I. AFFAIRS OF GREECE
Embassies from Greece to Rome
(Cp. Livy XXXIX. 46. 6.)
In the 149th Olympiad so large a number of missions from Greece were assembled in Rome as had, perhaps, never been previously seen. For as Philip was now strictly confined to the jurisdiction of the courts established by treaty in disputes with his neighbours, and as it was known that the Romans were ready to listen to complaints against him, and looked after the safety of those who were at issue with him, all those on the frontiers of Macedonia had come, some individually and some representing cities or tribal groups, to accuse the king. Envoys also came from Eumenes, with Athenaeus, that king's brother, at their head, to bring charges against Philip on subject of the Thracian cities and of the help he had sent to Prusias. Demetrius, Philip's son, also appeared to defend his father against all the above, accompanied by Apelles and Philocles, who were then considered to be the chief friends of the king. There were also envoys from Lacedaemon representing all the different factions in that town. The senate summoned Athenaeus in the first place, and, having received the crown he brought of the value of fifteen thousand gold staters, thanked Eumenes and his brother profusely for their reply, and exhorted them to continued to maintain the same attitude. In the next place the consuls introduced Demetrius, and inviting all Philip's accusers to come forward, brought them in one by one. As these embassies were so numerous that it took three days to introduce them all, the senate was at a loss how to deal with all the details. For from Thessaly there was one general embassy and particular ones from each town, and there were also embassies from Perrhaebia, Athamania, Epirus, and Illyria, some of them claiming territory, some slaves and some cattle, and others with complaints about the injustice they had suffered in their actions for the recovery of money, maintaining in some cases that they could not get justice in the authorized tribunals, as Philip quashed the proceedings, and in others finding fault with the decisions on the ground that the rulings were unfair, Philip having bribed the judges. So that on the whole the various accusations resulted in a confused and inextricable imbroglio.
This the senate, unable itself to decide about all these matters, and thinking that Demetrius should not be forced to meet all these charges, as they were well disposed towards him and saw that he was still quite young and very far from being competent to face such a whirl of complications, and wishing particularly not to hear speeches from Demetrius but to obtain some true test of Philip's views, relieved the young man from pleading in justification himself, but asked him and his friends who were with him if they had any notes on all these matters from the king. On Demetrius replying in the affirmative and presenting a little note-book, they bade him give them the general sense of the suggestions noted therein as a reply to each of the charges. Philip in each case either maintained that he had executed the orders of the Romans, or, if he had not done so, cast the blame on his accusers. He had added to most of his statements, "Although Caecilius and the other legates did not deal fairly with us in this case"; or again, "Although we were unjustly treated in this case." Such being the tone of all Philip's statements, the senate, after listening to the envoys who had arrived, came to one decision about all the questions. Having through the praetor accorded a splendid and cordial reception to Demetrius, and addressed him at length in terms of encouragement, they gave as an answer that regarding all the matters on which he had spoken or read his father's notes they accepted his word that strict justice either had been done or would be done. And, that Philip might see that this was a favour granted by the senate to Demetrius, they said that they would dispatch a commission to see if everything was being done as the senate desired and to inform the king at the same time that he met with this indulgence owing to Demetrius. Such was the issue of this matter.
The envoys of Eumenes were the next to enter. Their accusations related to the armed support sent by Philip to Prusias and to his treatment of the places in Thrace, where they said he had not even yet withdrawn his garrisons from the towns. Upon Philocles expressing his desire to offer a defence on these subjects, as he had both been on a mission to Prusias and had now been sent to the senate by Philip expressly for this purpose, the senate, after listening for a short time to what he said, gave him the following reply. If their commissioners did not find that all their wishes had been carried out, and all the cities put into the hands of Eumenes, they would no longer be able to submit to delay or tolerate disobedience in this matter.
