms of service and frequency of elections.

181.  Suet., Div. Aug. 34.

182.  Suetonius (Tib. 32) notes that the emperor rebuked some ex-consuls for not submitting their campaign reports.

183.  Tac., Ann. 2.26.

184.  Tac., Ann. 2.26: satis iam eventuum, satis casuum.

185.  Tac., Ann. 2.26: gravia tamen et saeva damna intulissent.

186.  Tac., Ann. 2.26: Se novies a divo Augusto in Germaniam missum plura cansilio quam vi perfecisse.

187.  This was stretching a point: the break-out of revolt in Illyricum effectively forced Tiberius, at the time located in Germania, into negotiating terms so that he could take his army to the Balkans.

188.  Dio 56.33.5–6.

189.  Tac., Ann. 2.26: Haud cunctatus est ultra Germanicus, quamquam fingi ea seque per invidiam parto iam decori abstrahi intellegeret.

190.  Tac., Ann. 2.41.

191.  Seager (1972), p. 81.

192.  Syme (1978), p. 62, notes that Augustus established the precedent that only he could possess the auspicia. Since 13 CE, the war in Germania had been fought auspiciis Tiberii Caesaris, when Tiberius was granted the auspicia over the army and provinces by Augustus as joint ruler.

193.  Boatwright (2000), pp. 60–1, n. 15. Germanicus at Caesaraugusta: Heiss (1870), p. 270, no. 13; Colonia Augusta Buthrotum (Butrint) dated to 12 CE; Fulginiae, CIL XI, 5224; Hispellum, CIL XI, 5289; Interpromium, CIL IX, 3044 = ILS 2689; Priene,IPriene no. 142; and Regium Lepidum, CIL XI, 969. Germanicus with Drusus together at Acci: Heiss (1870), p. 257, no. 12; Aqua Flaviae, CIL II, 5617 = I, 2479; ?Carteia: Heiss (1870), p. 332, no. 29 and 334); and Praeneste, CIL XIV, 2964. By the end of their lives, Drusus the Younger held ten honorary magistracies to Tiberius’ ten.

Chapter 5: Travels and Tribulations in the Orient

1.  Suet., Calig. 3.2.

2.  CIL VI, 909 = ILS 176; Rüpke (2008), p. 179.

3.  Beard et al. (1998), p. 50; Weinstock (1971), pp. 291–6; Fishwick (1987), p. 51.

4.  Tac., Ann. 2.49.

5.  Tac., Ann. 2.49. He lists temples of Ceres, Flora, Ianus, Liber and Libera; cf. Suet., Tib. 69.1, in which the biographer notes that Tiberius was neglectful of the gods, preferring to believe in astrology and fate.

6.  Ov., Fast. 2.549–52.

7.  Ov., Fast. 1.3–6: excipe pacato, Caesar Germanice, voltu | hoc opus et timidae derige navis iter, | officioque, levem non aversatus honorem, | en tibi devoto numine dexter ades. See also Allen (1922).

8.  Green (1982).

9.  The poet, who once enjoyed wide popularity in Rome, died a homesick and unforgiven man in his bleak Getic township in 17 CE or the following year.

10.  Tac., Ann. 2.41: C. Caelio L. Pomponio consulibus Germanicus Caesar a. d. VII. Kal. Iunias triumphavit; Suet., Calig. 1. See also Beard (2007), pp. 107–14.

11.  Strab., Geog. 7.1.4.

12.  Tac., Ann. 2.41: de Cheruscis Chattisque et Angrivariis quaeque aliae nationes usque ad Albim colunt.

13.  Ov., Tr. 4.2.3–4: altaque velentur fortasse Palatia sertis, | turaque in igne sonent inficiantque diem.

14.  On coins, C 81; BMCRE 401 var.; RIC 98; CBN 1199.

15.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 33.111–2.

16.  Bronze and orichalcum dupondii minted in Rome by Caligula, 37–41 CE, show Germanicus standing in a quadriga bearing an eagle-tipped sceptre on the obverse, with the legend GERMANICVS CAESAR, while on the reverse, he stands in full military panoply, right arm outstretched, with the sceptre over his left shoulder, with the legend SIGNIS RECEPT[IS] DEVICTIS GERM[ANIS] S C: RIC I, 57; BMCRE 93; CBN 140; C 7.

17.  Tac., Ann. 2.41: Vecta spolia, captivi, simulacra montium, fluminum, proeliorum; bellumque, quia conficere prohibitus erat, pro confecto accipiebatur. augebat intuentium visus eximia ipsius species currusque quinque liberis onustus.

18.  Vell. Pat. 2.129: Quibus iuventam eius exaggeravit honoribus, respondente cultu triumphi rerum, quas gesserat, magnitudini!.

19.  Tac., Ann. 2.41: Vecta spolia, captivi, simulacra montium, fluminum, proeliorum; cf. Ov., Tr. 4.2.19–24; Pont. 2.1.37–44.

20.  Strab., Geog. 7.1.4: Σεγιμοῦντός τε Σεγέστου υἱός, Χηρούσκωνἡγεμών, καὶἀδελφὴαὐτοῦ, γυνὴ δ᾽Ἀρμενίου τοῦ πολεμαρχήσαντοςἐντοῖς Χηρούσκοις ἐντῇ πρὸς Ὀυᾶρον Κουιντίλλιον παρασπονδήσει καὶ νῦν ἔτι συνέχοντος τὸν πόλεμον, ὄνομα Θουσνέλδα, καὶ υἱὸς τριετὴς Θουμέλικος: ἔτι δὲ Σεσίθακος, Σεγιμήρου υἱὸςτῶν Χηρούσκωνἡγεμόνος, καὶ γυνὴτούτου Ῥαμίς, Οὐκρομήρου θυγάτηρ ἡγεμόνος Χάττων, καὶ Δευδόριξ, Βαιτόριγος τοῦ Μέλωνος ἀδελφοῦυἱός, Σούγαμβρος. Σεγέστης δὲὁπενθερὸςτοῦἈρμενίου καὶἐξἀρχῆς διέστη πρὸςτὴν γνώμην αὐτοῦκαὶ λαβὼν καιρὸνηὐτομόλησε καὶ τῷθριάμβῳπαρῆντῶν φιλτάτων, ἐν τιμῇ ἀγόμενος. ἐπόμπευσε δὲκαὶ Λίβης τῶν Χάττωνἱερεύς, καὶἄλλα δὲσώματαἐπομπεύθηἐκτῶν πεπορθημένωνἐθνῶν, Καούλκων Καμψανῶν Βρουκτέρων Οὐσίπων Χηρούσκων Χάττων Χαττουαρίων Λανδῶν Τουβαττίων. The ‘Sougambros’ were called Sicambri or Sugambri by the Romans, the ‘Tubattioi’ were called Tubanti. Segimountos is the Segimundus of Tac., Ann. 1.57. Segimerus surrendered to Stertinius in Tac., Ann. 1.71. Melonos or Melo, who surrendered to Tiberius, is spelled Maelo in Augustus, Res Gestae 6.32. Ukroumiruos or Acrumerus or Ucromerus is Actumerus or Catumerus in Tac., Ann. 11.16–17.

21.  Ov., Tr. 4.2.25–6: et cernet vultus aliis pro tempore versos, | terribiles aliis inmemoresque sui. | quorum pars causas et res et nomina quaeret, | pars referet, quamvis noverit illa parum.

22.  Tac., Ann. 2.42.

23.  Ov., Tr. 4.2.5–8: candidaque adducta collum percussa securi | victima purpureo sanguine pulset humum, | donaque amicorum templis promissa deorum | reddere victores Caesar uterque parent.

24.  Tac., Ann. 2.41: bellumque, quia conficere prohibitus erat, pro confecto accipiebatur.

25.  Ov., Tr. 4.2.1–1-2: Iam fera Caesaribus Germania, totus ut orbis, | victa potest flexo succubuisse genu.

26.  Ov., Fast. 1.285–6: pax erat, et vestri, Germanice, causa triumphi, | tradiderat famulas iam tibi Rhenus aquas.

27.  Rosso (2000), online at http://labyrinthe.revues.org/index805.html. The author notes that dating the monument is difficult, other than to say it was at a key moment of Tiberius’ principate. Grimal (1947), p. 134, supports the 18 CE date. For a date after Germanicus’ death, see CIL XIII, 1036, p. 137, and Grenier (1931), p. 568, both citing Tac., Ann. 2.83.2.

28.  Tac., Ann. 2.54: nec ideo sincerae caritatis fidem adsecutus amoliri iuvenem specie honoris statuit struxitque causas aut forte oblatas arripuit.

29.  Suet., Calig. 1: Consul deinde iterum creatus ac prius quam honorem iniret ad componendum Orientis statum expulsus; cf. Joseph., Ant. Jud. 18.2.5.

30.  Augustus, Res Gestae 32.2; Tac., Ann. 2.1.

31.  Joseph., Ant. Jud. 18.39. In return for the Parthian King’s sons, Augustus handed over an Italian slave-girl, Thermusa of Parthia, who later became Queen Musa, also known as Thea Urania (Astarte).

32.  Tac., Ann. 2.2; Joseph., Ant. Jud. 18.39.

33.  Seager (1972), p. 96.

34.  Tac., Ann. 2.4.

35.  Tac., Ann. 2.3.

36.  Joseph., Ant. Jud. 18.39.

37.  Tac., Ann. 2.42; Suet., Tib. 37.4; Dio 57.17.1; Strab., Geog. 12.1.4.

38.  For a fuller discussion of the relationship and rift between Tiberius and Archelaus, see Romer (1985).

39.  Tac., Ann. 2.42.

40.  Dio 57.17.6.

41.  Dio 57.17.7.

42.  Dio 57.17.7; Eutrop., Brev. 7.11; Strab., Geog. 12.1.4; Tac., Ann. 2.42.

43.  Eutrop., Brev. 7.11.

44.  Shaw (1990).

45.  Joseph., Ant. Jud. 18.53; Tac., Ann. 2.42.

46.  Tac., Ann. 2.42: et provinciae Syria atque Iudaea, fessae oneribus, deminutionem tributi orabant.

47.  Tac., Ann. 2.43: Igitur haec et de Armenia quae supra memoravi apud patres disseruit, nec posse motum Orientem nisi Germanici sapientia conponi: nam suam aetatem vergere, Drusi nondum satis adolevisse. tunc decreto patrum per missae Germanico provinciae quae mari dividuntur, maiusque imperium, quoquo adisset, quam iis qui sorte aut missu principis obtinerent.

48.  A legal definition of Germanicus’ imperium maius is set out in the Senatus Consultum de Cn. Pisone patre, lines 30–7.

49.  Vell. Pat. 2.129: Quanto cum honore Germanicum suum in transmarinas misit provincias!

50.  Tac., Ann. 2.5: Ceterum Tiberio haud ingratum accidit turbari res Orientis, ut ea specie Germanicum suetis legionibus abstraheret novisque provinciis impositum dolo simul et casibus obiectaret.

51.  The disposition of the legions in the East in 14 CE: in Syria, III Gallica, VI Ferrata, X Fretensis and XII Fulminata; in Aegyptus, III Cyrenaica and XXII Deiotariana.

52.  The sacramentum reproduced here is a composite of Dionysius’ and Vegetius’versions in Watson (1969), p. 49; see also Nock (1952).

53.  Two cohorts of Praetorians were dispatched on the orders of Tiberius to meet Agrippina on her return from the East in 20 CE, but there is no mention of any bodyguards arriving with her: Tac., Ann. 3.2.

54.  Suet., Calig. 1.

55.  Dio 57.14.5.

56.  Babelon 264. Barrett (1989), pp. 12–13.

57.  For a recent review, see Giuliani and Schmidt (2010). The jewel may have been reworked during the fourth century, making the identification of the original central figure difficult.

58.  Tac., Ann. 2.43.

59.  Tac., Ann. 2.43: ingenio violentum et obsequii ignarum.

60.  Tac., Ann. 3.12.2: patris sui legatum atque amicum Pisonem fuisse adiutoremque Germanico datum a se auctore senatu rebus apud Orientem administrandis; cf. 2.43.3.

61.  Tac., Ann. 2.43: nec dubium habebat se delectum qui Syriae imponeretur ad spes Germanici coercendas.

62.  Tac., Ann. 2.5; see n. 59, above.

63.  Suet., Tib. 50.1.

64.  Suet., Tib. 52.1.

65.  Tac., Ann. 2.43.

66.  Tac., Ann. 2.43: sed fratres egregie concordes et proximorum certaminibus inconcussi.

67.  Marsus: Tac., Ann. 2.74. Sentius: ibid. 2.74. Servaeus: ibid. 2.56. Silius: ibid. 1.31. Suillius: ibid. 4.31. Veranius: ibid. 2.56. Vitellius: ibid. 1.70.

68.  Tac., Ann. 3.2. Barrett (1996), p. 29.

69.  Tacitus (Ann. 2.55) specifically describes the ships as triremis. For dimensions and crew size based on two reliefs from Pozzuoli, see Pitassi (2011), pp. 119–23 and plan 14.

70.  Tac., Ann. 2.53. This was in fulfillment of Tiberius’ wish to expand Drusus’ military experience in that theatre of war; cf. Tac., Ann. 2.26.

71.  Horden and Purcell (2000), p. 139.

72.  Cic., Prov. Cons. 12.31.

73.  Horden and Purcell (2000), pp. 137–8; the authors draw upon the work of John H. Pryor, Geography, Technology, and War: Studies in the Maritime History of the Mediterranean, 649–1571 (Cambridge, 1988), who studied the records of connectivity in Genoese ships’ logs, 1351–1370.

