Ancient History & Civilisation

BIBLIOGRAPHY AND NOTES

Chapter I

1. For physical geography: P. BEAUMONT, G. H. BLAKE and J. M. W. WAGSTAFF, The Middle East, a Geographical Study, London, 1976. For historical geography (and often much more): J. B. PRITCHARD (Ed.), The Times Atlas of the Bible, London, 1989; the Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Wiesbaden, 1977 ff., and the subsidiary series: Repertoire Géographique des Textes Cunéformes (RGTC), 1974 ff.; M. ROAF, Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East, Oxford, 1990.

2. On fauna: E. DOUGLAS van BUREN; The Fauna of Ancient Mesopotamia as Represented in Art, Roma, 1939; F. S. BODENHEIMER, Animal and Man in Bible Land, Leiden, 1960; B. LANDSBERGER, The Fauna of Ancient Mesopotamia, Roma, 1960 (philological study); B. BRENTJES, Wildtier und Haustier im alten Orient, Berlin, 1962. On flora: M. ZOHARI, Geobotanical Foundations of the Middle East, Stuttgart, 1973; E. GUEST et al., Flora of Iraq, Baghdad, 1966 ff.; M. B. ROWTON, ‘The woodlands of ancient western Asia‘, JNES XXVI (1967), PP. 261 – 77.

3. K. W. BUTZER, Quaternary Stratigraphy and Climate of the Near East, Bonn, 1958, and CAH, I, 1, pp. 35 – 62; J. S. SAWYER (ed.), World Climate from 8000 to 0 B.C., London, 1966; W. NUTZEL, ‘The climate changes of Mesopotamia and bordering areas, 14000 to 2000 B. C.’, Sumer, XXXII (1976), pp. 11 – 24.

4. HERODOTUS, II, 5.

5. Put forward by PLINY, Hist. Nat., VI, xxxi, 13, as early as the first century A.D., this theory was codified by DE MORGAN in MDP, I (1900), 4 – 48.

6. G. M LEES and N. L. FALCON, ‘The geographical history of the Mesopotamian plains’, Geogr. Journal, CXVIII (1952), 1, pp. 24 – 39.

7. C. E. LARSEN, ‘The Mesopotamian delta region: a reconsideration of Lees and Falcon’, JAOS, XCV (1975), pp. 43 – 57. P. KASSLER, ‘The structural and geomorphic evolution of the Persian Gulf’ in B. H. PURSUER, The Persian Gulf, Berlin, Heidelberg, New York, 1973, pp. 11 32. W. NUTZEL, ‘The formation of the Arabian Gulf from 14000 B.C.’, Sumer XXXI (1975), pp. 101 – 11.

8. G. ROUX, ‘Recently discovered ancient sites in the Hammar-Lake district’, Sumer, XVI (1960), pp. 20 – 31.

9. M. S. DRAWER, ‘Perennial irrigation in Mesopotamia’, in A History of Technology, London, 1955, I, p. 545 ff.; P. BURINGH, ‘Living conditions in the lower Mesopotamian plain in ancient times, Sumer, XIII (1957), pp. 30 – 46; R. MCC. ADAMS, ‘Historic patterns of Mesopotamian irrigation agriculture’, in T. E. DOWNING and MCG. GIBSON (eds.), Irrigation Impact on Society, Tucson, 1971, pp. 1 – 6.

10. For some scholars, an extensive salinization in southern Iraq between 2400 and 1700 B.C. was the reason for the decline of the political power of the Sumerians. See: T. JACOBSEN and R. MCC. ADAMS, ‘Salt and silt in ancient Mesopotamian agriculture’ in Science, CXXVIII (1958), pp. 1251 – 8; T. JACOBSEN, Salinity and Irrigation Agriculture, Malibu, 1982. For a different opinion, see: M. L. A. POWELL, ‘Salt, seed and yields in Sumerian agriculture’, ZA, LXV (1985), pp. 7 – 38.

11. M. IONIDES, The Régime of the Rivers Euphrates and Tigris, London, 1937.

12. S. N. KRAMER, HBS, pp. 65 – 9; The Sumerians, Chicago, 1963, pp. 105 – 9 and 340 – 42. Also see: B. LANDSBERGER, ‘Jahreszeiten in Sumerisch-Akkadischen’, JNES, VII (1949), pp. 248 – 97.

13. HERODOTUS, I, 193; STRABO, XVI, 14.

14. T. JACOBSEN, in Sumer, XIV (1958), p. 81, quoted 2537 litres of barley per hectare (2.47 acres) in the vicinity of Girsu (Tello) c. 2400 B.C., as against 1,165 to 1,288 litres in the same region during the fifties. The reliability of ancient texts on this subject is discussed by K. BUTZ in E. LIPINSKI (ed.), State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East, Leuven, 1979, pp. 257 – 409. Detailed studies on ancient Mesopotamian agriculture are published in Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture, Cambridge, 1984 ff.

15. A. H. PREUSSNER, ‘Date culture in ancient Babylonia’, AJSL, XXXVI (1920), pp. 212 – 32; W. H. DOWSON, Dates and Date Cultivation in Iraq, Cambridge, 1923; B. LANDSBERGER, ‘The date-palm and its by-products according to the cuneiform sources’, AfO, XVII (1967).

16. According to R. ELLISON, ‘Diet in Mesopotamia’, Iraq, XLIII (1981), pp. 35 – 43, the diet in Mesopotamia at different periods provided 3,495 calories per day on average.

17. On this desert in general, see: C. P. GRANT, The Syrian Desert, London, 1937 (with extensive bibliography).

18. On this region, see: A. M. HAMILTON, Road through Kurdistan, London, 1958; R. J. BRAIDWOOD and B. HOWE, Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan, Chicago, 1960, pp. 12 – 17.

19. W. THESIGER, ‘The marshmen of southern Iraq’, Geogr. Journal, CXX (1954), pp. 272 – 81; The Marsh Arabs, London, 1964.

20. R. J. FORBES, Bitumen and Petroleum in Antiquity, Leiden, 1936; Studies in Ancient Technology, I, Leiden, 1955, pp. 1 – 118.

21. Numerous books and articles have been published on Mesopotamian trade. See notably: A. L. OPPENHEIM, ‘The seafaring merchants of Ur’, JAOS, LXXIV (1954), pp. 6 – 17; W. F. LEEANN, Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, Leiden, 1960;Trade in the Ancient Near East, London, 1977 (articles from Iraq, XXXIX (1977); N. YOFFEE, Explaining Trade in ancient Western Asia, Malibu, 1982; T. STETCH and v. c. pigott, ‘The metals trade in southwestern Asia in the third millennium B.C.,Iraq, XLVIII (1986), pp. 39–64. On particular metals: J. D. MUHLY, Copper and Tin, Hamden, Conn., 1973; K. R. MAXWELL-HYSLOP, ‘Sources of Sumerian gold’, Iraq, XXXIX (1977), pp. 84 – 6.

22. J. LEWY, ‘Studies in the historic geography of the ancient Near East’, Orientalia, XXI (1952), pp. 1 – 12; 265 – 92; 393 – 425; A. GOETZE, ‘An Old Babylonian itinerary’, JCS, VII (1953), pp. 51 – 72. D. O. EDZARD and G. FRANTZ-SZABO. ‘Itinerare’RLA, V (1977) 216 – 20.