The friction between Philip and the senate was becoming very acute when for the present it was thus arrested by the presence in Rome of Demetrius. The young man's embassy, however, contributed in no small measure to the ultimate misfortunes of the House of Macedon. For the senate, by transferring to Demetrius their whole claim to gratitude for the favour they had conferred, turned that young man's head and gravely offended both Perseus and Philip by the thought that Romans had shown them kindness not for their own sakes by for that of Demetrius. Flamininus also, by inviting the young man's confidences and eliciting his secrets, contributed much to the same result, as he deluded him into cherishing the idea that the Romans were about to secure the throne for him at once, at the same time irritating Philip by writing to him to send back Demetrius at once to Rome with as many of his most serviceable friends as possible. For this was the pretext that Perseus soon after used to persuade his father to consent to the death of Demetrius.
How all this was brought about I will show in detail further on. The next envoys to be introduced were those from Lacedaemon. Of these there were four sets. Lysis and others came on behalf of the old exiles, maintaining that they ought to recover all the property they had when first exiled: Areus and Alcibiades proposed that they should, upon receiving back their own property to the value of a talent, distribute the rest among those worthy of citizenship. Serippus contended that the condition of affairs should be left as it was when they were members of the Achaean League, while Chaeron and others appeared on behalf of those put to death or exiled by the decree of the Achaeans, demanding their recall and the restoration of the constitution . . . they addressed the Achaeans in terms which suited their own views. The senate, unable to examine these different proposals in detail, delegated that duty to three men who had formerly acted as commissioners in the Peloponnese, Flamininus, Quintus Caecilius, and Appius Claudius. After listening to various arguments, they were all in agreement as to the restoration of the exiles and the remains of those put to death, and as to Sparta's remaining a member of the Achaean League: but on the question of the property—whether the talent's worth of his own property should be assigned to each exile or whether . . . they differed. But in order that the whole matter should not be rediscussed from the beginning, they drew up a written agreement about the points not in dispute to which all the parties affixed their seals. Flamininus and his colleagues, wishing to involve the Achaeans in this agreement, invited to meet them Xenarchus and the others who had been sent as envoys at the time by the Achaeans, partly to renew the alliance and partly to watch the result of the various demands made by Spartans. Contrary to his expectation, when asked if they approved of the written agreement they for some reason or other hesitated. On the one hand they were not pleased with the recall of the exiles and of those put to death, because it was contrary to the Achaean decree as inscribed on the column; but they were on the whole pleased, because it was written in the agreement that Sparta was to remain a member of the Achaean League. At length, however, partly out of inability to decide, and partly from fear of Flamininus and his colleagues, they affixed their seal. The senate now appointed Quintus Marcius Philippus their legate, and dispatched him to Macedonia and the Peloponnesus.
Deinocrates of Messene
(Cp. Livy XXXIX. 51.)
Deinocrates of Messene, on arriving at Rome on a mission from his country and learning that Flamininus had been appointed by the senate its legate to Prusias and Seleucus, was overjoyed, thinking that Flamininus, both owing to his personal friendship with himself—for they had become well acquainted during the war with Laconia—and owing to his difference with Philopoemen, would upon arriving in Greece manage the affairs of Messene entirely as he himself desired. So neglecting to take any other steps he remained in close attendance on Flamininus and rested all his hopes on him.
Deinocrates of Messene was not only by practice but by nature a soldier and a courtier. He gave one perfectly the impression of being a capable man, but his capacity was counterfeit and pinchbeck. For in war, to begin with, he was highly distinguished by his reckless daring, and was magnificent in single combat; and similarly, as regards his other qualities, his conversation was charming and unembarrassed, and in convivial society he was versatile and urbane and also fond of love-making. But as regards public or political affairs he was perfectly incapable of concentrated attention and clear insight into the future, as well as of preparing and delivering a speech. At present, when he had just begun a series of terrible calamities for his country, he simply fancied that his action was of no importance, and went on living in his usual manner, foreseeing nothing of what would happen, but occupied with love affairs, drinking deep from an early hour, and devoted to scenic performances. Flamininus, however, compelled him to realize in a measure the danger he was in; for once when he saw him at a party dancing in a long robe, he held his peace at the time, but next day, when Deinocrates came to see him and made some request about Messene, he said, "I, Deinocrates, will do what I can; but as for you I am surprised how you can dance at parties, after having begun such troubles for Greece." He then for a time appeared to put a check on himself and realize that he had betrayed in an improper manner his true character and nature.