74.  Tac., Ann. 2.53.

75.  Suet., Calig. 1; Tac., Ann. 2.53.

76.  Seager (1972), p. 99. Note Tacitus’ comment (Ann. 3.31) that Tiberius was not agreeable to the partnership.

77.  Strab., Geog. 7.7.6: ἡμὲνοὖν Νικόπολις εὐανδρεῖ καὶ λαμβάνει καθ᾽ἡμέρανἐπίδοσιν, χώραν τε ἔχουσα πολλὴνκαὶ τὸν ἐκτῶν λαφύρων κόσμον, τό τε κατασκευασθὲν τέμενος ἐντῷ προαστείῳτὸμὲνεἰςτὸνἀγῶνα τὸν πεντετηρικὸνἐνἄλσειἔχοντι γυμνάσιόν τε καὶ στάδιον, τὸδ᾽ἐντῷὑπερκειμένῳτοῦἄλσουςἱερῷλόφῳτοῦἈπόλλωνος. ἀποδέδεικται δ᾽ ὁ ἀγὼν Ὀλύμπιος, τὰἌκτια, ἱερὸςτοῦἈκτίου Ἀπόλλωνος, τὴνδ᾽ἐπιμέλειαν ἔχουσιν αὐτοῦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι. αἱ δ᾽ἄλλαι κατοικίαι περιπόλιοι τῆς Νικοπόλεώς εἰσιν. ἤγετο δὲκαὶπρότερον τὰἌκτια τῷθεῷ, στεφανίτηςἀγών, ὑπὸτῶν περιοίκων: νυνὶ δ᾽ἐντιμότερον ἐποίησενὁ Καῖσαρ.

78.  Strab., Geog. 7.7.6: καὶἱερὸντοῦἈκτίουἈπόλλωνοςἐνταῦθάἐστι πλησίον τοῦστόματος, λόφος τιςἐφ᾽ᾧὁνεώς, καὶὑπ᾽ αὐτῷπεδίονἄλσοςἔχον καὶ νεώρια, ἐνοἷςἀνέθηκε Καῖσαρ τὴν δεκαναΐαν ἀκροθίνιον, ἀπὸ μονοκρότου μέχρι δεκήρους: ὑπὸ πυρὸςδ᾽ἠφανίσθαι καὶ οἱ νεώσοικοι λέγονται καὶ τὰπλοῖα.

79.  Dio 51.1; Suet., Div. Aug. 18.2. For a discussion of the significance of the monument, see Gurval (1995), pp. 65–72.

80.  Suet., Div. Aug. 96.2. Tac., Ann. 2.53: magnaque illic imago tristium laetorumque.

81.  The inscription on SIG³ 792 in Sherk(1988) 33 p. 59 reads ‘Germanicus Caesar, son of Imperator Ti. Caesar Augustus, | victorious in the Olympic Games with his chariot drawn by four fully-grown horses. | [This monument was erected by] M. Antonius Peisanus, || to his own patron. To Olympian Zeus’. See also Pleket and Stroud (2012).

82.  Tac., Ann. 2.53: magnaque illic imago tristium laetorumque.

83.  Dio 51.5.2. The Diolkos was an ancient trackway or proto-railway used to drag ships overland across the narrowest part of the Isthmus of Corinth. Just 6.4km (4 miles) long, the Diolkos connected the Corinthian Gulf to the Saronic Gulf, representing a considerable saving over the 400km (250 miles) long journey around the Peloponnese. It also reduced the risk of encountering a dangerous weather event, which could be 25–35 per cent in summer and up to 40 per cent in winter. It was built from immense blocks of stone, forming a continuous roadway 3.5–5.0m (10–16.5ft) wide, with two parallel tracks engraved in it, spaced 1.5m apart for trolley wheels. The gradient is just 0.023 per cent, or 70m (230ft) in 3km (1.9 miles). The Diolkos was in operation in the first century and was last recorded in use in 883 CE. See Engels (1990), pp. 58–9; Pettegrew(2011); Werner (1997). According to Suetonius (Calig. 21), Germanicus’ son later stated his intention to dig a canal through the Isthmus and dispatched a centurion to survey the work. His son Drusus Caesar was rumoured to have gone in the reverse direction en route to Nikopolis, while escaping the clutches of Seianus’ agents: Tac., Ann. 5.10.

84.  Green (1982).

85.  Tac., Ann. 2.53.

86.  Tac., Ann. 2.53: hinc ventum Athenas, foederique sociae et vetustae urbis datum ut uno lictore uteretur.

87.  Suet., Calig. 3.2.

88.  Tac., Ann. 2.53: excepere Graeci quaesitissimis honoribus, vetera suorum facta dictαque praeferentes quo plus dignationis adulatio haberet.

89.  Tac., Ann. 2.55. Tiberius was well-known to dislike the encroachment of Greek words and phrases in the Latin language, where there were already suitable native words available that fitted the intended purpose: Suet., Tib. 56; 71.

90.  Tac., Ann. 2.55: At Cn. Piso quo properantius destinata inciperet civitatem Atheniensium turbido incessu exterritam oratione saeva increpat, oblique Germanicum perstringens quod contra decus Romani nominis non Atheniensis tot cladibus extinctos, sed conluviem illam nationum comitate nimia coluisset: hos enim esse Mithridatis adversus Sullam, Antonii adversus divum Augustum socios. etiam vetena obiectabat, quae in Macedones inprospere, violenter in suos fecissent, offensus urbipropria quoque ira quia Theophilum quendam Areo iudicio falsi damnatum precibus suis non concederent.

91.  Paus. 1.3–30.

92.  Suet., Calig. 3.

93.  Tac., Ann. 2.54.

94.  Tac., Ann. 2.54.

95.  Diog. Laert. 1.79.

96.  Tac., Ann. 2.54; 6.15; Dio 60.8.27. Although all three of the sisters of Caligula were called Iulia, she seems to be the one indicated in CIL VI, 3998 (Hymnus |paedagogus | [I]uliae Germanici | filiae) and VI, 10563 (Acuto | Iuliae Germanici Caesar (sic) filiae ser.); cf. VI, 4352; IGR IV, 328, 464, 476 (Pergamum). The extant Greek inscriptions and coins (Cohen I, p. 249, n. 1; pp. 236, 237, 248) lend support for Tacitus’ statement (Ann. 2.54) that she was born on Lesbos. For epigraphic evidence for the name Livilla: CILVI, 891 =ILS 188 (Livilla [M. Vinici] | Germanici C[aesaris f.] | hic sita [est|), which is her sepulchral inscription and therefore to be dated after Caligula’s death; cf. Suet., Div. Claud. 29; Dio 60.8.27; Sen., Apocol. 10. Theodor Mommsen identified her husband’s name from Tac., Ann. 6.15. She is probably referred to in CIL VI, 8711 =ILS7803 (Secunda | Livillaes | medica …); cf. XIV, 3661; J. Eckhel, Doctrina Numorum Veterum VI, 219, 233. Tacitus describes her as ungainly as a child (Ann. 4.3) and compared her unfavourably to Agrippina the Elder (ibid. 2.43).

97.  ILS 8788 =EJ 95, cited by Seager (1972), p. 100, n. 1.

98.  Tac., Ann. 2.54: turn extrema Asiae … intrat.

99.  Tac., Ann. 2.54. Perinthus is mentioned as the home of Thracians also by Xen, Anab. 2.6.

100.  Tac., Ann. 2.64. Ovid dedicated Pont. 2.9 to Kotys.

101.  Tac., Ann. 2.64–7.

102.  Tac., Ann. 2.67. The three most powerful tribes of Thrace – Coelaletae, Dii and Odrusae – later took up arms against the Romans, but were beaten by P. Villaeus, who sent infantry and cavalry to defeat them: Tac., Ann. 3.38–39.

103.  Tac., Ann. 2.54.

104.  Tac., Ann. 2.54: cupidine veteres locos et fama celebratos noscendi; Ov., Tr. 1.8.1–50.

105.  Conjectural visit based on an interpretation of Tac., Ann. 2.56.

106.  Dio 49.33.2; 40.2; 44; Plut., Ant. 53.6; Zonar. 10.27.

107.  Tac., Ann. 2.54.

108.  Tac., Ann. 2.54; Strab., Geog. 1.2.

109.  Archaeologists refer to this level as Troy IX.

110.  Tac., Ann. 2.54: igitur adito Ilio quaeque ibi varietate fortunae et nostri origine veneranda.

111.  P. Frisch, Die Inschriften von Ilion (Bonn, 1975), 88 = ILS 8787 =IGR IV, 206. See Carter and Morris (1995), p. 471.

112.  IGR IV, 251; Decree of Assos, translated in Papers of the Archaeological Institute of America, 1881, pp. 134–5.

113.  Coins of Aezanis, Phrygia: RPC I 3074, 3081, shown with Agrippina on the reverse. Apameia, Phrygia: RPC I 3134, struck by magistrate C. Iulius Kallikles. Pergamon, Mysia: RPC I 2367, shown with Drusus the Younger on the reverse. Sardes, Lydia:RPC I 2292, shown with Germanicus’ head on the obverse and Drusus Caesar’s on the reverse, possibly struck under Tiberius; 2993, possibly struck under Caligula. Smyrna: RPC I 2471, showing Germanicus’ profile facing that of Agrippina on the reverse. For surveys of the cities mentioned, see Bean (1979).

114.  Tac., Ann. 2.54: pariterqueprovincias internis certaminibus aut magistratuum iniuriis fessas refovebat; cf. Vell. Pat. 2.126.

115.  Tac., Ann. 2.47. Tacitus lists the cities as Sardis, Magnesia under Mount Sipylus, Temnus, Philadelpheia, Aegae, Apollonis, the Mostenians and Hyrcanian Macedonians, with the towns of Hierocaesarea, Myrina, Cyme and Tmolus.

116.  Tac., Ann. 2.54. For a survey of Colophon, see Bean (1979), pp. 151–4.

117.  For a survey of Claros, see Bean (1979), pp. 155–60.

118.  Tac., Ann. 2.54.

119.  Tac., Ann. 2.54: non femina illic, ut apud Delphos, sed certis e familiis et ferme Mileto accitus sacerdos numerum modo consultantium et nomina audit; tum in specum degressus, hausta fontis arcani aqua, ignarus plerumque litterarum et carminum edit responsa versibus compositis super rebus quas quis mente concepit.

120.  Tac., Ann. 2.54: et ferebatur Germanico per ambages, ut mos oraculis, maturum exitum cecinisse. Woodman (2004), p. 67, n. 92, notes that the word exitum means ‘death’ or ‘departure’ (natural or otherwise) and is the same word used by Germanicus in his last speech recorded by Tacitus (Ann. 2.71.1). Thus, the prophecy can also be translated as ‘an early doom’.

121.  Horden and Purcell (2000), p. 139.

122.  Strab., Geog. 14.2.5: ἡδὲτῶνῬοδίων πόλις κεῖται μὲνἐπὶτοῦἑωθινοῦἀκρωτηρίου, λιμέσι δὲκαὶ ὁδοῖςκαὶ τείχεσι καὶ τῇἄλλῃκατασκευῇτοσοῦτον διαφέρει τῶνἄλλωνὥστ᾽ οὐκἔχομεν εἰπεῖν ἑτέρανἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲπάρισον, μή τί γε κρείττω ταύτης τῆς πόλεως.

123.  Strab., Geog. 14.2.5.

124.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 34.41; Strab., Geog. 14.2.5. For a full discussion of scholarly research on the Colossus of Rhodes, see Clayton and Price (1988), pp. 124–37.

125.  See Chapter 1, n. 99.

126.  Tac., Ann. 2.55.

127.  Tac., Ann. 2.55.

128.  Tacitus does not say how Germanicus reached Armenia. He may have landed at Seleuda in Lycia, Tarsus in Cilicia, or Seleucia, the port of Antiocheia in Syria.

129.  Tac., Ann. 2.56. Vonones was subsequently taken into custody by the Romans and held in Syria: Tac., Ann. 2.58.

130.  Tac., Ann. 2.57.

131.  Bertrandy and Rémy (2000).

132.  Florus 1.40.27–8.

133.  Tac., Ann. 2.56.

134.  Suet., Calig. 1: cum Armeniae regem devicisset. Suetonius listed the conquest of Armenia among Germanicus’ supreme achievements.

135.  In the same announcement, Drusus was similarly recognized for his recent success in securing the surrender of the Marcomannic king Marboduus: Tac., Ann. 2.64: decrevere patres ut Germanicus atque Drusus ovantes urbem introirent. structi et arcus circum latera templi Martis Vltoris cum effigie Caesarum. On Drusus’ exploits in Germania, see Tac., Ann. 2.62–3.

136.  Tac., Ann. 2.64: laetiore Tiberio quia pacem sapientia firmaverat quam si bellum per acies confecisset.

137.  A coin minted at around this time at Anazarbus in Cilicia shows a profile which appears to be Germanicus, set within the inscription showing Tiberius’ full name in Greek characters: RPC 4060; SNG Levante 1366.

138.  Tacitus (Ann. 2.56) states that‘Q. Servaeus was appointed to Commagene, then first put under a praetors jurisdiction’.