23. W. W. HALLO, ‘The road to Emar’, JCS, XVIII (1964), PP. 57 – 88, and remarks by A. GOETZE, ibid., pp. 114 – 19.

24. SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON, The Persian Gulf, London, 1954.

25. For Bahrain, see: G. BIBBY, Looking for Dilmun, Penguin Books, London, 1972; D. T. POTTS (ed.), Dilmun, New Studies in the Archaeology and Early History of Bahrain, Berlin, 1983; SHAIKHA HAYA ALI AL-KHALIFA and M. RICE (ed.), Bahrain Through the Ages: the Archaeology, London, 1986. For Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, consult the Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, London, from 1971. Reports of excavations and other papers are published in a variety of scientific journals. For a general view, see: D. T. POTTS, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, vol. I, Oxford, 1990.

Chapter 2

1. On Mesopotamian archaeology in general, cf.: A. PARROT, Archéologie Mésopotamienne, 2 vols, Paris, 1946 – 53; H. FRANKFORT, The Art and Architecture of the Ancient Orient, Harmondsworth, 1954; SETON LLOYD, The Archaeology of Mesopotamia, London, 1978.

2. Up to the end of the third millennium B.C., temples and palaces were, with rare exceptions, made of sun-dried bricks. Baked bricks were almost exclusively used for the pavement of open courtyards, bathroom floors and drains. In many buildings of later periods only the lower part of the walls was built of kiln-baked bricks.

3. The Akkadian (Assyro-Babylonian) word is tilu. Sentences such as: ‘I turned this town into a mound (tilu) and a heap of ruins (karmu)’ are frequently found in Assyrian royal inscriptions.

4. More details on excavation methods can be found in SETON LLOYD, Mounds of the Near East, Edinburgh, 1962. Cf. also A. PARROT, AM, II, pp. 15 – 78. On certain sites where buildings are not too deeply buried, time and money can be saved by ‘scraping’ the superficial layers of debris. This provides a kind of ‘map’ of the town and enables the archaeologists to detect areas worthy of true excavations. Tell Taya, in northern Iraq, is an example of this method (Cf. J. CURTIS (ed.), Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London, 1982, figs. 57 and 58).

5. M. B. ROWTON, CAH, I, 1, p. 197.

6. ANET, pp. 269 – 70.

7. ANET, p. 271.

8. ARAB, II, p. 433.

9. TH. JACOBSEN, The Sumerian King List, Chicago, 1939.

10. A. UNGNAD, RLA, II, 1938, p. 412 ff.

11. For a general survey of this complicated problem, cf.: A. PARROT AM, II, pp. 332 – 438. The dates 1792 – 1750 B.C. were proposed by SIDNEY SMITH in Alalakh and Chronology, London, 1940, and accepted by an increasing number of scholars (cf. M. B. ROWTON, ‘The date of Hammurabi’, JNES, XVII (1958), pp. 97 – 111).

12. W. F. LIBBY, Radio-carbon Dating, Chicago, 1955. For details on the technique, limits and problems of the Carbon 14 method, see: C. RENFREW, Before Civilization, Harmondsworth, 1976, pp. 53 – 92 and 280 – 94.

13. For details, cf.: S. A. PALLIS, Early Explorations in Mesopotamia, Copenhagen, 1954, and SETON LLOYD, Foundations in the Dust, London, 1980.

14. XENOPHON, Anabasis, iii, 4.

15. STRABO, XVI, 5.

16. For details, see: C. H. FOSSEY, Manuel d'Assyriologie, vol. I, Paris, 1904; S. A. PALLIS, The Antiquity of Iraq, Copenhagen, 1956; C. BERMANT and M. WEITZMAN, Ebla, London, 1979, pp. 70 – 123.

17. S. N. KRAMER, The Sumerians, Chicago, 1963, p. 15.

18. D. J. WISEMAN, The Expansion of Assyrian Studies, London, 1962.

19. Summaries and preliminary reports of these ‘salvage excavations’ in Iraq have been published in a variety of specialized journals, notably Sumer. XXXV (1979) ff. and Iraq, XLIII (1979) ff. Some final reports are available in book form. For a general view of the ‘Assad dam project’ in Syria, see J. C. MARGUERON (ed.), Le Moyen Euphrate, Leiden, 1980.

Chapter 3

1. H. FIELD, Ancient and Modern Man in Southwestern Asia, Coral Gables, Calif., 1956.

2. R. J. BRAIDWOOD and B. HOWE, Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan, Chicago, 1960; T. C. YOUNG, P. E. L. SMITH and P. MORTENSEN (ed.), The Hilly Flanks and Beyond, Chicago, 1984.

3. R. SOLECKI, Shanidar, the Humanity of Neanderthal Man, London, 1971.

4. K. W. BUTZER, CAH, I, 1 (1970), pp. 49 – 62.

5. H. E. WRIGHT JNR, ‘The Geological Setting of Four Prehistoric Sites in North Eastern Iraq’, BASOR, 128 (1952), pp. 11 – 24; ‘Geologic Aspects of the Archaeology of Iraq’, Sumer, XI (1955), pp. 83 – 90.

6. D. A. E. GARROD and J. G. D. CLARK, CAH, I, 1, pp. 74 – 89 and 118 – 21.

7. M. L. INIZAN, ‘Des indices acheuléens sur les bords du Tigre, dans le nord de l'Iraq‘, Paléorient, XI, 1 (1985), pp. 101 – 102

8. NAJI-AL-‘ASIL, ‘Barda Balka’, Sumer, V (1949), pp. 205 – 6; H. E. WRIGHT, JNR and B. HOWE, ‘Preliminary Report on Soundings at Barda Balka’, Sumer, VII (1951), pp. 107 – 10.

9. D. A. E. GARROD, ‘The Palaeolithic of Southern Kurdistan: Excavations in the Caves of Zarzi and Hazar Merd’, Bulletin No 6, Amer. School of Prehist. Research, New Haven (1930).

10. Preliminary reports in Sumer, VIII (1952) to XVII (1961). Also see: R. SOLECKI, ‘Prehistory in Shanidar valley, northern Iraq’, Science, CXXXIX (1963), pp. 179 – 93, and the book quoted above, note 3.

11. E. TRINKHAUS, ‘An inventory of the Neanderthal remains from Shanidar Cave, northern Iraq’, Sumer, XXXIII (1977), pp. 9 – 47.

12. A. LEROI-GOURHAN, ‘The flowers found with Shanidar V, a Neanderthal burial in Iraq’, Science, CXC (1975), pp. 562 – 4.

13. R. J. BRAIDWOOD, ‘From Cave to Village in Prehistoric Iraq’, BASOR, 124 (1951), pp. 12 – 18. R. J. BRAIDWOOD and B. HOWE, Prehistoric Investigations in Iraqi Kurdistan, Chicago, 1960, pp. 28 – 9, 57 – 9, 155 – 6.

14. For more detail on the Mesolithic and Neolithic periods in the Near East, consult: P. SINGH, Neolithic Cultures of Western Asia, London and New York, 1974; J. MELLAART, The Neolithic of the Near East, London, 1975 and D. and J. OATES, The Rise of Civilization, Oxford, 1976.

15. R. SOLECKI, An Early Village Site at Zawi Chemi Shanidar, Malibu, Calif., 1980.

16. R. J. BRAIDWOOD and B. HOWE, Prehistoric Investigations, op. cit., pp. 52 and 170.

17. R. J. BRAIDWOOD and B. HOWE, ibid., p. 50.

18. M. VAN LOON, ‘The Oriental Institute excavations at Mureybet, Syria’, JNES XXVII (1968), pp. 264 – 90. J. CAUVIN, Les Premiers Villages de Syrie-Palestine du IXe au Vile Millénaire avant J.-C., Lyon/Paris, 1978.