However, he appeared now in Greece with Flamininus, convinced that he had only to show his face when the affairs of Messene would be arranged as he wished. But Philopoemen, well knowing that Flamininus had no instructions from the senate regarding the affairs of Greece, kept quiet awaiting his arrival, and when, on disembarking at Naupactus, he wrote to the strategus and damiurges  of the Achaeans, ordering them to call the general assembly of the Achaeans, they replied that they would do so upon his informing them on what subjects he wished to address the Achaeans; for that was the course imposed on the magistrates by their laws. As Flamininus did not venture to reply, the hopes of Deinocrates and of the "old exiles" as they were called, who had then quite recently been exiled from Sparta, and in general the expectations created by Flamininus's arrival came to nothing.
 The ten magistrates of the league who formed the council of the strategus.
II. Affairs of Greece
The Spartan Envoys
At the same time envoys were sent by the Lacedaemonian exiles to Rome, among them being Arcesilaus and Agesipolis, who as a boy had been king of Sparta. They were both caught and murdered at sea by some pirates, but their colleagues were conveyed to Rome.
III. Affairs of Macedonia
(Cp. Livy XXXIX. 53.)
When Demetrius reached Macedonia from Rome, bringing the reply in which the Romans attributed to this prince all the favour and confidence they had shown, saying that all that they had done or would do was for his sake, the Macedonians gave him a good reception, thinking that they had been thus freed from great apprehension and peril—for they had quite expected that owing to the friction between Philip and the Romans a war with Rome was immediately imminent; but Philip and Perseus viewed it all with no favourable eyes, as it did not please them to think that the Romans treated them as if of no account, but credited Demetrius with all the favour they had shown. Philip, however, continued to conceal his displeasure; but Perseus, who was much less well disposed to the Romans than his brother, and much inferior to him in all other respects both by nature and by training, was deeply aggrieved. His principal fear was for the throne, lest, although the elder son, he might be excluded from it for the above reasons. He therefore not only corrupted the friends of Demetrius . . .
(Cp. Livy XXXIX. 53.)
Upon the arrival in Macedonia of Quintus Marcius and the other Roman legates, Philip entirely evacuated the Greek towns in Thrace, withdrawing his garrisons, but he relinquished them in a sullen and grumbling spirit and with many sighs. He also set right all the other matters about which the Romans directed him, as he wished to give no sign of hostility to them and thus gain time to make his preparations for war. Adhering to his resolve he now made an expedition against the barbarians. Passing through central Thrace he invaded the country of the Odrysians, the Bessi, and the Dentheleti. On his arrival at Philippopolis, the inhabitants fled to the hills, and he took the city at once. After this he raided the whole plain, and, after devastating the lands of some and receiving the submission of others, he returned, leaving in Philippopolis a garrison which was shortly afterwards expelled by the Odrysians, who broke their pledges to the king.
IV. Affairs of Italy
Greek Embassies in Rome. Report of Marcius
(Cp. Livy XL. 2. 6.)