139.  Tac., Ann. 2.56: quo mitius Romanum imperium speraretur.

140.  Tac., Ann. 2.57: Cunctaque socialia prospere composita non ideo laetum Germanicum habebant ob superbiam Pisonis.

141.  Tac., Ann. 2.57: sed amici accendendis offensionibus callidi intendere vera, adgerere falsa ipsumque et Plancinam et filios variis modis criminari. These friends presumably included P. Vitellius, P. Suillius Rufus, Cn. Sentius, C. Silius, and Vibius Marsus.

142.  Tac., Ann. 2.57: firmato vultu, Piso adversus metum, Germanicus ne minari crederetur.

143.  Tac., Ann. 2.57: postremo paucis familiarium adhibitis sermo coeptus a Caesare, qualem ira et dissimulatio gignit, responsum a Pisone precibus contumacibus.

144.  Tac., Ann. 2.57: discesseruntque apertis odiis.

145.  Tac., Ann. 2.57: post quae rarus in tribunali Caesaris Piso, et si quando adsideret, atrox ac dissentire manifestus. vox quoque eius audita est in convivio, cum apud regem Nabataeorum coronae aureae magno pondere Caesari et Agrippinae, leves Pisoni et ceteris offerrentur, principis Romani, non Parthi regisfilio eas epulas dari; abiecitque simul coronam et multa in luxum addidit quae Germanico quamquam acerba tolerabantur tamen.

146.  Tac., Ann. 2.58. Presumably, Aretas IV Philopatris, who was king of the Nabataeans from roughly 9 BCE to 40 CE.

147.  Tac., Ann. 2.58: daturumque honori Germanici ut ripam Euphratis accederet.

148.  Seager (1972), p. 103.

149.  Tac., Ann. 2.58.

150.  Tac., Ann. 2.58: Datum id non modo precibus Artabani, sed contumeliae Pisonis cui gratissimus erat ob plurima oflicia et dona quibus Plancinam devinxerat.

151.  Tac., Ann. 2.68.

152.  Suet., Calig. 3.

153.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 5.79.

154.  Maas (2000).

155.  Lib., Or. 11.124 (Oration 11 is known as Antiochikos).

156.  Lib., Or. 11.125.

157.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 5.79.

158.  Athen, Deipn. 2.59b.

159.  Norman (2000).

160.  Tac., Ann. 2.83; Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 1; Pliny, Nat. Hist. 5.79. Pliny spells the place name as two words, ‘Epi Daphnae’. Josephus (Ant. Jud. 14.13.1) refers to the place as Daphe by Antioch.

161.  Butcher (2003), pp. 100, 108, 131.

162.  Joseph., Ant. Jud. 14.13.1, 15.11, 17.3.

163.  Tac., Ann. 2.69; cf. 2.42, 54.

164.  Tac., Ann. 2.70.

165.  Butcher (2003), p. 193.

166.  Dio 57.18.3–5: Μάρκου δὲδὴἸουνίου Λουκίου τε Νωρβανοῦμετὰταῦταἀρξάντων τέραςἐν αὐτῇτῇνουμηνίᾳοὐσμικρὸνἐγένετο, ὅπερ πουἐςτὸΓερμανικοῦπάθοςἀπεσήμαινεν: ὁγὰρ Νωρβανὸςὁὕπατος σάλπιγγιἀεὶ προσκείμενος, καὶἐρρωμένως τὸπρᾶγμαἀσκῶν, ἠθέλησε καὶ τότεὑπὸτὸνὄρθρον, πολλῶνἤδη πρὸςτὴνοἰκίαν αὐτοῦπαρόντων, σαλπίσαι. καὶ τοῦτό τε πάντας ὁμοίως ἐξετάραξε καθάπερ ἐμπολέμιόν τι σύνθημα τοῦὑπάτου σφίσι παραγγείλαντος, καὶὅτι καὶ τὸτοῦἸανοῦἄγαλμα κατέπεσε. λόγιόν τέ τιὡςκαὶ Σιβύλλειον, ἄλλως μὲνοὐδὲντῷτῆς πόλεως χρόνῳπροσῆκον, πρὸςδὲτὰπαρόνταᾀδόμενον, οὐχἡσυχῇσφας ἐκίνει: ἔλεγε γὰρὅτι: τρὶςδὲτριηκοσίων περιτελλομένωνἐνιαυτῶνῬωμαίουςἔμφυλοςὀλεῖ 1 στάσις, χἁΣυβαρῖτιςἀφροσύνα.

167.  Tac., Ann. 2.70.

168.  Tac., Ann. 2.59: Germanicus Aegyptum proficiscitur cognoscendae antiquitatis. sed cura provinciae praetendebatur; cf. 2.62. For a detailed study, see Weingärtner (1969).

169.  Tac., Ann. 2.59: Dum ea aestas Germanico pluris per provincias transigitur. Coins from Crete issued during the reign of Caligula hint that he visited there. Knossos: RPC I, 992/993, minted by duoviri Dossennus and Pulcher; RPC I, 999, minted bytriumvir Pulcher and duovir Varius. Gortyn: RPC I, 1022; BMCRE 81; cf. Baldwin Bowsky (2004).

170.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.6.

171.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.6. See map in Marlowe (1971), p. 229.

172.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.7.

173.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.6.

174.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.6.

175.  Marlowe (1971), p. 30.

176.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.8.

177.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.9.

178.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.12. See Brunt (1975). Valerius replaced Seius Strabo, father of L. Aelius Seianus, the current praefectus of the Cohors Praetoria. Seneca the Younger (L. Annaeus Seneca) may also have resided as a guest of his Aunt Marcia, while he recovered from an extended illness.

179.  Strab., Geog., 17.1.9.

180.  The papyrus P. Oxy. 2435 is now held in the Papyrology Rooms, Sackler Library, Oxford. For a translation see Sherk (1988) 34A pp. 60.

181.  Plut, Ant. 60.1; 62.1.

182.  EJ 320. For a translation of the second edit see Sherk (1988) 34B pp. 60–1. See Acta Alexandrinorum in Lobel and Turner (1959), pp. 102 ff.; Oliver (1989).

183.  Tac., Ann. 2.59: sine milite incedere, pedibus intectis et pari cum Graecis amictu.

184.  Tac., Ann. 2.59.

185.  Tac., Ann. 2.59: nam Augustus inter alia dominationis arcana, vetitis nisi permissu ingredi senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis inlustribus, seposuit Aegyptum ne fame urgeret Italiam quisquis eam provinciam claustraque terrae ac maris quamvis levi praesidio adversum ingentis exercitus insedisset. Indeed, the price of grain became an issue in Rome in the following year (Tac., Ann. 2.87). Tiberius responded by fixing the price of grain to be paid by the purchaser, offset by adding two sestertii on every modiusfor the sellers.

186.  Lobel and Turner (1959), p. 110, n. 10; Tac., Ann. 2.43, 59, 60; Seager (1972), p. 104.

187.  Huzar (1995), p. 3217.

188.  Tac., Ann. 2.59: sed cura provinciae praetendebatur, levavitque apertis horreispretiafrugum multaque in vulgus grata usurpavit.

189.  Joseph., Ap. 2.5.63: si uero Germanicus frumenta cunctis in Alexandria commorantibus metiri non potuit, hoc indicium est sterilitatis ac necessitatis frumentorum, non accusatio Iudaeorum.

190.  Joseph., Ap. 2.5.63–4: quid enim sapiant omnes imperatores de Iudaeis in Alexandria commorantibus, palam est; nam amministratio tritici nihilo minus ab eis quam ab aliis Alexandrinis translata est.

191.  Isaac (2006), pp. 440–91, 510–11. See Dio 57.18.5, for Tiberius’s expulsion from Rome of the Jews who had ‘flocked to Rome in great numbers and were converting many of the natives to their ways’.

192.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.10. Scholars still debate the identity and location of the suburb founded by Octavianus on the site of his defeat of Antonius’ army: see Hanson (1980), pp. 249–54. A stadium was about 185m (625ft) in length.

193.  For a discussion of the significance of the monument, see Gurval (1995), pp. 72–4.

194.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.10.

195.  Strabo (Geog. 17.1.35) notes that olive trees did not grow in Egypt, except here.

196.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.10.

197.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.10: ἔστι δὲ καὶ Πάνειον, ὕψος τι χειροποίητον στροβιλοειδὲςἐμφερὲςὄχθῳ πετρώδει διὰκοχλίου τὴνἀνάβασινἔχον: ἀπὸδὲτῆς κορυφῆςἔστινἀπιδεῖνὅλην τὴν πόλιν ὑποκειμένην αὐτῷπανταχόθεν.

198.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.10, 16; Tac., Ann. 2.60. Tacitus and Strabo both record that the place was named after the pilot Canobus, who guided the Spartans led by Menelaus back from Troy and was buried there. It had a reputation as a party town with nightly revelries, according to Strabo (Geog. 17.1.17).

199.  Kelly (2010) notes the places are not listed in the correct order. They are rearranged here to fit their actual geographic locations.

200.  Tac., Ann. 2.60; Strab., Geog. 17.1.17; cf. Hdt. 2.43, 113.

201.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.30. Strabo (Geog. 17.1.12) records: ‘There are also three legions of soldiers, one of which is stationed in the city and the others in the country; and apart from these there are nine Roman cohorts, three in the city, three on the borders of Aethiopia in Syenê, as a guard for that region, and three in the rest of the country. And there are also three bodies of cavalry, which likewise are assigned to the various critical points’. By the time of Germanicus’ visit, the complement of three legions had been reduced to two.

202.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.27.

203.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.30: ῥάχις δ᾽ἐστὶνἀπὸτοῦστρατοπέδου καὶ μέχρι Νείλου καθήκουσα, δι᾽ἧς ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τροχοὶ καὶ κοχλίαι τὸὕδωρ ἀνάγουσιν, ἀνδρῶν ἑκατὸν πεντήκοντα ἐργαζομένων δεσμίων: ἀφορῶνται δ᾽ἐνθένδε τηλαυγῶςαἱ πυραμίδεςἐντῇπεραίᾳἐν Μέμφει καὶ εἰσὶ πλησίον.

204.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.31.

205.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.31–32. The remains of the Ptah temple complex and the House of the Apis Bulls can still be seen at Mit Rahina: see Wilkinson (2000), pp. 114–15.

206.  Amm. Marc. 22.14.7.

207.  Amm. Marc. 22.14.8. This was now the third bad omen, coming after Colophon and Rome – the fourth, if the failure to land at Samothrace is considered one – in just over a year.

208.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 36.16.

209.  Tac., Ann. 2.61: vix pervias arenas instar montium eductae pyramides certamine et opibus regum.

210.  Hdt. 2.124.

211.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.33: τετταράκοντα δ᾽ἀπὸτῆς πόλεως σταδίους προελθόντιὀρεινή τιςὀφρύς ἐστιν, ἐφ᾽ ᾗ πολλαὶ μέν εἰσι πυραμίδες, τάφοι τῶν βασιλέων, τρεῖςδ᾽ἀξιόλογοι: τὰςδὲ δύο τούτων καὶἐντοῖςἑπτὰθεάμασι καταριθμοῦνται: εἰσὶ γὰρ σταδιαῖαι τὸὕψος, τετράγωνοι τῷ σχήματι, τῆς πλευρᾶς ἑκάστης μικρῷμεῖζον τὸὕψοςἔχουσαι; cf. Hdt. 2.149. The Great Pyramid, or Pyramid of Khufu (Cheops), originally stood 146.5m (481ft) high and was the tallest man-made structure for over 3,800 years: see Wilkinson (2000), pp. 116–17.

212.  Strab., Geog., 17.1.34: ῝εν δέ τι τῶνὁραθέντωνὑφ᾽ἡμῶνἐνταῖς πυραμίσι παραδόξων οὐκἄξιον παραλιπεῖν. ἐκγὰρτῆς λατύπης σωροί τινες πρὸτῶν πυραμίδων κεῖνται: ἐν τούτοις δ᾽ εὑρίσκεται ψήγματα καὶ τύπῳκαὶ μεγέθει φακοειδῆ: ἐνίοις δὲ καὶὡς ἂν πτίσμα οἷον ἡμιλεπίστωνὑποτρέχει: φασὶ δ᾽ἀπολιθωθῆναι λείψανα τῆςτῶνἐργαζομένων τροφῆς: οὐκ ἀπέοικε δέ: καὶ γὰροἴκοι παρ᾽ἡμῖν λόφοςἐστὶνἐν πεδίῳπαραμήκης, οὗτος δ᾽ἐστὶ μεστὸς ψήφων φακοειδῶν λίθου πωρείας: καὶ αἱ θαλάττιαι δὲ καὶ αἱ ποτάμιαι ψῆφοι σχεδόν τι τὴν αὐτὴνἀπορίανὑπογράφουσιν: ἀλλ᾽ αὗται μὲνἐντῇκινήσει τῇδιὰτοῦῥεύματος εὑρεσιλογίαν τινὰἔχουσιν, ἐκεῖ δ᾽ἀπορωτέρα ἡ σκέψις; cf. Hdt. 2.12.

213.  Tac., Ann. 2.61: lacusque effossa humo, superfluentis Nili receptacula.

214.  Lake Moeris or Moiris: Strab., Geog. 17.1.35: θαυμαστὴνδὲκαὶ τὴν λίμνηνἔχει τὴν Μοίριδος καλουμένην, πελαγίαν τῷμεγέθει καὶ τῇχρόᾳθαλαττοειδῆ.