19. F. HOLE, K. V. FLANNERY, J. A. NEELY, H. HELBAEK, Prehistory and Human Ecology in the Deh Luran Plain: an Early Village Sequence from Khuzistan, Iran, Ann Arbor, Conn. 1969.

20. For more detail on this subject, see: H. J. NISSEN, The Early History of the Ancient Near East, 9000 – 2000 B.C., Chicago, 1988, pp. 15 – 27.

21. J. R. HARLAN and D. ZOHARY, ‘Distribution of wild wheat and barley’, Science, CLIII (1966), pp. 1075 – 80; J. R. HARLAN, ‘A wild harvest in Turkey’, Archaeology, XX (1967), pp. 197 – 201.

22. L. R. BINFORD, ‘Post-Pleistocene adaptations’ in S. R. and L. R. BINFORD (ed.), New Perspectives in Archaeology, Chicago, 1968, pp. 313 – 42; K. V. FLANNERY, ‘Origins and ecological effects of early domestication in Iran and the Near East’ in J. A. SABLOFF and C. C. LAMBERG-KARLOWSKY (ed.), The Rise and Fall of Civilizations; Menlo Park, Calif., 1974, pp. 245 – 68.

23. R. J. and L. BRAIDWOOD, ‘Jarmo: a village of early farmers in Iraq’, Antiquity, XXIV (1950), pp. 189 – 95; J. MELLAART, The Neolithic of the Near East, pp. 80 – 82.; P. SINGH, Neolithic Cultures, pp. 116 – 21.

24. P. MORTENSEN; Tell Shimshara: the Hassuna Period, Copenhagen, 1970.

25. To our knowledge, only summaries have yet been published in Iraq, XLI (1979), pp. 152 – 3 and XLIII (1981), p. 191.

26. D. SCHMANDT-BESSERAT, ‘The use of clay before pottery in the Zagros’, Expedition, XVI (1974), pp. 11 – 17.

27. On the origins and significance of pottery, see H. J. NISSEN, op. cit., pp. 27 – 32.

Chapter 4

1. On Mesopotamian proto-history in general, in addition to the books listed in note 14 of Chapter 3, see: J. MELLAART, Earliest Civilizations of the Near East, London, 1965; M. E. L. MALLOWAN, Early Mesopotamia and Iran, London, 1965; SETON LLOYD, The Archaeology of Mesopotamia, London, 1978; C. L. REDMAN, The Rise of Civilization, San Francisco, 1978.

2. SETON LLOYD and FUAD SAFAR, ‘Tell Hassuna’, JNES, IV (1945), pp. 255 – 89.

3. c. s. COON, ‘Three Skulls from Hassuna’, Sumer, IV (1950), pp. 93 – 6.

4. T. DABBAGH, ‘Hassuna pottery’, Sumer, XXI (1965), pp. 93 – 111.

5. R. J. BRAIDWOOD, L. BRAIDWOOD, J. G. SMITH and C. LESLIE, ‘Matarrah, a southern variant of the Hassunan assemblage, excavated in 1948’, JNES, XI (1952), pp. 1 – 75.

6. Danish excavations in 1957 – 8. Cf. P. MORTENSEN, Tell Shimshara. The Hassuna Period, Copenhagen, 1970.

7. Excavated by a Soviet team since 1969. For a summary of the results, see N. Y. MERPERT and R. M. MUNCHAEV, ‘Early agricultural settlements in the Sinjar plain, northern Iraq’, Iraq, XXXV (1973), pp. 93 – 113; ‘The earliest levels at Yarim Tepe I and Yarim Tepe II in northern Iraq’, Iraq, XLVI (1987), pp. 1 – 36.

8. Preliminary reports by D. KIRKBRIDE in Iraq from vol. XXXIV (1972) to vol. XXXVII (1975). Also see, by the same author, ‘Umm Dabaghiyah’ in J. CURTIS (ed.), Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London, 1982, pp. 11–21.

9. Excavated by the Yarim Tepe team. Summaries in ‘Excavations in Iraq’ in Iraq, XXXV (1973), XXXVII (1975), XVIII (1976) and XXXVIII (1977).

10. Japanese excavations from 1956 to 1965, resumed in 1976. Final reports by N. EGAMI et al.: Telul eth-Thalathat, 3 vols., Tokyo, 1959 – 74.

11. E. E. HERTZFELD, Die Ausgrabungen von Samarra, V, Berlin, 1930.

12. Preliminary reports by B. ABU ES-SOOF, K. A. AL-‘ADAMI, G. WAHIDA and W. YASIN in Sumer, XXI (1965) to XXVI (1970). For a global view of the results: J. MELLAART, The Neolithic of the Near East, London, 1975, pp. 149 – 55.

13. H. HELBAEK, ‘Early Hassunan vegetables from Tell es-Sawwan, near Samarra’, Sumer, XX (1964), pp. 45 – 8.

14. J. OATES, ‘The baked clay figurines from Tell es-Sawwan’, Iraq, XXVIII (1966), pp. 146 – 53.

15. In the Hamrin basin, Samarran houses, pottery and implements have been found by Japanese archaeologists at Tell Songor and by Iraqi archaeologists at Tell Abada. K. MATSUMOTO, ‘The Samarra period at Tell Songor A’ in J. L. HUOT (ed.), Préhistoire de la Mésopotamie, Paris, 1987, pp. 189 – 98; SABAH ABBOUD JASIM, ‘Excavations at Tell Abada’, Iraq, XLV (1983), pp. 165 – 86.

16. Preliminary reports by J. OATES in Sumer, XXII (1966), pp. 51 – 8 and XXV (1969), pp. 133 – 7; Iraq, XXXI (1969), pp. 115 – 52 and XXXIV (1972), pp. 49 – 53. By the same author, ‘Choga Mami’ in J. CURTIS (ed.), Fifty Years… pp. 22 – 9; ‘The Choga Mami traditional’ in J. L. HUOT (ed.), Préhistoire de la Mésopotamie, pp. 163 – 80.

17. M. FREIHERR VON OPPENHEIM, Der Tell Halaf, Leipzig, 1931. Detailed publication: Tell Halaf, I, Die prähistorischen Funde, Berlin, 1943.

18. R. CAMPBELL THOMPSON and M. E. L. MALLOWAN, ‘The British excavations at Nineveh’, AAA, XX (1933), p. 71 ff.

19. M. E. L. MALLOWAN and C. ROSE, ‘Prehistoric Assyria. The excavations at Tell Arpachiyah’, 1933, Iraq, II (1935), pp. 1 – 78.

20. M. E. L. MALLOWAN, ‘The excavations at Tell Chagar Bazar’, Iraq, III (1936), pp. 1 – 86; IV (1937), pp. 91 – 117.

21. ISMAIL HIJARA et al., ‘Arpachiyah, 1976’, Iraq, XLII (1980), pp. 31 – 54; J. CURTIS; ‘Arpachiyah’, in Fifty Years…, pp. 30 – 36.

22. P. J. WATSON, ‘The Halafian culture: a review and synthesis’, in T. C. YOUNG, P. E. L. SMITH, P. MORTENSEN (ed.), The Hilly Flanks and Beyond, Chicago, 1983, pp. 231 – 50.