In the second year of this Olympiad (149) upon the arrival in Rome of embassies from Eumenes, Pharnaces and Philip, from the Achaean League, and from both the exiled Lacedaemonians and those in possession of the city, the senate gave them all audience. Envoys also came from Rhodes on the subject of the calamity that had overtaken Sinope. To these last and the envoys of Eumenes and Pharnaces the Senate replied that they would send legates to inquire about Sinope and about the disputes between the two kings. Quintus Marcius had recently returned from Greece, and upon his presenting his report on the subject of Macedonia and the Peloponnesus, the Senate no longer required further debate, but summoning the envoys from the Peloponnesus and Macedonia, listened, it is true, to their speeches, but drew up their reply not with reference to the arguments of the envoys, but in accordance with the report of Marcius. He had reported regarding Philip that he had executed the Roman order, but he had done so grudgingly; and that as soon as he had the opportunity he would do all he could against Rome. The answer given by the senate to Philip's envoys was therefore as follows. They thanked him for what had been done, and in future they warned him to take care not to appear to be acting in any way in opposition to Rome. As regards the Peloponnesus Marcius had reported that as the Achaeans did not wish to refer anything to the senate, but had a great opinion of themselves and were attempting to act in all matters on their own initiative, if the senate paid no attention to their request for the present, and expressed their displeasure in moderate terms, Sparta would soon be reconciled with Messene, upon which the Achaeans would be only too glad to appeal to the Romans. So they replied to Serippus, the representative of Sparta, as they wished the city to remain in suspense, that they had done all in their power for the Spartans, but at present they did not think that the matter concerned them. When the Achaeans begged them, if it were possible, to send a force in virtue of their alliance to help them against the Messenians, or if not to see to it that no one coming from Italy should import arms or food to Messene, they paid no attention to either request, and answered them that not even if the people of Sparta, Corinth or Argos deserted the League should the Achaeans be surprised if the senate did not think it concerned them. Giving full publicity to this reply, which was a sort of proclamation that the Romans would not interfere with those who wished to desert the Achaean League, they continued to detain the envoys, waiting to see how the Achaeans would get on at Messene. Such was the situation in Italy.
V. Affairs of Macedonia
(Cp. Livy XL. 3. 3.)
This year witnessed the first outbreak of terrible misfortunes for King Philip and the whole of Macedonia, an event fully worthy of attention and careful record. For it was now that Fortune, as if she meant to punish him at one and the same time for all the wicked and criminal acts he had committed in his life, sent to haunt him a host of the furies, tormentors and avenging spirits of his victims, phantoms that never leaving him by day and by night, tortured him so terribly up to the day of his death that all men acknowledged that, as the proverb says, "Justice has an eye" and we who are but men should never scorn her. For first of all Fortune inspired him with the notion that now he was about to make war on Rome he ought to deport with their whole families from the principal cities and from those on the coast all men who took part in politics, and transfer them to the country now called Emathia and formerly Paeonia, filling the cities with Thracians and barbarians whose fidelity to him would be surer in the season of danger. While this project was being executed, and the men were being deported, there arose such mourning and such commotion that one would have said the whole country was being led into captivity. And in consequence were heard curses and imprecations against that king uttered no longer in secret but openly. In the next place, wishing to tolerate no disaffection and to leave no hostile element in his kingdom, he wrote to the officers in whose charge the cities were, to search for the sons and daughters of the Macedonians he had killed and imprison them, referring chiefly to Admetus, Pyrrhichus, Samus and the others put to death at the same time, but including all others who had suffered death by royal command, quoting, as they say, the line—
A fool is he who slays the sire and leaves the sons alive.
As most of these young people were notable owing to the high stations their fathers had held, their misfortune too became notable, and excited the pity of all. And the third tragedy which Fortune produced at the same time was that concerning his sons. The young men were plotting against each other, and as the matter was referred to him, and it fell to him to decide of which of them he had to be the murderer and which of them he had to fear most for the rest of his life, lest he in his old age should suffer the same fate, he was disturbed night and day by this thought. Who can help thinking, that, his mind being thus afflicted and troubled, it was the wrath of heaven which had descended on his old age, owing to the crimes of his past life? And this will be still more evident from what follows.
Philip of Macedon after putting many Macedonians to death, killed their sons also,  quoting as they say, the verse:
 For the sequel see Livy XL.5-24.
A fool is he who slays the sire and leaves the sons alive.
. . . And while his mind was almost maddened by this thought, the quarrel of his sons burst into flame at the same time, Fortune as if of set purpose bringing their misfortunes on the stage at one and the same time.
The Macedonians offer sacrifices to Xanthus and make a piacular offering to him with armed horses.
Fragment of a Speech of Philip to his Sons.
(Cp. Livy XL. 8.)