215.  Hdt. 2.149.

216.  Hdt. (2.9) reckoned the journey from Memphis to Thebes took nine days by river. A receipt (Sherk (1988) 34C p. 61) survives from a savings and loan bank at Thebes dated to 25 January 20 CE issued by Menedoros to Phatres, son of Psenthotes, in settlement of a payment ‘for the price of wheat from the granary for the visit of Germanicus Caesar’. It seems Phatres could not initially pay the public granary for the food and had to pay a financial penalty to the local bank.

217.  Strab., Geog., 17.1.46, quoting Homer.

218.  Fletcher (2004), pp. 16–21.

219.  Wilkinson (2000), p. 154.

220.  Tac., Ann. 2.60: et manebant structis molibus litterae Aegyptiae, priorem opulentiam complexae: iussusque e senioribus sacerdotum patrium sermonem interpretari, referebat habitasse quondam septingenta milia aetate militari, atque eo cum exercitu regem Rhamsen Libya Aethiopia Medisque et Persis et Bactriano ac Scytha potitum quasque terras Suri Armeniique et contigui Cappadoces colunt, inde Bithynum, hinc Lycium ad mare imperio tenuisse. legebantur et indicta gentibus tributa, pondu.s argenti et auri, numerus armorum equorumque et dona templis ebur atque odores, quasque copias frumenti et omnium utensilium quaeque natio penderet, haud minus magnifica quam nunc vi Parthorum aut potentia Romana iubentur. For a description of the complex, see Oakes (2001), pp. 142–3. Cf. Strab., Geog. 17.1.28. The Great Hypostyle Hall contains 134 columns of open or bundled papyrus form, some 21m (69ft) tall: see Wilkinson (2000), pp. 154–61. Barbaric though its style may have been to Strabo’s taste, it was bigger than any covered building the Romans had built, up to Germanicus’ day.

221.  Wilkinson (2000), pp. 188–9.

222.  Tac., Ann. 2.61: Ceterum Germanicus aliis quoque miraculis intendit animum, quorum praecipua fuere Memnonis saxca effigie.

223.  Tac., Ann. 2.61: ubi radiis solis icta est, vocalem sonum reddens.

224.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.46: πεπίστευται δ᾽ὅτιἅπαξ καθ᾽ἡμέρανἑκάστην ψόφοςὡςἂν πληγῆςοὐ μεγάληςἀποτελεῖταιἀπὸτοῦμένοντοςἐντῷθρόνῳκαὶ τῇβάσει μέρους: κἀγὼδὲπαρὼνἐπὶ τῶν τόπων μετὰΓάλλου Αἰλίου καὶ τοῦ πλήθους τῶν συνόντων αὐτῷφίλων τε καὶ στρατιωτῶν περὶὥραν πρώτηνἤκουσα τοῦψόφου: εἴτε δὲἀπὸτῆς βάσεως εἴτεἀπὸτοῦ κολοσσοῦεἴτ᾽ἐπίτηδες τῶν κύκλῳκαὶ περὶ τὴν βάσινἱδρυμένων τινὸς ποιήσαντος τὸν ψόφον, οὐκἔχω διισχυρίσασθαι:διὰγὰρτὸἄδηλον τῆςαἰτίας πᾶνμᾶλλονἐπέρχεται πιστεύειν ἢ τὸἐκ τῶν λίθων οὕτω τεταγμένωνἐκπέμπεσθαι τὸνἦχον. The mention of C. Aelius Gallus, who was praefectus of Egypt from 26–24 BCE, gives us a terminus post quem for Strabo’s visit.

225.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.38–47. On Oxyrhynchus, see Parsons (2007).

226.  Strab., Geog. 1.17.48. See Jackson (2002), pp. 112–15.

227.  In a reply to Lawley (2002), Ole Nielsen says the rocks quarried here and in neighbouring Syene were called collectively by the name ‘syenite’. The term is still used by geologists, but to denote a different kind of rock. Both monumental ‘red’ (pinkish) and monumental ‘black’ (hornblende) granites were quarried there. The granites were transported down the Nile River to Giza, Edfu, Karnak and Luxor to grace the sanctuaries and temples. Egyptian granite obelisks can be seen in London, New York, Paris and Rome.

228.  Hawass (2005), pp. 29–39; Wright (1977).

229.  Tac., Ann. 2.60. He notes of his own day the frontier ‘which now extends to the Red Sea’. See Jackson (2002), pp. 112–15.

230.  Tac., Ann. 2.61: atque alibi angustiae et profunda altitudo, nullis inquirentium spatiis penetrabilis; cf. Strab., Geog. 1.17.52.

231.  Strab., Geog. 1.17.48. See Jackson (2002), pp. 115–18.

232.  Strab., Geog. 1.17.48. Ancient scientists believed – erroneously – that Syene was directly under a tropic. Aswan actually lies just above the Tropic of Cancer. It was here that Eratosthenes conducted his experiment on 21 June 250 BCE, from which he calculated the circumference of the Earth with 98 per cent accuracy, and the planet’s tilt. See Bean (1979), Appendix 1, pp. 231–232.

233.  Strab., Geog. 1.17.49.

234.  Strabo, Geog. 17.1.54: he suggests that while Gallus was trying to annex Arabia Felix (17.1.53), the Kushites seized the area north of the First Cataract, though this seems more of a coincidence than a coordinated attack. Gallus was replaced by Petronius in 24 BCE. The Kandake is mentioned in the Bible in Acts 8:26–27. Her full name and title was Amnirense qore li kdwe li (‘Amanirensas, Qore and Kandake’).

235.  The masterful portrait bust, with its glass and stone eyes, is now on display in the British Museum, London (accession number GR 1911.9–1.1). The statue was buried in the steps of the temple of the Kushite god of victory, which meant that worshippers would tread upon the Roman emperor’s head as they entered and left the building, as a mark of disrespect.

236.  Strab., Geog. 17.1.53.

237.  Wilkinson (2000), pp. 213–14. Philae now lies under water, having been flooded as part of the Aswan Dam works; the buildings were rescued and reassembled on the nearby island of Agilkia.

238.  Tac., Ann. 2.60: Sed Germanicus nondum comperto profectionem eam incusari Nilo subvehebatur (‘Germanicus, however, who had not yet learnt how much he was blamed for his expedition’).

239.  Tac., Ann. 2.83; Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 1.

240.  Suet., Calig. 3; Tac., Ann. 2.62: Dum ea aestas Germanico pluris per provincias transigitur.

241.  Suet., Calig. 3: Obtrectatoribus etiam, qualescumque et quantacumque de causa nanctus esset, lenis adeo et innoxius, ut Pisoni decreta sua rescindenti, clientelas divexanti non prius suscensere in animum induxerit, quam veneficiis quoque et devotionibus impugnari se comperisset.

242.  Tac., Ann. 2.69: hinc graves in Pisonem contumeliae, nec minus acerba quae ab illo in Caesarem intentabantur. On the suggestion that Tacitus presents, that Germanicus ‘invents and believes in the cause of his own death’, see Haynes (2003), p. 11.

243.  Tac., Ann. 2.72.

244.  Tac., Ann. 2.69.

245.  Tac., Ann. 2.70: si limen obsideretur, si effundendus spiritus sub oculis inimicorum foret, quid deinde miserrimae coningi, quid infantibus liberis eventurum? lenta videri veneficia: festinare et urgere, ut provinciam, ut legiones solus habeat. sed non usque eo defectum Germanicum, neque praemia caedis apud interfectorem mansura.

246.  Tac., Ann. 2.70: componit epistulas quis amicitiam ei renuntiabat: addunt plerique iussum provincia decedere; cf. Suet., Calig. 3.

247.  Tac., Ann. 2.70.

248.  Tac., Ann. 2.70: nec Piso moratus ultra navis solvit moderabaturque cursui quo propius regrederetur si mors Germanici Syriam aperuisset.

249.  Suet., Calig. 3: mandaretque domesticis ultionem, si quid sibi accideret.

250.  Tac., Ann. 2.71.

251.  Tac., Ann. 2.74.

252.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 2, Col. a: ‘six days before the Ides of October’.

253.  Sen. Nat. Qu. 1.3. A shower of meteors (possibly the Perseids) presaged the death of Germanicus’ father, Drusus the Elder: see Powell (2011), p. 105.

254.  Tac., Ann. 2.71: lebunt Germanicum etiam ignoti: vindicabitis vos, si me potius quam fortunam meam fovebatis. Savage (1942) sees parallels between Germanicus’ words on his death-bed and Vergil, Aeneid 12.435 ff.

255.  Tac., Ann. 2.72.

256.  Suet., Calig. 1: annum agens aetatis quartum et tricensimum … obiit.

Chapter 6: A Fine Roman in the Best Tradition

1.  Tac., Ann. 2.74–5.

2.  Tac., Ann. 2.74.

3.  Tac., Ann. 2.72.

4.  Paoli (1963), p. 128.

5.  Tac., Ann. 2.73: corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum.

6.  Paoli (1963), p. 128.

7.  Tac., Ann. 2.73: et erant qui formam, aetatem, genus mortis ob propinquitatem etiam locorum in quibus interiit, magni Alexandri fatis adacquarent. nam utrumque corpore decoro, genere insigni, haud multum triginta annos egressum, suorum insidiis externas inter gentis occidisse: sed hunc mitem erga amicos, modicum voluptatum, uno matrimonio, certis liberis egisse, neque minus proeliatorem, etiam si temeritas afuerit praepeditusque sit perculsas tot victoriis Germanias servitio premere. quod si solus arbiter rerum, si lure et nomine regio fuisset, tanto promptius adsecuturum gloriam militiae quantum clementia, temperantia, ceteris bonis artibus praestitisset. Alexander was well-known for killing his friends (Klitos, Parmenio, Kallisthenes), for excessive drinking, and for having unconfirmed illegitimate heirs (including Herakles with his mistress Barsine and the posthumous Alexander IV with his queen Roxana). For other examples of Tacitus’ comparatio with the ‘Alexander tradition’, see Borzsák (1982); Gissel (2001).

8.  Tac., Ann. 2.73; 3.12; Suet., Calig. 1.

9.  Tac., Ann. 2.75.

10.  Paoli (1963), pp. 131–2.

11.  Tac., Ann. 2.72: indoluere exterae nationes regesque: tanta illi comitas in socios, mansuetudo in hostis.

12.  Suet., Calig. 5.

13.  Suet., Calig. 6; Tac., Ann. 2.82.

14.  Suet., Calig. 6: Et ut demum fato functum palam factum est, non solaciis ullis, non edictis inhiberi luctus publicus potui.

15.  Tac., Ann. 2.82. The front doors of private houses were normally kept open during the daytime for the salutatio, for clients to drop in and meet their patron before noon.

16.  Tac., Ann. 2.82: hos vulgi sermones audita mors adeo incendit ut ante edictum magistratuum, ante senatus consultum sumpto iustitio desererentur fora, clauderentur domus.

17.  Suet., Calig. 6.

18.  Suet., Calig. 6: Salva Roma,| salva patria, | salvus est Germanicus.

19.  Tac., Ann. 2.82.

20.  Tac., Ann. 2.82: et populus quasi rursum ereptum acrius doluit.

21.  Suet., Calig. 5.

22.  After his assassination, Iulius Caesar’s body was examined by a doctor, who deduced that only one of the twenty-three stab wounds was fatal; see Suet., Div. Iul. 82.3.

23.  Paterculus’ compendium of history is dedicated to M. Vinicius in the year of his consulship.

24.  Joseph., Ant. Jud. 18.54: καὶ ψηφίζεται ἡ σύγκλητος Γερμανικὸν πέμπειν διορθώσοντα τὰκατὰ τὴνἀνατολὴν πραγματευομένης αὐτῷτῆς τύχης εὐκαιρίαν τοῦθανάτου: καὶ γὰρ γενόμενος κατὰτὴνἀνατολὴνκαὶ πάντα διορθώσαςἀνῃρέθη φαρμάκῳὑπὸΠείσωνος, καθὼςἐνἄλλοις δεδήλωται.

25.  Suet., Calig. 1: diuturno morbo … obiit. Nam praeter livores, qui toto corpore erant, et spumas.

26.  Suet., Calig. 1: quae per os fluebant, cremati quoque cor inter ossa incorruptum repertum est, cuius ea natura existimatur, ut tinctum veneno igne confici nequeat.

27.  Tac., Ann. 2.69.

28.  Tac., Ann. 2.69.

29.  Tac., Ann. 2.71.

30.  Syme (1981) documents twenty-five consular legates who died in Syria in the period October 19-August 117 CE.

31.  http://www.cdc.gov/nczved/divisions/dfbmd/diseases/typhoid_fever/ and http://www.mayoclinic.com/health/typhoid-fever/DS00538.

32.  Dio 53.25.7, 30.1–4.

33.  http://www.cdc.gov/nczved/divisions/dfbmd/diseases/typhoid_fever/.

34.  http://www.mayoclinic.com/health/influenza/DS00081.

35.  WNE has been proposed as the cause of Alexander the Great’s death by Marr and Calisher (2003), available online in full at http://wwwnc.cdc.gov/eid/article/9/12/03–0288_article.htm.

36.  http://en.diagnosispro.com/differential_diagnosis-for/foaming-frothing-at-the-mouth/34376–154.html.

37.  http://www.nlm.nih.gov/medlineplus/ency/article/003215.htm.

38.  Scarborough (1968), p. 257, cites Plut., Mar. 6.3. Davies (1989), pp. 214–15.

39.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 29.8.