23. D. FRANKEL, Archaeologists at Work: Studies on Halaf Pottery, London, 1979.

24. This is a physico-chemical technique giving very precise measurements of about 30 elements commonly found in clay, A clay of a specific origin has a specific chemical composition which is both characteristic and unique, like a chemical fingerprint. Since pottery is usually made of the local clay, this method is used to determine the origin of a given piece of pottery (I. PERLMAN, F. ASARO, H. V. MICHEL in Annual Review of Nuclear Science, XXII (1972), pp. 383 – 426). On its application to the Halaf period, see: T. E. DAVIDSON and H. MCKERRELL, ‘The neutron activation analysis of Halaf and ‘Ubaid pottery from Tell Arpachiyah and Tepe Gawra’, Iraq, XLII (1980), pp. 155 – 67.

25. J. MELLAART, The Neolithic of the Near East, London, 1975, pp. 169 – 70.

26. H. R. HALL and C. L. WOOLLEY, Al-'Ubaid, London, 1927 (UE, I).

27. FUAD SAFAR, MOHAMMED ALI MUSTAFA and SETON LLOYD, Eridu, Baghdad, 1982.

28. Some French archaeologists have questioned the religious nature of these buildings and prefer to call them ‘prestige buildings’. They claim that they might have housed eminent members of the communities or served as community halls similar to themudhifsof the Marsh Arabs. However, the majority of archaeologists believe that most of them were temples.

29. C. ZIEGLER, Die Keramik von derQal'a des Haggi Mohammed, Berlin, 1953.

30. D. STRONACH, ‘Excavations at Ras al ‘Amiya’, Iraq, XXIII (1961), pp. 95 – 137.

31. Y. CALVET, in Larsa et Oueili, Travaux de 1978 – 1981, Paris, 1983, pp. 15 – 70; and in Préhistoire de la Mésopotamie, Paris, 1987, pp. 129 – 52.

32. J. L. HUOT, ‘Un village de basse Mésopotamie: Tell el ‘Oueili à l'Obeid 4’, in Préhistoire de la Mésopotamie, pp. 129 – 52.

33. M. D. ROAF, ‘The Hamrin sites: Tell Madhhur’ in Fifty Years… pp. 40 – 46.

34. J. OATES, ‘Ubaid Mesopotamia reconsidered’ in T. C. YOUNG et al. (Ed.), The Hilly Flanks and Beyond, Chicago, 1983, pp. 251 – 72. These 45 apparently intermittent settlements are spread from the southern border of Kuwait to Bahrain and Qatar; another has been found in Bushir peninsula (Iran). They seem to have been camps of fishermen using ‘Ubaid 2, 3 or 4 pottery made in Mesopotamia and local flint tools.

Chapter 5

1. See, in particular: C. H. KRAELING and R. MCC. ADAMS (eds.), City Invincible, Chicago, 1960; M. B. ROWTON, The Role of Watercourses in the Growth of Mesopotamian Civilization, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1969; P. J. UCKO, R. TRINGHAM and G. W. DIMBLEBY (eds.), Man, Settlement and Urbanism, London, 1972; T. E. DAWNING and MCGUIRE GIBSON (eds.), Irrigation's Impact on Society, Tucson, 1974.

2. R. McC. ADAMS and H. J. NISSEN, The Uruk Countryside, Chicago, 1972; McGUIRE GIBSON, The City and Area of Kish, Miami, 1972. R. MCC. ADAMS, Heartland of Cities, Chicago, 1981.

3. The results of the German excavations at Uruk-Warka (1928 – 39 and 1952 onwards) are published in a series of preliminary reports known as Uruk Vorlaüfiger Berichte (abbreviated UVB). In addition, volumes of monographs (Ausgrabungen der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft in Uruk-Warka) deal with particular aspects of the excavations.

4. H. LENZEN, Die Tempel der Schicht Archaisch V in Uruk, ZA, 49 (1949), PP. 1 – 20.

5. SETON LLOYD and FUAD SAFAR, ‘Tell Uqair’, JNES, 11 (1943), pp. 131 – 58.

6. Excavated by the Iraqis in the late sixties. Preliminary reports by B. ABOU-ES-SOOF and I. H. HIJARA in Sumer, XXII (1966), XXIII (1967), XXV (1969) and XXIX (1973).

7. German excavations. Preliminary reports by H. HEINRICH et al., in MDOG, CI (1969) to CVIII (1976). General book on the subject: E. STROMMENGER, Habuba Kabira, eine Stadt von 5000 Jahren, Mainz, 1980.

8. An excellent introduction to glyptics can be found in D. COLLON, First Impressions: Cylinder Seals in the Ancient Near East, London, 1987.

9. Published by A. FALKENSTEIN, Archaische Texte aus Uruk, Leipzig, 1942.

10. D. DIRINGER, Writing, London, 1962; 1. J. GELB, A Study of Writing, Chicago, 1974; D. HAWKINS, ‘The origin and dissemination of writing in Western Asia’ in P. R. S. MOOREY (ed.), The Origins of Civilization, Oxford, 1979; C. B. F. WALKER,Reading the Past: Cuneiforms. London, 1987.

11. D. SCHMANDT-BESSERAT, An Archaic Recording System and the Origin of Writing, Malibu, Calif., 1977.

12. Khafaje: OIC, XX (1936), p. 25; Habuba Kabira: AfO, XXIV (1973), fig. 17; Tell Brak: Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London 1982, p. 65, fig. 51.

13. E. MACKAY, Report on Excavations at Jemdet Nasr, Iraq, Chicago, 1931; H. FIELD and R. A. MARTIN, ‘Painted pottery from Jemdet Nasr’, AJA, 39 (1935), pp. 310 – 18. For more recent excavations, see: R. J. MATTHEWS Iraq, LI (1989), pp. 225 – 48 and LII (1990), pp. 25 – 40. For discussions on this period, consult U. FINKBEINER and W. RÖLLIG (ed.), Ǧamdat Nasr: Period or Regional Style? Wiesbaden, 1986.

14. H. HEINRICH, Kleinfunde aus den archaischen Tempelschichten in Uruk, Leipzig, 1936, pp. 15 – 16, pl. 2 – 3, 38. Hunt stele in UVB, V (1934), pp 11 – 13, pl. 12 – 13. Woman's head in UVB, XI (1940), frontispiece.

15. W. A. WARD, ‘Relations between Egypt and Mesopotamia from prehistoric times to the end of the Middle Kingdom’, JESHO, VII (1974), pp. 121 – 35; I. E. S. EDWARDS, in CAH, I, 2, pp. 41 – 5.

16. SETON LLOYD, ‘Iraq Government soundings at Sinjar’, Iraq, VII (1940), pp. 13 – 21.

17. P. DELOUGAZ and SETON LLOYD, Pre-Sargonid Temples in the Diyala Region, Chicago, 1942.

18. The main articles have been conveniently gathered in T. JONES (ed.), The Sumerian Problem, New York, 1969. See also: A. PARROT AM, II, pp. 308 – 31.

19. There is still considerable uncertainty as regards the meaning of KI.EN.GI. Some scholars think that Shumer and Kengi/Kengi(r) are different pronunciations of the same word in the two Sumerian dialects, emeku and emesal. Others believe that KI.EN.GI is a ‘compound ideogram’, but they disagree on the way it should be read. On this subject, see F. R. KRAUS, Sumerer und Akkader, Amsterdam 1970, pp. 48 – 51.