You should not only read tragedies, myths, and stories but know well and ponder over such things. In all of them we see that those brothers who, giving way to wrath and discord, carried their quarrel to excess, not only in every case brought destruction on themselves but utterly subverted their substance, their families and their cities; while those who studied even in moderation to love anyone and tolerate each other's errors, were the preservers of all these things, and lived in the greatest glory and honour. Have I not often called your attention to the case of the kings of Sparta, pointing out how they preserved for their country her supremacy in Greece, as long as they obeyed the ephors as if they were their fathers, and were content to share the throne, but when once they fell out and changed the constitution to a monarchy, then they caused Sparta to experience every evil? And finally, I constantly as a cogent proof of this kept before your eyes these our contemporaries Eumenes and Attalus, telling you how, inheriting a small and insignificant kingdom, they increased it so much that it is now inferior to none, simply by their concord and agreement and their faculty of mutual respect. You listened to all this; but, far from its sinking into your minds, you, on the contrary, as it seems to me, whetted your passion against each other.
VI. Affairs of Greece
 This year witnessed the deaths of Philopoemen, of Hannibal, and according to at least to Polybius, of Scipio. Polybius pauses to compare them. Cp. Livy XXXIX.50.10.
Philopoemen arose and advanced although bowed down by sickness and the weight of years, being now in his seventieth year . . . but on getting over his ailment he recovered his former activity and reached Megalopolis from Argos in one day.
Philopoemen, the strategus of the Achaeans, was captured by the Messenians and put to death by poison. He was a man second to none of his predecessors in virtue, but succumbed to Fortune, although he was thought in all his previous life to have always been favoured by her. But my opinion is that, as the vulgar proverb says, it is possible for a human being to be fortunate, but impossible for him to be constantly so. Therefore we should regard some of our predecessors as blessed, not because they enjoyed constant good fortune—for what need is there by stating what is false to pay foolish worship to Fortune? But they are blessed to whom Fortune was kind for the greater part of their lives, and who, when she deserted them, only met with moderate misfortunes.
Philopoemen spent forty successive years in the pursue of glory in a democratic state composed of various elements, and he avoided incurring the ill-will of the people in any way or on any occasion, although in his conduct of affairs he usually did not court favour but spoke his mind: a thing we seldom find.
It is a remarkable and very cogent proof of Hannibal's having been by nature a real leader and far superior to anyone else in statesmanship, that though he spent seventeen years in the field, passed through so many barbarous countries, and employed to aid him in desperate and extraordinary enterprises numbers of men of different nations and languages, no one ever dreamt of conspiring against him, nor was he ever deserted by those who had once joined him or submitted to him.
Publius Scipio, who pursued fame in an aristocratic state, gained so completely the affection of the people and the confidence of the senate that when some one attempted to bring him to trial before the people according to the Roman practice, making many bitter accusations, he said nothing more when he came forward to defend himself, but that it was not proper for the Roman people to listen to anyone who accused Publius Cornelius Scipio, to whom his accusers owed it that they had the power of speech at all. All the people on hearing this at once dispersed, leaving the accuser alone.
Publius Scipio once in the senate when funds were required for an urgent outlay, and the quaestor owing to some law refused to open the treasury on that day, took the keys and said he would open it himself; saying it was owing to him that it was shut. On another occasion when some one in the senate asked him to render an account of the moneys he had received from Antiochus before the peace for the pay of his army, he said he had the account, but he was not obliged to render an account to anyone. When the senator in question pressed his demand and ordered him to bring it, he asked his brother to get it; and, when the book was brought to him, he held it out and tore it to bits in the sight of every one, telling the man who had asked for it to search among the pieces for the account. At the same time he asked the rest of the house why they demanded an account of how and by whom the three thousand talents had been spent, while they had not inquired how and by whose hands the fifteen thousand talents they were receiving from Antiochus were coming into the treasury, nor how they had become masters of Asia, Africa, and Spain. So not only were all abashed, but he who had demanded the account kept silence.
I have related these anecdotes for the sake of the good fame of the departed and to incite their successors to achieve noble deeds.
I never can share the sentiment of those who exercise their vengeance on those of their own race to such an extent that they not only deprive the enemy of the year's harvest, but destroy trees and agricultural apparatus, leaving no room for redress. On the contrary in my opinion those who act thus make a very serious mistake. For the more they think to terrorize the enemy by spoiling their country and depriving them not only of all present but of all future hope of procuring the means of existence, the more they make the men savage, and to avenge a single offence inspire an ineradicable hatred of themselves.