40.  Cilliers and Retief (2000), p. 90 n. 3, citing Rutten (1997); Mayor (2009), pp. 67–73.

41.  Kaufman (1932).

42.  Ulpian, Digesta 50.16.236.

43.  For examples of the use of scelus, see Tac., Ann. 1.5.2; 4.10.2; 6.33.1; 12.66.3.

44.  Cilliers and Retief (2000), p. 98 citing Dioscorides, Materia Medica 4.64.

45.  Tac., Ann. 2.73: corpus antequam cremaretur nudatum in foro Antiochensium, qui locus sepulturae destinabatur, praetuleritne veneficii signa parum constitit.

46.  Tac., Ann. 1.13.

47.  Wood et al. (1994), available at http://www.doc.state.ok.us/offenders/ocjrc/94/940650G.htm.

48.  Tac., Ann. 2.74.

49.  Tac., Ann. 3.14.

50.  Tac., Ann. 2.69.

51.  Tac., Ann. 3.16; Suet., Tib. 52.3. Tacitus remarks that he recalled hearing old men in his youth mentioning the letter.

52.  Tac., Ann. 5.1.

53.  Tac., Ann. 4.57.

54.  Chery Golden, ‘Women and Poison in Ancient Rome’, Visiting Lecture, Western Illinois University, 12 October 2006.

55.  Along with Tacitus’ general portayal of Livia as a villainess is Robert Graves’ influential novel I, Claudius. For a rational assessment, see Dennison (2010), pp. 268–9.

56.  Dando-Collins (2008), pp. 223–233.

57.  Tac., Ann. 2.69: et reperiebantur solo ac parietibus erutae humanorum corporum reliquiae, carmina et devotiones et nomen Germanici plumbeis tabulis insculptum, semusti cineres ac tabo obliti aliaque malefica quis creditur animas numinibus infernis sacrari. The context infers the room was in Piso’s residence.

58.  Tac., Ann. 2.73: nam ut quis misericordia in Germanicum et praesumpta suspicione aut favore in Pisonem pronior, diversi interpretabantur.

59.  Suet., Calig. 2; Tac., Ann. 2.82.

60.  Tac., Ann. 2.74: postulantibus Vitellio ac Veranio ceterisque qui crimina et accusationem tamquam adversus receptos iam reos instruebant.

61.  Suet., Calig. 2; Tac., Ann. 2.82.

62.  Tac., Ann. 2.75.

63.  Tac., Ann. 2.76.

64.  Tacitus thus acknowledges that Germanicus had secured the loyalty of the Syrian legions. See Chapter 5, n. 60.

65.  Tac., Ann. 2.77.

66.  Tac., Ann. 2.78.

67.  Tac., Ann. 2.78.

68.  Tac., Ann. 2.75.

69.  Tac., Ann. 2.75: At Agrippina, quamquam defessa luctu et corpore aegro, omnium tamen quae ultionem morarentur intolerans ascendit classem cum cineribus Germanici et liberis, miserantibus cunctis quod femina nobilitate princeps, pulcherrimo modo matrimonio inter venerantis gratantisque aspici solita, tunc feralis reliquias sinu ferret, incerta ultionis, anxia sui et infelici fecunditate fortunae totiens obnoxia.

70.  Tac., Ann. 2.79.

71.  Presumably Legiones III Gallica, X Frentensis and XII Fulminata.

72.  Tac., Ann. 2.80.

73.  Tac., Ann. 2.81.

74.  Suet., Calig. 6.

75.  Tac., Ann. 2.83; cf. Tabula Siarensis in Appendix 2.

76.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 2b, 20–7: senatum uel- | le atque aequom censere, quo faciliuspie|t|as omnium ordinum erga domum Augustam et consen- | œ|i| uniuersorum ciuium memoria honoranda Germanici Caesaris appareret, uti co(n)s(ules) hoc |s(enatus) c(onsultum) sub edicto suo proponerent… [et] ut quam celeberrumo loco figeretur.

77.  Tabula Hebana 1–6; Augustus, Res Gestae 10.

78.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 1, 22–23. Sánchez-Ostiz Gutiérrez (1999), pp. 138–9. Lebek (1991), discusses the textual evidence for the arches in depth.

79.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 1, 22–6.

80.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 1,13,18: cum…ob rem p(ublicam) mortem obisset; cf. Tac., Ann. 2.83.2; CIL VI, 31199.

81.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 1, 22–6: Druso, fratri Tiφeri) Caesaris Aug(usti).

82.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 1, 22–6: ‘or another place in those areas that seemed more suitable to Tiberius Caesar Augustus, our princeps’ ([siue qui] | alius aptior locus Tiφerio) Caesari Aug(usto) principi nostro [uideretur in iis regionibus]). For the placement of the arch in Syria, see Potter (1987), pp. 271–6.

83.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 1, 35–7; Tac., Ann. 2.83.2.

84.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 2a, 1–14. Curiously, none of these are mentioned by Tacitus.

85.  Tac., Ann. 2.83. Stuart (1940), p. 64, n. 4, counted fifty-two portrait inscriptions of Germanicus surviving from ancient times.

86.  Tac., Ann. 2.83.3: neque enim eloquentiam fortuna discerni et satis inlustre si veteres inter scriptores haberetur. On Tiberius’ virtue of moderatio, see Tac., Ann. 3.56.2.

87.  The Tropaea Germanici is known from inscriptions (CIL XVI, 32, 33) on the location of military diplomas – issued from the time of Claudius on – which state post tropahea Germanici in trubunali quae sunt ad aedem Fidei. This part of the temple complex was crowded with votive monuments: Plut., Caes. 6; Suet., Div. Iul. 11; Calig. 34.

88.  McCall (2002), p. 7, n.35.

89.  Tac., Ann. 3.49.

90.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 2b, 12–13.

91.  Tabula Siarensis, Fragment 2b, 1–10.

92.  Tabula Hebana 6–7.

93.  An inscription from Rome dedicated, without doubt, after his death, demonstrates the esteem in which Germanicus was held: CIL VI, 909 = ILS 176: Pleps urbana quinque et | triginta tribuum | Germanico Caesari | Ti. Augusti f., I divi Augusti n., | auguri, flamini Augustali, | cos. iterum, imp. iterum, | aere conlato. See also CIL VI, 31274 (Rome); X, 6638 (p. 665), 6649 (Antium); XIV, 244 (Ostia).

94.  For the eventful history of the statue, see ‘Ancient Sources: 4. Sculptures (b) Portrait Busts and Statues’. On the mythological associations, see Dares, De Exidio Troiae Historia 33.

95.  Tac., Ann. 3.40. For a reconstruction of the arch at Mainz, after Hans G. Frenz, see Cüppers et al. (1990), p. 85, fig. 42. For a review of literary evidence for the Germanicus arch, see Lebek (1991), pp. 54, 69–71: Lebek argues that the arch would have been located close to the tumulus of Drusus, and that the foundations of the triumphal arch which have been found on the right bank of the river, beside the Mainz-Kastel, date from the time of Domitian.

96.  The temple was erected between 23 and 31 CE. The members represented in the group were (from left to right) Augustus, Roma, Tiberius, Livia, Augustus (again), Agrippina (wife of Germanicus), Livilla (sister of Germanicus); Germanicus and Drusus (son of Tiberius) standing together in a chariot; and Antonia (mother of Germanicus), Vipsania Agrippina and Claudius: Flower (2006), pp. 176–9.

97.  Flower (2006), p. 176.

98.  Caesarea Germanicopolis, or Tahtali on the Gebes River in Bithynia, see Pliny, Nat. Hist. 5.40, on the Hellespont and Mysia: ‘we then come to the river Gelbes; and, in the interior, the town of Helgas, or Germanicopolis, which has also the other name of Booscoete Apamea [or Booscoetes], now more generally known as Myrlea of the Colophonians’. Germanikopolis or Clibanus or Ermenek in Isauria, see Mitchell, ‘Map 66 Taurus’, in Talbert (2000), p. 1016. Gangra Germanicopolis or Çankırı in Paphlagonia, see Head (1888).

99.  Tac., Ann. 2.84.

100.  A brass sestertius was minted showing the twins, the head of each popping out of a cornucopia: RIC I, 42.

101.  Tac., Ann. 3.1: violenta luctu et nescia tolerandi.

102.  Tac., Ann. 3.1.

103.  Tac., Ann. 3.1: neque satis constabat quid pro tempore foret, cum classis paulatim successit, non alacri, ut adsolet, remigio sed cunctis ad tristitiam compositis. postquam duobus cum liberis, feralem urnam tenens, egressa navi defixit oculos, idem omnium gemitus; neque discerneres proximos alienos, virorum feminarumve planctus, nisi quod comitatum Agrippinae longo maerore fessum obvii et recentes in dolore antibant.

104.  Tac., Ann. 3.2.

105.  There is no suggestion in the extant accounts that she opted to go by litter or carriage.

106.  Suet., Tib. 7.3; Consolatio ad Liviam 177.

107.  Tac., Ann. 3.2.

108.  Tac., Ann. 3.3: matrem Antoniam non apud auctores rerum, non diurna actorum scriptura reperio ullo insigni officio functam, cum super Agrippinam et Drusum et Claudium ceteri quoque consanguinei nominatim perscripti sint, seu valetudine praepediebatur seu victus luctu animus magnitudinem mali perferre visu non toleravit.

109.  Tac., Ann. 3.3: facilius crediderim Tiberio et Augusta, qui domo non excedebant, cohibitam, ut par maeror et matris exemplo avia quoque et patruus attineri viderentur. Seager (1972), pp. 110–11.

110.  Tac., Ann. 3.4: per silentium vastus, modo ploratibus inquies.

111.  CIL VI, 894 = 31194. Cordingley and Richmond (1927).

112.  Tac., Ann. 3.4: cum decus patriae, solum Augusti sanguinem, unicum antiquitatis specimen appellarent versique ad caelum ac deos integram illi subolem ac superstitem iniquorum precarentur.

113.  Tac., Ann. 3.5.

114.  Tac., Ann. 3.5: sane corpus ob longinquitatem itinerum externis terris quoquo modo crematum.

115.  Levick (1976/1999), p. 156.

116.  Tac., Ann. 3.6.

117.  Tac., Ann. 3.6: utque premeret vulgi sermones, monuit edicto multos inlustrium Romanorum ob rem publicam obisse, neminem tam flagranti desiderio celebratum. idque et sibi et cunctis egregium si modus adiceretur. non enim eadem decora principibus viris et imperatori popolo quae modicis domibus aut civitatibus. convenisse recenti dolori luctum et ex maerore solacia; sed referendum iam animum ad firmitudinem, ut quondam divus Iulius amissa unica filia, ut divus Augustus ereptis nepotibus abstruserint tristitiam. nil opus vetustioribus exemplis, quotiens populus Romanus cladis exercituum, interitum ducum, funditus amissas nobilis familias constanter tulerit. principes mortalis, rem publicam aeternam esse. proin repeterent sollemnia, et quia ludorum Megalesium spectaculum suberat, etiam voluptates resumerent.

118.  Sen., Polyb. 15.4–16.4.

119.  Tac., Ann. 3.7.

120.  Livy 29.14.10–14.

121.  Tac., Ann. 3.7.

122.  Tac., Ann. 3.8.

123.  Tac., Ann. 3.9.

124.  Tac., Ann. 2.79.1.

125.  Tac., Ann. 3.10.

126.  For example, the cases of Falanius and Rubrius (Tac., Ann. 1.73.1–4), Granius Marcellus (ibid. 1.72.2), and Libo Drusus in 16 CE (ibid. 2.29.2). Interestingly, in the case of P. Suillius, Germanicus’ quaestor, Tiberius insisted he be exiled for having been found guilty of corruption: Tac.,Ann. 4.31.

127.  Tac., Ann. 3.11.

128.  Tac., Ann. 3.11.

129.  In the late 1980s, fragments of several copies of the Senatus Consultum de Cn. Pisone patre (SCPP) inscribed on bronze came to light near Seville, in the former Roman province of Baetica. Discovered as a result of unofficially sanctioned searches by metal detectorists, by the early 1990s, the Archaeological Museum in Seville had acquired all the extant fragments for restoration, study and eventual publication. Running to 176 lines of text, it is one of the longest Latin inscriptions to survive down to our own day. After careful study, and some carefully considered interpretation of missing letters and words in places by experts, we now have an excellent master text and evidence of six copies, all from Baetica.

130.  Tac., Ann. 3.16.1.

131.  Tac., Ann. 3.15.2.

132.  Tac., Ann. 3.12, possibly the speech referred to in SCPP, lines 168–70.

133.  Tac., Ann. 3.12: illic contumacia et certaminibus asperasset iuvenem exituque eius laetatus esset an scelere extinxisset, integris animis diiudicandum. ‘nam si legatus officii terminos, obsequium erga imperatorem exuit eiusdemque morte et luctu meo laetatus est, odero seponamque a domo mea et privatas inimicitias non vi principis ulciscar: sin facinus in cuiuscumque mortalium nece vindicandum detegitur, vos vero et liberos Germanici et nos parentes iustis solaciis adficite.

134.  Tacitus emphasizes the murder charge, whereas, in distinct contrast, the SCPP subsumes it.

135.  Tac., Ann. 3.12: defleo equidem filium meum semperque deflebo: sed neque reum prohibeo quo minus cuncta proferat, quibus innocentia eius sublevari aut, si qua fuit iniquitas Germanici, coargui possit, vosque oro ne, quia dolori meo causa conexa est, obiecta crimina pro adprobatis accipiatis.