20. On the question of early contacts between Sumerians and Semites, see: F. R. KRAUS, op cit., and the articles by D. O. EDZARD, W. VON SODEN, I. J. GELB, S. N. KRAMER and P. AMIET in Geneva, VIII (1960), pp. 241 – 314.

21. Skulls from Kish (S. LANGDON, Excavations at Kish, Paris, 1924, pp. 115 – 25, from Ubaid (UE, I, 1927, pp. 214 – 40), from Ur (UE, II, 1934, pp. 400 – 407) and from Eridu (Sumer, V, 1949, p. 103).

22. H. FRANKFORT, The Birth of Civilization in the Near East, London, 1954, p. 50, n.1.

Chapter 6

1. For general studies on Mesopotamian religion, see: S. N. KRAMER, Sumerian Mythology, New York, 1961; W. H. P. RÖMER, ‘The religion of ancient Mesopotamia’ in J. BLEEKER and G. WINDEN-GREN (ed.), Historia Religionum, I, Leiden, 1969; H. RINGGREN, Religions of the Ancient Near East, London, 1973, pp. 1 – 123; T. JACOBSEN, The Treasure of Darkness: a History of Mesopotamian Religion, London, 1976. The most recent and complete book on mythology is that of J. BOTTERO and S. N. KRAMER, Lorsque les Dieux faisaient l'Homme, Paris, 1989.

2. Excellent translations of Sumerian and Akkadian religious texts can be found in R. LABAT, A. CAQUOT, M. SZNYCER and M. VIEYRA, Les Religions du Proche-Orient, Paris, 1970; J. B. PRITCHARD (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, 3rd edition, Princeton, 1969; A. FALKENSTEIN and W. VON SODEN, Sumerische und Akkadische Hymnen und Gebete, Stuttgart, 1953.

3. W. G. LAMBERT, ‘The historical development of the Mesopotamian pantheon' in H. GOEDICKE and J. J. M. ROBERTS (ed.), Unity and Diversity, Baltimore/London, 1975.

4. E. CASSIN, La Splendeur Divine, Paris, 1968.

5. H. VORLANDER, Mein Gott, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1975. This personal god is often represented on cylinder-seals of the Ur III period.

6. T. JACOBSEN, The Treasures of Darkness, p. 20.

7. Possibly in the first centuries of the Early Dynastic period, after Enmebaragesi, King of Kish, had built the temple of Enlil in Nippur. [S. N. KRAMER, Geneva, VIII (1960), p. 277, note 25.]

8. Hymn to Enlil: ANET, 3rd Edition, p. 575.

9. List of me in S. N. KRAMER, The Sumerians, Chicago, 1963, p. 116.

10. Myth ‘Enki and the World Order’: S. N. KRAMER, Sumerian Mythology, pp. 59 – 62; The Sumerians, pp. 172 – 83; J. BOTTERO and S. N. KRAMER, Lorsque les Dieux…, pp. 165 – 88.

11. W. W. HALLO and J. VAN DIJK, The Exaltation of Inanna, New Haven/London 1968 (cf. ANET, pp. 579 – 82). Also see the hymns and prayers to Inanna in R. LABAT et al., Les Religions du Proche-Orient, pp. 227 – 57.

12. S. N. KRAMER, The Sacred Marriage Rite, Bloomington, 1969; Le Manage Sacré, Paris, 1983.

13. D. REISMAN, ‘Iddin-Dagan's Sacred Marriage hymn’, JCS, XXV (1973), pp. 185 – 202.

14. Sumerian version in ANET, pp. 52 – 7; Assyrian version, ibid., pp. 106 – 9. J. BOTTERO and S. N. KRAMER, Lorsque les Dieux…, pp. 275 – 300 and 318 – 30.

15. R. GRAVES, The Greek Myths, London, 1955.

16. On these legends, cf.: S. G. F. BRANDON, Creation Legends of the Ancient Near East, London, 1963, and A. HEIDEL, The Babylonian Genesis, Chicago, 1951.

17. W. THESIGER, Geogr. Journal, CXX (1954), p. 276.

18. A. HEIDEL, The Babylonian Genesis, Chicago, 1954; E. A. SPEISER in ANET, pp. 60 – 72 and 501 – 3. J. BOTTERO and S. N. KRAMER, Lorsque les Dieux…, pp. 602 – 79.

19. As suggested by TH. JACOBSEN in The Intellectual Adventure of Ancient Man, Chicago, 1946, p. 170. Others see in mummu an epithet of Tiamat: ‘mother Tiamat’, ‘creator Tiamat’ or the like [cf. A. HEIDEL, ‘The meaning of mummu in Akkadian literature’, JNES, VII (1948), pp. 98 – 105].

20. M. J. SEUX, Hymnes et Priéres aux Dieux de Babylonie et d‘Assyrie, Paris, 1976. Also see A. FALKENSTEIN and W. VON SODEN, op. cit., note 1 above.

21. W. G. LAMBERT, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, Oxford, 1960, p. 101.

22. The Gilgamesh Epic, Old Babylonian version, III, iv, 6 – 8. (Transl. E. A. SPEISER, ANET. p. 79).

23. ‘Inanna's Descent to the Netherworld’, Obv. 8 – 11 (Transl. A. HEIDEL, op. cit., p. 121).

24. ‘Ludlul bêl nemeqi’, II, 36 – 42, 48 (W.G. LAMBERT, op. cit., p. 41).

Chapter 7

1. S. N. KRAMER, Enmerkar and the Lord of Aratta: a Sumerian Epic Tale of Iraq and Iran, Philadelphia, 1952.

2. S. N. KRAMER, ‘Enki and Ninhursag: a Paradise myth' in ANET, PP. 37 – 41.

3. E. A. SPEISER, ‘Adapa’ in ANET, pp. 101 – 3; S. A. PICCHIONI, Il Poemetto di Adapa, Budapest, 1981.

4. G. ROUX, ‘Adapa, le vent et l'eau’, RA, LV (1961), pp. 13 – 33.

5. TH. JACOBSEN, ‘Primitive democracy in ancient Mesopotamia’, JNES, II (1943), pp. 159 – 72; ‘Early political development in Mesopotamia’, ZA, LII (1957), pp. 91 – 140.

6. TH. JACOBSEN, The Sumerian King List, Chicago, 1939.

7. Bad-tibira has been identified with Tell Medain, near Telloh [V.E. CRAWFORD, Iraq, XXII (1960), pp. 197 – 9]. Larak might be Tell el Wilaya, near Kut-el-Imara [Sumer, XV (1959), p. 51]. Sippar is modern Abu Habba, about 32 kilometres south-west of Baghdad, partly excavated by H. RASSAM in 1881 – 2, by V. SCHEIL in 1894 and by W. ANDRAE and J. JORDAN in 1927 (cf. AM, I, pp. 101, 159, 326). Shuruppak is Tell Fara, about 64 kilometres south-east of Diwaniyah, excavated by the Germans in 1902 – 3 (H. HEINRICH and W. ANDRAE, Fara, Berlin, 1931) and by the Americans in 1931 [E. SCHMIDT, Museum Journal, (Philadelphia) XXII (1931), pp. 193 – 245].

8. ‘Gilgamesh’, tablet XI, 9 – 196 (quotations from A. HEIDEL'S translation). See also: E. SOLLBERGER, The Flood, London, 1962.