Messene surrenders to the Achaeans
(Cp. Livy XXXIX. 50. 9.)
Lycortas, the strategus of the Achaeans, having cowed the Messenians by the war . . . The Messenians had long been overawed by their leaders, but now certain of them just ventured to open their mouths, relying on the protection of the enemy, and to advise sending an embassy to ask for peace. Deinocrates and the others in power, no longer daring to face the people, as they were encompassed by perils, yielded to circumstances and retired to their own dwellings. The people now, entreated by the elders and chiefly by the Boeotian envoys Epaenetus and Apollodorus, who had previously arrived to make peace, and by a happy chance were still in Messene, readily gave ear, and appointed and dispatched envoys craving pardon for the errors they had committed. The strategus of the Achaeans summoned his colleagues, and after listening to the envoys replied that the Messenians could make peace with the League on no other terms than by giving up to him now the authors of their defection and of the murder of Philopoemen, and by submitting all other matters to the discretion of the Achaeans and at once admitting a garrison into their citadel. When these terms were announced to the people, those who had been throughout hostile to the authors of the war were ready to arrest and surrender the latter, while all who were convinced that they would not be harshly treated by the Achaeans gladly agreed to the unconditional submission; and as, above all, they had no choice in the matter, they unanimously accepted the proposal. The strategus upon this at once took over the citadel and introduced the peltasts into it, and after this, accompanied by competent members of his force, he entered the city, and summoning the populace addressed them in terms suitable to the occasion, promising that they would never repent of having entrusted their future to him. He referred the whole question to the League—it happened that at that very time the Achaeans, as if for this very purpose, were holding their second assembly at Megalopolis—ordering those among the guilty Messenians who had actually at the time participated in the death of Philopoemen, to put an end to their own lives without delay.
The Messenians, having by their own error been reduced to the worst condition, were restored to their original position in the League by the generosity of Lycortas and the Achaeans. Abia, Thurea, and Pharae at this time separated from Messene and each by a separate agreement secured their membership in the League.
The Romans, on hearing that the Messenian revolt had ended in a manner favourable to the Achaeans, entirely ignoring their former answer, gave another reply to the same envoys, informing them that they had provided that no one should import from Italy arms and corn to Messene. This made it patent to every one that so far from shirking and neglecting less important items of foreign affairs, they were on the contrary displeased if all matters were not submitted to them and if all was not done in accordance with their decision.
Admission of Sparta to the Achaean League
When the envoys returned from Rome to Sparta with the reply, the strategus of the Achaeans at once, after finally arranging the affairs of Messene, summoned the general assembly to meet at Sicyon. Upon its meeting, he proposed a resolution to receive Sparta into the League, saying that on the one hand the Romans had relieved themselves of the engagement formerly imposed on them to decide about this city, since they had answered that Spartan affairs did not concern them, and on the other that the present rulers of Sparta wished to join the League. He therefore begged them to accept the adherence of that city. It was, he said, advantageous in two ways; because they would be including in the League those who had kept their faith to it, next because those of the old exiles who had behaved with such ingratitude and impiety to them would not be members of the League, but as they had been expelled from the city by others, they would both confirm the decision of these latter and pay them by God's providence the debt of thanks they deserved. Such were the words in which Lycortas recommended the Achaeans to admit Sparta. Diophanes, however, and some others tried to take the part of the exiles, and begged the Achaeans not to join in their persecution, and for the sake of a few men to lend additional support to those who had wickedly and illegally driven them from their country. Such were the arguments on each side. The Achaeans, after listening to both, decided to admit the town, and afterwards, the inscription for a stone having been drawn up, Sparta became a member of the Achaean League, those in the town having agreed to receive such of the old exiles as had not been guilty of any ingratitude to the League.
The Achaeans having ratified this measure sent Bippus of Argus at the head of an embassy to Rome to inform the Senate about everything. The Lacedaemonians also appointed Chaeron as their envoy and the exiles Cletis and Diactorius to represent their interests in the senate against that Achaean envoys.
THE END OF BOOK XXIII