136.  This is consistent with Tiberius’ wish to be seen as exhibiting the virtues of aequitas (‘impartiality’) and iustitia (‘justice’).

137.  Tac., Ann. 3.12: si incerta adhuc ista et scrutanda sunt?

138.  Tac., Ann. 3.12: id solum Germanico super leges praestiterimus, quod in curia potius quam in foro, apud senatum quam apud iudices de morte eius anquiritur: cetera pari modestia tractentur. nemo Drusi lacrimas, nemo maestitiam meam spectet, nec si qua in nos adversa finguntur.

139.  Tac., Ann. 3.13.

140.  Cooley (1989), pp. 200–1.

141.  Tac., Ann. 2.74.

142.  Tac., Ann. 3.7: nec ulla in corpore signa sumpti exitii reperta.

143.  Tac., Ann. 3.13: sacra hinc et immolationes nefandas ipsius atque Plancinae, peritam armis rem publicam, utque reus agi posset, acie victum.

144.  Tac., Ann. 3.14.

145.  Tac., Ann. 3.16; Suet., Tib. 52.3. Tacitus remarks he recalled hearing old men in his youth mentioning the letter.

146.  Tac., Ann. 3.16.

147.  Tac., Ann. 3.14.

148.  Suet., Tib. 72.3: Redde Germanicum!

149.  Tac., Ann. 3.15.

150.  Tac., Ann. 3.14.

151.  Tacitus specifically calls the weapon a gladius: Tac., Ann. 3.15.

152.  Tac., Ann. 3.16.

153.  Tac., Ann. 3.14.

154.  Tac., Ann. 3.17; SCPP, lines 109–20; at line 114, the document states as the basis for the pardon iustissimus causas.

155.  Tac., Ann. 3.17: quod pro omnibus civibus leges obtineant uni Germanico non contigisse. Vitellii et Veranii voce defletum Caesarem, ab imperatore et Augusta defensam Plancinam.

156.  Flower (2006), pp. 132–8.

157.  SCPP differs in that it records only that the Senate rewarded the younger Cn. Piso half of his father’s property, suggesting that Tacitus consulted the actual document in the course of his research; the only condition imposed for the younger Cn. Piso (SCPP, lines 90–100) is to change his name: si praenomen patris mutasset.

158.  SCPP, lines 100–1, records that Marcus received half of his father’s property, but makes no mention of the proposed banishment. On Tiberius’ appeal to spare Marcus, lines 4–8.

159.  Tac., Ann. 3.18. Flower (1996), p. 155; (2006), pp. 136–7, argues that this is a case of damnatio memoria. An inscription dated to 5/6 CE in the forum at Leptis Magna in the province of Africa, where Piso had been proconsul, does survive where his name has been chipped away: ILS 95 =EJ 39.

160.  SCPP, lines 100–101.

161.  Tac., Ann. 3.18.

162.  Antonia, the mother of Germanicus, is cited in the SCPP, lines 140–2. Tacitus (Ann. 3.2) comments, in contrast, that Antonia was not seen in public during the trial, highlighting one difference between the official and the historian’s version of events, perhaps indicative of his bias. See Flower (1996), pp. 250–2.

163.  Tac., Ann. 3.19.

164.  SCPP, lines 169–70, specifies quo loco Ti. Caes(ari) Aug(usto) vide- | retur.

165.  SCPP, lines 123–5: item cum iudicaret senatus omnium parentium pietatem antecessisse Ti. Caesarem Aug(ustum) principem nostrum tant|i| et |t|am aequali〈s〉 dolor|is| 〈eius indicis〉 totiens conspectis. Compare to Tiberius’ display of pietas by walking in front of his brother Drusus’ hearse all the way from Germania Magna to Rome.

166.  Tac., Ann. 3.19: is finis fuit ulciscenda Germanici morte, non modo apud illos homines qui tum agebant etiam secutis temporibus vario rumore iactata.

167.  SCPP, lines 12–14, Senatum populumq(ue) Romanum ante omnia dis immortalibus gratias agere, | quod nefaris consilis Cn.Pisonis patris tranquillitatem praesentis status | r(ei) p(ublicae), quo melior optari non pote |e|t quo beneficio principis nostri frui contigit. Cooley (1989), pp. 201–2, noting that the Senate thanks the Gods for protecting the State from Piso’s wicked plots (nefaris consilis).

168.  Eph. Epig. VIII, 2039, cited by Fiske (1900), p. 107.

169.  CIL II, 194 (Lusitania); XII, 1872 (Vienna); both are dedicated to a flamen of Germanicus.

170.  Tac., Ann. 2.88.

171.  Tac., Ann. 2.88: non fraude neque occultis, sed palam et armatum populum Romanum hostis suos ulcisci.

172.  Tac., Ann. 2.88. Tacitus notes that he ruled for twelve years and ‘assuredly he was the deliverer of Germany; one, too, who had defied Rome, not in her early rise, as other kings and generals, but in the height of her empire’s glory, had fought, indeed, indecisive battles; yet, in war, remained unconquered’ (petitusque armis cum varia fortuna certaret, dolo propinquorum cecidit: liberator haud dubie Germaniae et qui non primordia populi Romani, sicut alii reges ducesque, sed florentissimum imperium lacessierit, proeliis ambiguus, bello non victus).

Chapter 7: The Fall of the House of Germanicus

1.  Tac., Ann. 3.29.

2.  Tac., Ann. 4.4.

3.  Tac., Ann. 4.60.

4.  Sen., Constant. 18.2–5; Suet., Calig. 9.

5.  Suet., Calig. 24.

6.  Tac., Ann. 4.53.

7.  Suet., Ner. 4.3.

8.  Suet., Calig. 24.

9.  Tac., Ann. 6.15.1; Dio 58.21.1.

10.  Tac., Ann. 3.4.

11.  Tac., Ann. 4.52.

12.  Tac., Ann. 4.52: non ideo laedi quia non regnaret; Suet., Tib. 53.1.

13.  Tac., Ann. 4.53.

14.  Tac., Ann. 4.17.

15.  Tac., Ann. 4.17.

16.  Suet., Calig. 6.2: Auxit gloriam desideriumque defuncti et atrocitas insequentium temporum, cunctis nec temere opinantibus reverentia eius ac metu repressam Tiberi saevitiam, quae mox eruperit.

17.  Dio 57.19.8: τὸμὲνοὖν σύμπαν οὕτω μετὰτὸντοῦΓερμανικοῦθάνατον μετεβάλετοὥστε αὐτὸν μεγάλως καὶ πρότερονἐπαινούμενον πολλῷδὴτότε μᾶλλον θαυμασθῆναι.

18.  Tac., Ann. 4.13.

19.  Tac., Ann. 4.7.

20.  Tac., Ann. 4.1; 6.8. The site of Vulsinii – or Velzna, as it is spelled in Etruscan – is still debated, with Bolsena in Lazio or Orvieto in Umbria proposed as candidates. The people of the region are mentioned by Pliny (Nat. Hist. 3.8).

21.  Tac., Ann. 4.1.

22.  Tac., Ann. 4.2; Suet., Tib. 37.1.

23.  Tac., Ann. 4.3.

24.  Tac., Ann. 4.7.

25.  Tac., Ann. 3.56.

26.  Tac., Ann. 3.52. Augustus gave Tiberius the tribunician power in 6 CE, at the age of 36, after which he retired to Rhodes.

27.  Drusus’ role as guardian is inferred by Dio (57.22.4). Barrett (1996), p. 32; Shotter (1992), p. 40.

28.  Tac., Ann. 4.7.

29.  Tac., Ann. 4.8.

30.  The fact was only revealed eight years later.

31.  Tac., Ann. 4.9: memoriae Drusi eadem quae in Germanicum decernuntur, plerisque additis, ut ferme amat posterior adulatio.

32.  Tac., Ann. 4.12.

33.  Suet., Tib. 62.1.

34.  Tac., Ann. 4.39.

35.  Tac., Ann. 4.40.

36.  Balsdon (1969), p. 21.

37.  Tac., Ann. 4.41.

38.  Tac., Ann. 4.67.

39.  Tac., Ann. 4.67.

40.  Tac., Ann. 4.8: quibus adprensis ‘patres conscripti, hos’ inquit ‘orbatos parente tradidi patrno ipsorum precatusque sum, quamquam esset illi propria suboles, ne secus quam suum sanguinem foveret attolleret, sibique et posteris coniormaret. erepto Druso preces ad vos converto disque et patria coram obtestor: Augusti pro nepotes, clarissimis maioribus genitos, suscipite regite, vestram meamque vicem explete. hi vobis, Nero et Druse, parentum loco, ita nati estis ut bona malaque vestra ad rem publicam pertineant.

41.  Tac., Ann. 4.15.

42.  Tac., Ann. 4.15: aderantque iuveni modestia ac forma principe viro digna, notis in eum Seiani odiis ob periculum gratiora.

43.  Tac., Ann. 4.18.

44.  Tac., Ann. 4.19.

45.  Tac., Ann. 4.20.

46.  Tac., Ann. 4.68.

47.  Tac., Ann. 4.68.

48.  Tac., Ann. 4.70.

49.  Tac., Ann. 4.71.

50.  Tac., Ann. 4.74.

51.  Tac., Ann. 4.29.

52.  Tac., Ann. 4.54.

53.  Tac., Ann. 4.59.

54.  Tac., Ann. 4.60.

55.  Tac., Ann. 4.60.

56.  Tac., Ann. 3.22.

57.  Tac., Ann. 6.40.

58.  Suet., Tib. 54.2; Calig. 7.

59.  Tac., Ann. 4.67.

60.  Sen., Ira 3.21.5; Tac., Ann. 4.67.6.

61.  Suet., Tib. 54.2.

62.  This was a coded sign that his execution had been ordered – the noose to strangle him, the hook to drag his body to the Tiber River.

63.  Tac., Ann. 4.75.

64.  Tac., Ann. 1.33: accedebant muliebres offensiones nσvercalibus Liviae in Agrippinam stimulis, atque ipsa Agrippina paulo commotior, nisi quod castitate et mariti amore quamvis indomitum animum in bonum vertebat.

65.  Tac., Ann. 5.1; Suet., Tib. 51.

66.  Barrett (1989), p. 24.

67.  Tac., Ann. 5.2.

68.  Tac., Ann. 4.70.

69.  Tac., Ann. 5.3. Freisenbruch (2010), p. 93, argues that, while the Augusta lived, Agrippina came to no harm.

70.  Tac., Ann. 5.4: posse quandoque domus Germanici exitium paenitentiae esse seni.

71.  Tac., Ann. 5.4.

72.  Tac., Ann. 5.5.

73.  Dio 58.5.8.

74.  Tac., Ann. 5.10. Dio (58.25) puts this event in the twentieth year of Tiberius’ reign, i.e. 34 CE.

75.  Tacitus professes not to know anything about the origins of the story.

76.  Suet., Tib. 64.2; Tac., Ann. 6.23.

77.  Tac., Ann. 5.6; 6.8. Dio (58.3.9) states that Seianus was actually betrothed to Drusus the Younger’s daughter, but Tacitus’ reference to him as Tiberius’ son-in-law (Ann. 5.6; 6.8) only makes sense if he was married to Livilla.

78.  Dio 58.4.3.

79.  Dio 58.4.2.

80.  Suet.. Tib. 61.1: etsi commentario, quem de uita sua summatim breuiterque composuit, ausus est scribere Seianum se punisse, quod comperisset furere aduersus liberos Germanici flii sui.

81.  Nero Iulius Caesar Germanicus.

82.  Val. Max. 9.11.ext.4.

83.  Seager (1972), pp.214–15, citing ILS 157, 158, 159 (=EJ 51, 52, 85).

84.  Juv, Sat. 10.74ff.

85.  Seager (1972), pp. 215–16. On Macro, see Tac., Ann. 6.15; Joseph., Ant. Jud. 18.179.

86.  Dio 58.4.2.

87.  Joseph., Ant. Jud. 18.179f.

88.  Suet., Calig. 10.1.

89.  Dio 58.4.4.

90.  Dio 58.5.5; Suet., Tib. 65.1.

91.  Suet., Tib. 65.1; Dio 58.4.4, 6.2.

92.  Seager (1972), pp.214, 219; Dio 58.9.2; Suet., Tib. 65.1.

93.  Dio 58.8.1.

94.  Dio 58.6.4.

95.  Dio 58.8.2: εἰ μὴτὸνδῆμονἰσχυρῶςτοῖς περὶ τοῦΓαΐου λεχθεῖσιπρὸςτὴντοῦΓερμανικοῦτοῦ πατρὸςαὐτοῦμνήμηνἡσθέντα εἶδε.

96.  Dio 58.7.4.

97.  Dio 58.9.3.

98.  Dio 58.9.4. On the shooting star see Sen. Nat. Qu. 1.3.

99.  Dio 58.9.5.

100.  Dio 58.9.5–6.

101.  Dio 58.10.1–5.

102.  Dio 58.10.6.

103.  Dio 58.10.8.

104.  Dio 58.10–11.5; Suet., Tib. 53.2; Tac., Ann. 6.25.

105.  Dio 58.10–11.5; Suet., Tib. 61.5.

106.  Dio 58.10–11.6.

107.  Suet., Tib. 72.1.

108.  Tac., Ann. 6.23.

109.  Suet., Tib. 54.2.

110.  Dio 58.9.2; Suet., Tib. 65.2; Tac., Ann. 6.23.

111.  Tac., Ann. 6.24.

112.  Pliny, Nat. Hist. 8.145; Suet., Tib. 53.2; 54.2; 64; Calig. 7.

113.  Suet., Tib. 53.2.

114.  Suet., Tib. 53.2; Tac., Ann. 6.25.

115.  Tac., Ann. 6.25. Tiberius harboured a deep resentment towards Gallus, as he was the man who married Vipsania, the princeps’ first wife.