9. Usually identified with mount Pir Omar Gudrun, 2,612 metres, in the Zagros range, south of the Lower Zab [E. A. SPEISER, AASOR, VIII (1928), pp. 18, 31].

10. For these early versions, cf.: ANET, pp. 42 – 4, 99 – 100, 104–6, 512 – 14, and W. G. LAMBERT and A. R. MILLARD., Atra-hasis. The Babylonian Story of the Flood, Oxford, 1969.

11. SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY, AJ, IX (1929), pp. 323 – 30; X (1930), pp. 330 – 41; Ur of the Chaldees, London, 1950, p. 29; Excavations at Ur, London, 1954, pp. 34 – 6; UE, IV, pp. 15 ff.

12. Among recent publications on this subject, cf.: M. E. L. MALLOWAN, ‘Noah's Flood reconsidered’, Iraq, XXVI (1964), pp. 62 – 82; H. J. LENZEN, ‘Zur Flutschicht in Ur’, BM, III (1964), pp. 52 – 64; R. L. RAIKES, ‘The physical evidence for Noah's Flood’, Iraq, XXVIII (1966), pp. 52 – 63.

13. A. D. KILMER, ‘The Mesopotamian concept of overpopulation and its solution reflected in mythology’, Orientalia, XLI (1972), pp. 160 – 77.

14. H. DE GENOUILLAC, Premières Recherches Archéologiques à Kich, 2 vol., Paris, 1924 – 5; S. LANGDON, L. C. WATELIN, Excavations at Kish, 3 vol., Paris, 1924 – 3. Updating by P. R. S. MOOREY, Kish Excavations, 1922 – 3, Oxford, 1978. Present name of the site: al-Uhaimir.

15. English translation by E. A. SPEISER in ANET, pp. 114 – 18. The latest, most complete study is that of J. V. KINNIER WILSON, The Legend of Etana, a New Edition, Warminster, 1985.

16. S. N. KRAMER; ‘Gilgamesh and Agga’, ANET, pp. 44 – 7; W. H. P. RÖMER, Das Sumerische Kurzepos Bilgamesh und Akka, Neukirchen-Vluyin, 1980.

17. For Enmerkar, see note 1 above, plus: A. BERLIN, Enmerkar and Ensuhkeshdanna: a Sumerian Narrative Poem, Philadelphia, 1979. For Lugalbanda, C. WILCKE, Das Lugalbanda Epos, Wiesbaden, 1969.

18. Located near lake Urmiah by E. I. GORDON, Bi. Or., XVII (1960), p. 132, n. 63; near Kerman, in central Iran, by Y. MADJIZADEH, JNES, XXXV (1976), p. 107; around Shahr-i Sokhta, in eastern Iran, by J. F. HANSMAN, JNES, XXXVII (1978), pp. 331 – 6.

19. On the Sumerian cycle of Gilgamesh, see HBS, pp. 174 – 81 and 190 – 99; ANET, pp. 45 – 52; Gilgamesh et sa Légende, Paris, 1960.

20. In 1960 the Gilgamesh epic had been translated into twelve languages (Gilgamesh et sa Légende, pp. 24 – 7, and this figure is probably much higher now. Among the main English translations are those of A. HEIDEL, The Gilgamesh Epic and Old Testament Parallels, Chicago, 1949; E. A. SPEISER and A. K. GRAYSON in ANET, pp. 72 – 9 and 503 – 7 (from which we quote), and J. GARDNER, J. MAIER and R. HENSHAW, Gilgamesh, New York, 1984.

21. Beside various Iraqi sites (notably Nineveh), fragments of tablets of the Gilgamesh epic have been found in Palestine (Megiddo) and Turkey (Sultan Tepe, Boghazköy). The Hittite and Hurrian translations were found at the latter site.

Chapter 8

1. Inscriptions found in 1973 at al-Hiba have shown that this site is ancient Lagash, whilst Telloh is Girsu. The two towns are 30 kilometres apart, but together with Shurgal (Nina) they were part of the same city-state named ‘Lagash’. V. E. CRAWFORD, ‘Lagash’, Iraq, XXVI (1974), pp. 29 – 35.

2. Fifteen campaigns of excavations were carried out in Girsu (then called Lagash) between 1877 and 1910, and four campaigns between 1929 and 1933. For a review of the overall results, see A. PARROT, Tello, Paris, 1948.

3. D. O. EDZARD, ‘Enmebaragesi von Kish’, ZA, 53 (1959), pp. 9 – 26.

4. Abu Salabikh is 20 kilometres from Nippur. It has been excavated by the Americans from 1963 to 1965 and by the British since 1975. Preliminary reports in Iraq since 1976. Overall results of excavations by N. POSTGATE in J. CURTIS (ed.), Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London, 1982, pp. 48 – 61. The ancient name of this town could be Kesh (not to be confused with Kish).

5. The Italian excavations at Ebla began in 1964 and are still in progress. General books on archaeology and texts: P. MATTHIAE; Ebla, an Empire Rediscovered, New York, 1980; G. PETTINATO, The Archives of Ebla. An Empire Inscribed in Clay; Garden City, N.Y., 1981. The texts are published in two parallel series: Materiali Epigrafici di Ebla, Napoli, since 1979, and Archivi Reali di Ebla, Roma, since 1985. Numerous studies in the periodical Studi Eblaiti, Roma, since 1979 and many other publications.

6. Preliminary reports of the first twenty-one campaigns of excavations at Mari (1933 – 9 and 1951 – 74) in Syria and AAAS. Four volumes of final reports have been published. The temples, sculptures and inscriptions of the Early Dynastic period can be found inMission Archéologique de Mari, vol. I, Le Temple d'Ishtar, Paris, 1956; vol. III, Les Temples d'Ishtarat et de Ninni-zaza, Paris, 1967, vol. IV, Le Trésor d'Ur, Paris, 1968. For an overview, see: A. PARROT, Mari, Capitale Fabuleuse, Paris, 1974. The French excavations at Mari have been resumed and are going on.

7. W. ANDRAE, Das wiedererstandene Assur, Leipzig, 1938, 2nd revised edition, Munich, 1977. For more detail, by the same author: Die archaischen Ischtar-Temple in Assur, Leipzig, 1922.

8. British excavations from 1967 to 1973. Preliminary reports in Iraq, XXX (1968) to XXXV (1973). Overall results by J. E. READE in J. CURTIS (ed.), Fifty Years…, pp. 72 – 8.

9. German excavations under A. MOORTGAT, since 1958. Prelimi-nary reports 1969 – 73 by A. MOORTGAT et al., Tell Chuera in Nordöst Syrien, Köln and Opladen, 1960 – 75.

10. Eight volume of reports on the Chicago Oriental Institute excavations in the Diyala basin have been published between 1940 and 1967 in the series ‘Oriental Institute Publications’ (OIP). Six of them concern the third millennium B.C. For a short description see SETON LLOYD, The Archaeology of Mesopotamia, London, 1978, pp. 93

11. O. TUNCA, L'Architecture Religieuse Protodynastique en Mésopotamie, 2 vol., Leuven, 1984. Also see. H. E. W. CRAWFORD, The Architecture of Iraq in the Third Millennium B.C., Copenhagen, 1977, pp. 22 – 6 and 80 – 82.

12. Cf. A. PARROT, Sumer, 2nd edition, 1981, fig. 13 – 15, 127 – 30, 133, 134 (Tell Asmar); 131, 132 (Khafaje); 137–8 (Tell Khueira); 30, 148, 153, 154 (Mari); 139 – 41 (Nippur), 135 (Eridu), 136 (Telloh); 144 (al-Ubaid).

13. A. PARROT, Sumer, 1981, p. 148.

14. SETON LLOYD, The Archaeology of Mesopotamia, London, 1978, pp. 132 – 4; G. M. SCHWARTZ, ‘The Ninevite V period and current research’, Paléorient, 11, 1985, pp. 52 – 70; M. ROAF, R. KILICK, ‘A mysterious affair of style: the Ninevite V pottery of Northern Mesopotamia’, Iraq, XLIX (1987), pp. 199 – 230.

15. SETON LLOYD, Op. cit., pp. 124 – 7; D. COLLON, First Impressions. Cylinder Seals in the Ancient Near East, London, 1987, pp. 20 – 31.

16. Numerous studies have been devoted to this subject. Among these, see: A. FALKENSTEIN, ‘La cité-temple sumérienne’ in Cahiers d'Histoire Mondiale I, Paris, 1954, pp. 784 – 814; S. N. KRAMER, The Sumerians, Chicago, 1963, pp. 73 – 112; I. J. GELB, ‘The ancient Mesopotamian ration system’, JNES, XXIV (1965), pp. 230 – 43; C. C. LAMBERG-KARLOVISKY; ‘The economic world of Sumer’ in D. SCHMANDT-BESSERAT (ed.), The Legacy of Sumer, Malibu, Calif., 1976, pp. 59 – 68.

17. I. M. DIAKONOFF, Sale of Land in Presargonic Sumer, Moscow, 1954.

18. W. W. HALLO, Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles, New Haven, 1967; M. J. SEUX, Epithètes Royales Akkadiennes et Sumériennes, Paris, 1967.

19. Kish: E. MACKAY, A Sumerian Palace and the ‘A' Cemetery at Kish, Chicago, 1929; P. R. S. MOOREY, Kish Excavations, Oxford, 1978, pp. 55 – 60; Mari: A. PARROT, Syria, XLII (1965) to XLIX (1972); Mari, Capitale Fabuleuse, Paris, 1974, pp. 73 – 88; Eridu: F. SAFAR, Sumer, VII (1950), pp. 31 – 3.

20. C. L. WOOLLEY, Ur, the Royal Cemetery (UE II), London, 1934; Ur of the Chaldees (updated by P. R. S. MOOREY), London, 1982, pp. 51 – 103.

21. C. J. GADD, ‘The spirit of living sacrifice in tombs’, Iraq, XXII (1960), pp. 51 – 8.

22. ANET, p. 51 [cf. S. N. KRAMER, Iraq, XXII (1960), pp. 59 – 68].

23. P. R. S. MOOREY, ‘What do we know about the people buried in the Royal Cemetery?’, Expedition, XX (1977 – 8), pp. 24 – 40; G. ROUX, ‘La grande énigme des tombes d'Ur’, L'Histoire, (Paris), LXXV (1985), pp. 56 – 66.

24. M. LAMBERT, ‘Les réformes d'Urukagina’, RA, LI (1957), pp. 139 – 44, and Orientalia, XLIV (1975), pp. 22 – 51; S. N. KRAMER, The Sumerians, pp. 79 – 83; B. HRUSK, ‘Die Reformtexte Urukaginas‘, in Le Palais et la Royauté, pp. 151 – 61.

25. The very important site of Ur (el-Mughayir, 15 kilometres south-west of Nasriyah) was excavated by a British-American team from 1922 to 1934. Final reports in Ur Excavations (UE), London, 10 volumes published. Texts in Ur Excavations Texts (UET), London/Philadelphia, 9 volumes published. For an overview see C. L. WOOLLEY Ur of the Chaldees, London, 1982.

26. A. PARROT and G. DOSSIN, Le Trésor d'Ur, Paris, 1968. On the problems raised by this discovery, cf. M. E. L. MALLOWAN, Bi.Or., XXVI (1969), pp. 87 – 9; E. SOLLBERGER, RA, LXIII (1969), pp. 169 – 70, and G. DOSSIN, RA, LXIV (1970), pp. 163-8.

27. As told by Entemena: ISA, pp. 63 ff.; RISA, pp. 57 ff., IRSA, pp. 71 ss. Latest study: J. S. COOPER, Reconstructing History from Ancient Inscriptions: the Lagash-Umma Border Conflict, Malibu, Calif., 1983.

28. Akshak is probably to be located to the east of the Tigris, between the Diyala and the Lesser Zab.

29. This text was initially published by G. PETTINATO, notably in Oriens Antiquus, XIX (1980), pp. 231 – 45, as a campaign of Eblaites against Mari. This was challenged on grammatical grounds by D. O. EDZARD in Studi Eblaiti, XIX (1980) and interpreted by him, followed by other scholars, as described here.

30. A. ARCHI, ‘Les rapports politiques et économiques entre Ebla et Mari’ in MARI, IV, Paris, 1985, pp. 63–83.

31. F. PINNOCK, ‘About the trade of early Syrian Ebla’, ibid., pp. 85 – 92.

32. Excavated by the University of Chicago in 1903 – 4. E. J. BANKS, Bismaya, or the Lost City of Adab, New York, 1912.

33. ISA, pp. 90 ff.; RISA, pp. 89 ff.; S. N. KRAMER, The Sumerians, pp. 322 – 3.

34. ISA, pp. 218 ff.; RISA, pp. 97 ff.; TH. JACOBSEN, ZA, 52 (1957), pp. 135 – 6; S. N. KRAMER, The Sumerians, pp. 323 – 4.

Chapter 9

1. Condensed information on the Semites in general can be found in: S. MOSCATI, The Semites in Ancient History, Cardiff, 1959.

2. For criticism of the ‘Arabian theory’, cf. J. M. GRINZ, ‘On the original home of the Semites’, JNES, XXI (1962), pp. 186 – 203. But we cannot agree with the author's views that northern Mesopotamia and southern Armenia were the cradle of the Semites.

3. On nomads in the ancient East, see: J. R. KUPPER, Les Nomades en Mésopotamie au Temps des Rois de Mari, Paris, 1957, and the penetrating studies of M. B. ROWTON in Orientalia, XLII (1973), pp. 247 – 58; JNES, XXXII (1973), pp. 201 – 15; JESHO, XVII (1974), pp. 1 – 30.

4. S. N. KRAMER, Genava, VIII (1960), p. 277.

5. A. GUILLAUME, Prophecy and Divination among the Hebrews and other Semites, London, 1939.

6. R. D. BIGGS, ‘Semitic names in the Fara period’, Orientalia, XXXVI (1967), pp. 55 – 66.

7. On this subject, see the articles by D. O. EDZARD and L. J. GELB in Aspects du Contact Suméro-Akkadien, Geneva, 1960, and F. R. KRAUS, Sumerer und Akkader, Amsterdam/London, 1970.

8. ANET, p. 119; B. LEWIS, The Sargon Legend, Cambridge, Mass., 1980; J. S. COOPER and W. HEIMPEL, ‘The Sumerian Sargon Legend’, JAOS CIII (1983), pp. 67 – 92.

9. We are referring to Sargon's inscriptions, many of which are second-millennium copies. See: IRSA, pp. 97 – 9; ANET, pp. 260-68 and H. E. HIRSCH, ‘Die Inschriften der Könige von Agade’, AfO, XX (1963), pp. 1 – 82.