116.  Suet., Tib. 53.2; Tac., Ann. 6.25.

117.  Tac., Ann. 6.25.

118.  Dio 58.21.1; Tac., Ann. 6.15.

119.  Tac., Ann. 6.20.

120.  Suet., Tib. 41.

121.  Dio 58.23.1.

122.  Suet., Tib. 76.

123.  Suet., Tib. 72.1.

124.  Suet., Tib. 42.1; 43.1–45; 60; according to 42.2, he established an office of Minister of Pleasures, the officium a volumptatibus, run by the equestrian T. Caesonius Priscus.

125.  Suet., Tib. 73.1.

126.  Suet., Tib. 73.2.

127.  Eutrop., Brev. 7.11.

128.  Suet., Calig. 13.1: Sic imperium adeptus, populum Romanum, vel dicam hominum genus, voti compotem fecit, exoptatissimus princeps maximae parti provincialium ac militum, quod infantem plerique cognoverant, sed et universae plebi urbanae ob memoriam Germanici patris miserationemque prope afftictae domus.

129.  Suet., Calig. 15.1.

130.  Dio 59.1.1–2.

131.  Dio 59.1.5–59.2.1.

132.  Suet., Calig. 15.2.

133CIL VI, 886 = 31192 =ILS 180: Ossa | Agrippinae M. Agrippae [f] | divi Aug. neptis, uxoris | Germanici Caesaris, | matris C. Caesaris Aug. | Germanici, principis.

134.  Suet., Calig. 15.2. A brass sestertius (RIC I, 55) was minted showing the two-wheeled carpentum, which carried the imago of Agrippina on the reverse, and the inscription MEMORIAE AGRIPPINAE; on the obverse is a finely-detailed portrait of the lady with the legend AGRIPPINA M F MAT C CAESARIS AVGVSTI.

135.  Suet., Calig. 15.2. At least one inscription attests the renamed month: see CIL XI, 5745 (Foligno, Umbria) of C. Aetrius Naso (praefectus of Cohors I Germanorum, tribunis militum of Legio I Italica). The name appears to have still been in use in the fifth century, at the time Macrobius was writing his Saturnalia: Mensis September principalem sui retinet appellationem: quem Germanici appellatione (Sat. 1.12.36). The call to rename September echoes the proposal to rename November, cited by Dio: ‘The senate urged upon Tiberius the request that the month of November, on the sixteenth day of which he had been born, should be called Tiberius: “What will you do, then, if there are thirteen Caesars?”’ (Dio 57.18.2).

136.  Gold aureus: BMCRE 1.18, RIC I, 17. Silver denarius: BMCRE 1.19, RIC I, 18; the obverse inscription on both coins reads C CAESAR AVG GERM P MTR POT, while the reverse reads GERMANICVS CAES P C CAES AVG GERM. It continues to be a highly sought after coin among modern numismatists.

137RIC I, 35: obverse, bust of Germanicus surrounded by the legend GERMANICVS CAESAR TI AVG F DIVI AVG N; reverse, capitals S C, surrounded by the legend C CAESAR DIVI AVG PRON AVG P M TR P IIII P P.

138RIC I, 57; BMCRE 93, 94.

139.  Whether the coin was minted during the reign of Tiberius or of Caligula has been the subject of debate. According to the noted numismatist Curtis Clay of Chicago-based Harlan J. Berk, Ltd, ‘[Francis] Hobler, writing around 1860, shared the universal assumption of his time that the Germanicus dupondii were struck during Germanicus’ lifetime, and the Agrippa asses during Agrippa’s lifetime. There is, after all, nothing on the coins to indicate that a later emperor had struck them or that the honorees had already died! It was only during the twentieth century that these coins were redated to Caligula’s reign. The chief arguments are: (1) The countermarks that are found on these middle bronzes, specifically TI AV and TI CAESAR ligate, are ones that otherwise occur on bronzes of Caligula, but not on bronzes of Tiberius. (2) Tiberius’ bronze coins were struck with their die axes either upright or inverted, but Caligula’s mint introduced a change: his bronze coins show the inverted die axis only. The Germanicus dupondii and Agrippa asses followed the Caligulan practice: axes inverted only. That seems to be powerful evidence that these coins were struck not by Tiberius, but by Caligula. (3) During the reign of Caligula, the mint of Caesaraugusta in Spain copied various obverse types from Caligula’s bronze coinage, including the obv. type of the Agrippa asses. Those copied obv. types were: bare head l. of Caligula, radiate head l. of Divus Augustus, bare head l. of Germanicus, draped bust r. of Agrippina I, and finally head of Agrippa l. wearing rostral crown (RPC 373–386). But if the Agrippa asses were struck by Caligula, the Germanicus dupondii probably were too’. Clay also proposes an intriguing new explanation of these two commemorative bronze coins, which he has kindly permitted me to publish here, that ‘Caligula may have allowed the Senate to melt down the bronze coins of Tiberius, whom the Senate hated, just as Claudius later allowed the Senate to melt down the bronze coins of Caligula himself. The metal from the melted down Tiberius bronzes was then used to strike coins for Caligula’s great grandfather Agrippa and his father Germanicus, who, had they only lived longer, would have been the successors of Augustus instead of Tiberius and, by implication, would have been better emperors! Caligula didn’t add his own name to the coins because that would have spoiled the impression they were intended to give of having been struck long before his accession to the throne. An interesting attempt to rewrite history, or at least to express dissatisfaction with the course it had actually taken’. (http://www.forumancientcoins.com/board/index.php?topic=70716.0). Compare to the bronze statue of Germanicus found at Amelia.

140.  SIGNIS RECEPT[IS] DEVICTIS GERM[ANIS]. It was pure propaganda; cf. Tac., Ann. 1.60. The third and last of the eagle standards lost at Teutoburg was not recovered until 40 CE, when it was found among the Chauci: Dio 60.8.7.

141RIC I, 61; RSC 2b.

142RPC 2471, SNG Aulock 2201, S 413, Klose 29. The obverse shows the inscription ΓΑΙΟΝ ΚΑΙΣΑΡΑ [ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΚΟΝ ΕΠΙ ΟΥΙΟΛΑ], with a laureate head of Caligula facing right; the reverse shows the draped bust of Agrippina facing the bare head of Germanicus, surrounded by the legend ΓΕΡΜΑΝΙΚΟΣ ΑΓΡΙΠΠΕΙΝΑΝ ΖΜΥΡΝΑΙΩ ΜΗΝΟΦΑΝΗΣ.

143RPC 991, 994; Svoronos 202.

144BMCRE 81; RPC 1022.

145.  Suet., Calig. 15.2.

146.  Dio 59.3.3.

147.  Plut., Ant. 87.3.

148.  Suet., Calig. 10.2.

149.  Suet., Calig. 10.1; 24.1.

150.  Suet., Calig. 23.2.

151.  Suet., Calig. 50.2–3; 51.1.

152.  Eutrop., Brev. 7.12.3; Levick (1990), p. 152.

153.  Suet., Calig. 48.1–2: Prius quam prouincia decederet, consilium iniit nefandae atrocitatis legiones, quae post excessum Augusti seditionem olim mouerant, contrucidandi, quod et patrem suum Germanicum ducem et se infantem tunc obsedissent, uixque a tam praecipiti cogitatione reuocatus, inhiberi nullo modo potuit quin decimare uelle perseueraret. uocatas itaque ad contionem inermes, atque etiam gladiis depositis, equitatu armato circumdedit. sed cum uideret suspecta re plerosque dilabi ad resumenda si qua uis fieret arma, profugit contionem confestimque urbem omnem petit, deflexa omni acerbitate in senatum, cui ad auertendos tantorum dedecorum rumores palam minabatur.

154.  Suet., Calig. 19.3; 46.

155.  Suet., Calig. 47.

156.  Sen., Constant. 18.2; Suet., Calig. 56.2; Dio 59.29.1.

157.  Suet., Calig. 58.1–3.

158.  Joseph., Ant. Jud. 19.190–200; Suet., Calig. 59. The child was named Iulia Drusilla.

Chapter 8: The Germanicus Tradition

1.  Dio 60.1.1–4; Suet., Div. Claud. 10.1–2.

2.  Eutrop., Brev. 7.13.1.

3.  Suet., Div. Claud. 10.4.

4.  Levick (1990), pp. 31–9.

5.  Suet., Div. Claud. 11.2. Suetonius records that, during his second consulship, Claudius presided at games sponsored by Caligula and was received by the spectators with the greeting Germanici fratri! (‘all hail to the brother of Germanicus!’) (Div. Claud. 7.1).

6.  Suet., Div. Claud. 11.2; Calig. 3.2; Dio 60.6.1–2.

7.  AS Inv. No. IX A 63. It measures 12cm high and is set in a gold rim.

8RIC I, 105–6; C 9; S1905: the obverse shows a profile of Germanicus, surrounded by the words GERMANICVS CAESAR TI AVG F DIVI AVG N, while the reverse shows the large letters S C in the centre, surrounded by the inscription TI CLAVDIVS CAESAR AVG GERM P M TR P IMP PP.

9.  Suet., Div. Claud. 11.2.

10.  The frieze is in the collection of the Museo Nazionale, Ravenna. The figure of Germanicus bears comparison with the statue in the Louvre.

11.  Osgood (2011), p. 65.

12.  Suet., Div. Claud. 27.1; Tac., Ann. 12.25. Griffin (1984), pp. 27.

13.  Plut., Ant. 87.3; Suet., Ner. 5.2; Tac., Ann. 25. On Nero’s name after his adoption by Claudius, see Griffin (1984), p. 29, citing ILS 224 and BMCRE, Nero, nos. 84 and 90.

14.  Suet., Div. Claud. 29.1.

15.  Claudius: Galatas (2008). Britannicus: Barrett (1996), pp. 137–9, cf. pp. 171–2, questioning whether it was murder or by accident.

16.  Tac., Ann. 14.7; Suet., Ner. 5.2. She had no other children and the direct bloodline of Germanicus ended with her.

17.  Dio, Suetonius and Tacitus all give different and incompatible accounts of how she died. For an assessment of the sources, see Barrett (1996), pp. 181–95; Griffin (1984), pp. 73–6.

18.  Eutrop., Brev. 7.14.

19.  Claudia: Suet., Ner. 35.3. Nero: ibid. 49, 57. See also Griffin (1984), pp. 189–96.

20RIC II, 442; C 12; BMCRE 293: the obverse shows the bare head of Germanicus facing left, with the inscription GERMANICVS CAESAR TI AVG F DIVI AVG N; the reverse shows the large letters S C and the inscription IMP T CAES DIVI VESP F AVG REST.

21.  Joseph., Ant. Iud. 18.53. Copies of C. Lutorius Priscus’ poem deploring the wasteful death of Germanicus were probably still in circulation: Tac., Ann. 3.49.

22.  Pliny, Ep. 3.5.4: quibus omnia quae cum Germanis gessimus bella collegit.

23.  Tac., Ann. 1.69.

24.  Cassiodorus, Chronica 45.4–5.

25.  Suet., Calig. 1–7.

26.  Dio 57.18.3.

27.  John Xiphilinus, a monk in the eleventh century, was commissioned to provide a précis of Cassius Dio’s Roman History by the Byzantine emperor Michael VII Doukas. The annals of the twelfth-century Byzantine chronicler Joannes Zonaras also contain many extracts from Dio.

28.  Tac., Ann. 3.16: neque tamen occulere debui narratum ab iis qui nostram ad iuventam duraverunt.

29.  Tac., Ann. 2.83: pleraque manent: quaedam statim omissa sunt aut vetustas oblitteravit.

30.  Hekster (2008), p. 128. The Feriale Duranum is named after Dura, the fort of cohors XX Palmyrenorum, where the document was found in a room in the Temple of Artemis Azzanathkona. For a full discussion, see Fishwick (1988).

31.  Gain (1976), pp. 1–13.

32.  Le Boeuffle (1975/2003); Gain (1976).

33.  Shipley (1924), p. 334.

34.  Barrett and Yardley (2008), pp. xxvi-xxvii. See also Oliver (1951).

35.  The first complete edition, uniting all sixteen books, did not appear in print until 1607.

36.  Boursault (1694), reported in Théâtre de Feu Monsieur Boursault (2nd edn, Paris, 1725), pp. 51–134. The whole stage play can be read at http://www.theatre-classique.fr/pages/programmes/edition.php?t=../documents/boursault_germanicus.xml

37.  Jacques Pradon is also known as Nicolas Pradon: http://www.theatre-classique.fr/pages/programmes/edition.php?t=../documents/boursault_germanicus.xml

38.  According to Baker et al. (1812), p. 264, ‘this piece was neither acted nor printed, but was left in a finished state by the author, and the manuscript was in the possession of the late Sir Joseph Mawbey’ – a curious conclusion, as separately reported by Hipwell (1890): ‘Report XI, part vii. p. 43 of the Hist. MSS. Commission, will form a fitting addition to the account of Cooke found in ‘Dict. Nat. Biog.’ Vol. xii, p. 95 – ‘The Manuscripts of the Duke of Leeds at Hornby Castle, Yorkshire. Cooke, Thomas. Germanicus, a tragedy. A note is prefixed by the Duke of Leeds, dated Feb. 25, 1796, that he believes the dedication is to his father, and that it must have been written about 1731; of the author he knew nothing. Pp. 145, 4to”.

39.  The play is listed in Baker et al. (1812), p. 264.

40.  Smit (1975–1983), pp. 757–758: http://www.dbnl.org/tekst/smit021kall01_01/smit021kall01_01_0061.php.

41.  Rabbe et al. (1836), p. 1599; Smit (1975–1983), p. 758.

42.  Antoine Vincent Arnault, Germanicus (1817), Act I, Scene 1: the quotation roughly translates as ‘One believes that when one knows the people and their whims, | One knows the virtues of a rival as well as his vices’.

43.  Charles-Ernest Beulé, Le sang de Germanicus (Paris, 1869): ‘II semble que, dans les époques de décadence, la vertu elle-même ne soit qu’une amorce de la servitude et que la popularité devienne un poison qui se tourne contre la patrie’.

44.  Beulé, ibid.: ‘Nous rêvions la toute-puissance pour le bonheur du monde, et le monde entier épuisé, avili, dégradé par cette puissance monstrueuse, maudira-t-il à jamais le sang de Germanicus?’

45.  See Carlo Vitali, ‘Handel – True or False’, Classical Voice magazine, (translated at http://www.operatoday.com/content/2011/05/handel_true_or_.php: the libretto is based on Annales 2.14–16 and 41.

46.  Italian conductor and musicologist Ottaviano Tenerani came across a copy of a ‘serenata’ that was signed with the name of ‘Hendl’ in the Conservatorio Cherubini in Florence in 2007. His initial hypothesis was that Germanico must be one of the first works written by the young Händel during his stay in Italy (1706–1709). Others dispute this and suggest either of two composers who wrote celebratory serenatas for the court of Vienna, Attilio Ariosti or Giovanni Bononcini. The identity of the librettist has been suggested as imperial court poet Donato Cupeda or his vice Pietro Andrea Bernardoni.

47.  The overture and arias were found by Dr Michael Maul at Frankfurt University Library and identified as coming from Germanicus.

48.  The painting is now in the National Gallery of Art, Washington, DC: inventory number 1963.8.1. See A Collector’s Cabinet, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. (1998), no. 49, fig. 21.

49.  Ashmolean Musem, Oxford: inv. no. WA 1989, 74; oil on canvas. See http://www.artfund.org/artwork/1615/the-gemma-tiberiana-cameo-of-the-glorification-of-germanicus. The printer Paulus Pontius made an engraving of the painting, which he used in an appendix on gems in Dissertatio de Gemma Tiberiana to Albert Rubens’ De Re Vestiaria Veterum in 1665, published posthumously.

50.  The painting is now in Minneapolis Institute of Art, Minneapolis: inventory number 58.28.

51.  Tac., Ann. 2.71–5.

52.  Gerard de Lairesse’s (1641–1711) La mort de Germanicus, victime de jalousie de Tibère hangs in the Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Museumslandschaft Hessen Kassel, Germany. Friedrich Heinrich Füger’s (1751–1818) Death of Germanicus hangs in the Oesterreichische Galerie im Belvedere, Vienna, Austria.

53.  It is now in a private collection.

54.  The painting is now in Yale University Art Gallery, New Haven: inventory number 1947.16. For a discussion of the painting, see Nemerov (1998); Staley (1965), pp. 16–17.

55.  Tac., Ann. 3.1.

56.  The painting is now in the Tate Collection, London: inventory number T03365; oil on canvas.

57.  It is now in the Tate Gallery, London: inventory number N00523. It is catalogued in Thornbury (1862), Vol. 2, p. 381. In his biography of Turner, art critic Philip Gilbert Hamerton (1879, p. 279) writes: ‘It is a fine composition of its class, giving a grand idea of the enormous palace of the Caesars, in which Tiberius and Augusta remained invisible whilst the people of Rome received Agrippina with the most touching demonstrations of sympathy and sorrow. The architectural invention in the palace is not very elaborate, and it may be open to the criticism of architects, but the ideas of vastness, majesty, and a haughty domination are conveyed very impressively. The smaller masses are not altogether so fortunate; they have an arranged look, like the architecture in Martin’s pictures; and one of them, that above the bridge, is in very bad perspective. The scene is lighted by slanting rays of sunset, which, with the cast shadows and the mist in the atmosphere, afforded Turner an opportunity for one of his poetical effects of light, shadow, and reflection’. He noted, however, that ‘the picture will not bear historical criticism’. Turner had placed the action in Rome, when, in fact, Agrippina had landed at Brundisium. Hamerton (ibid., p. 280) continued: ‘The whole description, as given by Tacitus, implies an imposing entry into Rome by land on an incomparably vaster scale than the few groups of figures in the picture. Turner, with his half-a-dozen people on the right, his four boats on the left, with people in balconies and on shore, renders the human interest of the scene so inadequately, that we are driven to imagine it over again for ourselves with the help of the Roman historian’.

58.  Dawson (1972).

59.  Bust: Farrer (2011), p. 72 (entry for Etruria, 24 June 1774). Intaglio: Wedgwood (1873), Section II, p. 29, item 25; the bust of young Germanicus also appears on p. 86, and the cameo of Caesar Germanicus (item 1614) on p. 25.

60.  A naked statue in the Louvre (inventory number 1207) with its head inscribed with the artist’s name Kleomenes of Kleone is popularly identified as Germanicus, as well as the alternatives Julius Caesar and Marcellus, despite having been dated to 50 BCE. An eighteenth-century copy of it stands in the grounds of Schloss Nordkirchen, ‘the Westfalian Versailles’, near Münster, Germany.

61.  Kleist: Helbling (1975). Fouque?s: Stockinger (2000).

62.  Luden (1825), p. 264: ‘Und auch dann noch blieb in den verwilderten Menschen eine so brennende Gluth und eine so wahnsinnige Lust zu Schwert und Blut, daß Germanicus fur nöthig hielt, diese rasenden Menschen über den Rhein zu führen, in Teutschlands friedliche Gaue hinein, damit sie ihre Gluth kühleten, ihre Lust stilleten in der Ermordung teutscher Menschen, die den Römern unter allen Verhältnissen fur Feinde galte’.

63.  Huscher (182 6). It may have been performed as early as 1812, as it appears in Der Sammler (‘ein Unterhaltungsblatt’) dated to that year.

64.  Breysig (1865), (1892); Dörrenberg (1909); Höfer (1885); Hoffmann (1816); Huscher (1826); Kessler (1905); Knoke (1887); Linsmayer (1875); Reinking (1855); Viertel (1901). Many of these books are available to download as digital copies from the internet.

65.  See the lecture notes of Sebastian and Paul Hensel, 1882–1886, reprinted as Mommsen and Demandt (1996), pp. 134–7. Also Mommsen (1878).

66.  The painting hangs in Hall 13 of the Bayerische Staatsgemäldesammlungen/Neue Pinatotek, Munich: inventory number WAF 771; oil on canvas.

67.  Tac., Ann. 2.41; Ov., Pont. 4.2 ff.

68http://www.pinakothek.de/carl-theodor-von-piloty?curImg=2 (‘In den Augen der Zeitgenossen erschien sie als moralisches Beispiel deutschen Wesens, das in der Stunde des Untergangs stolz und ungebrochen seinem Schicksal entgegensieht’).

69.  The painting hangs in the Nationalgalerie, Staatliche Museen, Berlin: inventory number AII1001; oil on canvas. It is reproduced as an engraving in Horne (1901), Müller-Baden (1904), and here, in fig. 4.

70.  e.g. Christ (1956); Norkus (1963); Lindemann (1967); Timpe (1968); Dreyer (2009); Wolters (2009). Of particular note is Wamser et al. (2004), which brings together the latest insights from archaeological surveys across Germany.

71.  Germanicus appears in Isaac (1992) on just one page in a volume of 510 pages, and in Millar (1993) on just two pages in a tome of 587.

72.  Graves (1934).

73.  Wishart (2002).

74.  See Claassen (2006) on the challenges of translating van Wyk Louw’s work from Afrikaans into English.

75.  Dando-Collins (2008).

76http://ssd.jpl.nasa.gov/sbdb.cgi?sstr=10208 and http://89.202.249.94:81/ricerca_asteroidi.asp. It was subsequently linked to observations from 1987. My brother Martin J. Powell, an archaeo-astronomer writes in an email, 8 October 2012: ‘Asteroid “10208 Germanicus” comes closest to the Earth about every 521 days on average (1.42 years). The interval between each close approach isn’t always the same because Germanicus moves at a varying speed as it orbits the Sun (the Earth’s speed also varies during the year, but not as much as Germanicus’). The dates when it next comes closest to us are 15 April 2013, 30 October 2014, 8 March 2016, 8 August 2017. Of these, the 2017 encounter will be the best, i.e. the closest and brightest. Germanicus will then be 75.3 million miles (121.3 million kms) from Earth, though it will still be fainter than Pluto. After 2017 the next date will be 31 January 2019, when it will be positioned in Cancer, but it will be rather more distant and fainter then. The information was derived using NASA-JPL’s Small-Body Database Browser.’

Chapter 9: Assessment

1.  Val. Max. 4.3.3.

2.  Vermillion (1987).

3.  Tac., Ann. 2.73: quantum clementia, temperantia, veteris bonis artibus praestitisset.

4.  Clausewitz(1832), Book 1, Chapter 3: ‘Der Mut ist doppelter Art: einmal Mut gegen die persönliche Gefahr, und dann Mut gegen die Verantwortlichkeit, sei es vor dem Richterstuhl irgendeiner äußeren Macht oder der inneren, nämlich des Gewissens’.

5.  Suet., Calig. 3: benivolentiam singularem conciliandaeque hominum gratiae ac promerendi amoris mirum et efficax studium.

6.  Dio 57.18.8: Τιβέριονἐπαίτιονἔπραττεν, ἀλλὰσυνελόντι εἰπεῖνἐνὀλίγοις τῶν πώποτε οὔτ᾽ ἐξήμαρτέ τιἐςτὴνὑπάρξασαν αὐτῷτύχην οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς ὑπ᾽ἐκείνης διεφθάρη: δυνηθεὶςγοῦν πολλάκις καὶ παρ᾽ἑκόντων, οὐχὅτι τῶν στρατιωτῶνἀλλὰκαὶ τοῦδήμου τῆς τε βουλῆς, τὴν αὐτοκράτορα λαβεῖν.

7.  Tac., Ann. 2.72: visuque et auditu iuxta venerabilis, cum magnitudinem et gravitatem summae fortunae retineret, invidiam et adrogantiam eflugerat.

8.  Suet., Calig. 1; cf. Dio 57.18.8.

9.  Dio 57.18.8.

10.  Shotter (1992), p. 36.

11.  Suet., Calig. 3.

12.  Ov., Pont. 2.5.45–6: Te dicente prius studii fuit impetus illi | teque habet elicias qui sua uerba tuis.

13.  Green (1989), p. 265.

14.  For a discussion of the Germanicus Tradition, see Liebenam (1891); Hurley (1989).

15.  W. Shakespeare, Measure for Measure, Act II, scene 1, 43.

16.  See Bowden (1913), p. 162 and Woodman (1998), p. 40.

17.  Krebs (2011), online at http://www.historytoday.com/christopher-krebs/tacitus-continuing-message.

18.  Tac., Hist. 1.50: nec iam recentia saevae pacis exempla. Brown (1981).

19.  e.g. Syme (1958), Vol. 1, pp. 254, 418.

20.  Shotter (1968).

21.  Daitz (1960). There may have been an allegorical dimension to Tacitus’ story-telling, also: see Shannon (2011).

22.  Tac., Ann. 1.1: sine ira et studio; cf. Tac., Hist. 1.1, ‘without partiality or without hatred’.

23.  Downey (1983), pp. 109–10. Bowden (1913), p. 166 argues that Tacitus ‘did not traduce the character of Tiberius, but portrayed it essentially as it was known to the Roman world at the time of the writing of the Annals. Unfortunately for Tiberius this estimate was based largely on his conduct during the latter and unhappy part of his reign and did not, apparently, give due consideration to the early and successful part of his reign’.

24.  Tiberius treated his own son impeccably fairly, giving him the same legal powers as Germanicus at the same points in his career. Drusus the Younger received the tribunicia potestas when he reached the age of 35; Germanicus died aged 34.

25.  Suet., Calig. 1: ad componendum Orientis statum expulsus.

26.  Foremost of whom were the Praetorian Cohort commanders L. Aelius Seianus and Naevius Sertorius Macro.

27.  Green (1989), p. 216.

28.  Levick (1976/1999), pp. 66, 68, and 207, n.29. See also Sutherland (1938).

29.  See especially Tac., Ann. 2.73.3, 3.14.1–2; cf. 2.69.3, 79.1, 3.12.4, 13.2.

30.  Syme (1981) believes the cause of Germanicus’ death was an infection he brought with him from Egypt or caught in Syria.

31.  Suet., Calig. 1: Cappadociam in provinciae formam redegisset.

32.  Tac., Ann. 4.57; Kienast (2009), pp. 138–9.

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