10. The various sites suggested are listed in RGTC, I, p. 9 and II, p. 6. The hypothesis that Agade was the present Mizyiad, 6 kilometres north-west of Kish (H. WEISS, JAOS, XVC (1975), pp. 442 – 51) has been disproved by Iraqi excavations of that mound.

11. ‘Hymnal prayer of Enheduanna: the adoration of Inanna in Ur’, ANET, pp. 579 – 82 (transl. S. N. KRAMER).

12. Unidentified city (RGTC, I, p. 76), probably in northern Syria and perhaps Irim of the Ebla texts.

13. On the bronze head, see M. E. L. MALLOWAN in Iraq, III (1936), p. 104 ff. On the texts, see 1. J. GELB, Old Akkadian Writing and Grammar, Chicago, 1961, pp. 194 – 5.

14. W. ALBRIGHT, The epic of the King of the Battle’, JSOR, VII (1923), pp. 1 ff.; E. F. WEIDNER, ‘Der Zug Sargons von Akkad nach Kleinasien’, Bo.Stu., VI (1922).

15. J. NOUGAYROL, ‘Un chef d'oeuvre inédit de la littérature babylonienne', RA, XLV (1951), pp. 169 ff. On a late text purporting to describe the geography of Sargon's empire, see: A. K. GRAYSON, ‘The Empire of Sargon of Akkad’, AfO, XXV (1974 – 7), pp. 56 – 64.

16. KING, Chronicles, I, pp. 27 – 156; ABC, pp. 152 – 4; ANET, p. 266.

17. A. GOETZE, ‘Historical allusions in Old Babylonian omen texts’, JCS, I (1947), p. 256, No. 13. For a discussion of the weapons involved (stone tablets, heavy seals, other cylindrical objects?), cf. D. J. WISEMAN, ‘Murder in Mesopotamia’, Iraq, XXXVI (1974), p. 254.

18. IRSA, p. 104.

19. P. MATTHIAE, Ebla, in Impero Ritrovato, Torino, 1977, pp. 47, 182. It seems that the Early Dynastic palace of Mari was destroyed on the way.

20. This huge tell was first excavated in 1937 – 8, then from 1976 onwards. For an overall view of the results, see: M. E. L. MALLOWAN in Twenty-five Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London, 1956, pp. 24 – 38, and D. OATES in J. CURTIS (ed.), Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London, 1982, pp. 62 – 71. Recent reports in Iraq. To the vast ‘Narâm-Sin Palace’ (in fact a fortified administrative building) must now be added several houses and a temple.

21. Rock sculpture of Darband-i-Gawr in S. SMITH, History of Early Assyria, London, 1928, p. 97. Stele of Narâm-Sin: J. DE MORGAN, MDP (1900), pp. 144 ff.; v. SCHEIL, MDP, II (1900), pp. 53 ff.; A. PARROT, Sumer, pls. 212 – 13.

22. So called because it was written on an apocryphal stele allegedly deposited in Kutha (Tell Ibrahim). Cf. O. GURNEY, Anatolian Studies, V (1955), pp. 93 – 113. In another inscription, Narâm-Sin admits defeat; his numerous troops were crushed and he could only defend Agade; but the text is incomplete. Cf. A. K. GRAYSON and E. SOLLBERGER, ‘L’insurrection générale contre Narâm-Suen’, RA, LXX (1976), pp. 103 – 28.

23. MDP, IV, pl. XI; ISA, pp. 246 ff; RISA, p. 151.

24. J. S. COOPER, The Curse of Agade, Baltimore/London, 1983.

25. S. PIGGOTT, Prehistoric India, Harmondsworth, 1950; SIR MORTIMER WHEELER, The Indus Civilization, Cambridge, 1962; Civilizations of the Indus Valley and beyond, London, 1966; G. L. POSSEHL (ed.) Harappan Civilization, Warminster, 1982. Commercial relations with the Indus valley were already established during the Early Dynastic period (UE, II, pp. 397 ff.).

26. A five-foot-high pyramidal block of diorite covered with an Akkadian inscription in sixty-nine columns and known as the ‘obelisk of Manishtusu’ refers to the purchase by the king of a large estate in central Mesopotamia. Translation by V. SCHEIL, MDP, II (1900), pp. 1 – 52. See also: H. HIRSCH, AfO, XX (1963), p. 14.

Chapter 10

1. On the Guti, see: c. J. GADD, CAH, I, 2, pp. 457 – 63 and W. W. HALLO, article ‘Gutium’ in RLA, 3 (1971), pp. 708 – 20.

2. R. KUTSCHER, The Brockmon Tablets at the University of Haifa. Royal Inscriptions, Haifa, 1989, pp. 49 – 70.

3. IRSA, p. 132; W. H. P. RÖMER, ‘Zur Siegensinschrift des Königs Utu-hegal von Unug (c. 216 – 2110 v.Chr.), Orientalia, LIV (1985), pp. 274 – 88.

4. S. N. KRAMER, ‘The Ur-Nammu law-code: who was its author?’, Orientalia, LII (1983), pp. 453 – 56.

5. The main studies concerning ziqqurats are: H. J. LENZEN, Die Entwicklung der Zikkurat, Leipzig, 1941; TH. BUSINK, De Babylonische Tempeltoren, Leiden, 1949; A. PARROT, Ziggurats et Tour de Babel, Paris, 1949; W. ROLLIG, ‘Der Turm zu Babel’ inA. ROSENBERG (ed.), Der babylonische Turm. Aufbruch ins Masslose, München, 1975.

6. S. N. KRAMER and A. FALKENSTEIN, ‘Ur-Nammu law code‘, Orientalia, 23 (1954), pp. 40 – 51. E. SZLECHTER, ‘Le code d'Ur-Nammu’, RA, XLIX (1955), pp. 169 – 77. J. J. FINKELSTEIN, ‘The laws of Ur-Nammu’, JCS, XXII (1968 – 9), pp. 66 – 82.

7. C. L. WOOLLEY, The Ziggurat and its Surroundings (UE, V), London, 1939; SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY and R. P. S. MOOREY, Ur of the Chaldees London, 1982, pp. 138 – 47.

8. A. FALKENSTEIN, Die Inschriften Gudeas von Lagash, 1, Rome, 1966. Bibliography in W. RÖMER, ‘Zurn heutigen’ Stande der Gudeaforschung’, Bi.Or., XXVI (1969 pp. 159 – 71. The quotations given here are from: Cylinder A, translation M. LAMBERTand R. TOURNAY, RB, 55 (1948), pp. 403 – 23 (cf. A. L. OPPENHEIMin ANET, p. 268); Statue E, translation M. LAMBERT, RA, XLVI (1952), p. 81.

9. A. PARROT, Tello, Paris, 1948, pp. 147 – 207; Sumer, pp. 220 – 32. Some doubt has been expressed as to the authenticity of some of these statues: F. JOHANSEN; Statues of Gudea Ancient and Modern, Copenhagen, 1978.

10. S. N. KRAMER, ‘The death of Ur-Nammu and his descent to the Netherworld’, JCS, XXI (1967), pp. 104 – 22.

11. W. W. HALLO, ‘Simurrum and the Hurrian frontier’, RHA, XXXVI (1978), pp. 71 – 82. Shashrum is Shimshara; Urbilum is modern Erbil; Harshi might be at or near modern Turz Kurmatli; Simurrum has not been identified but could be between Arbil and Kirkuk.

12. A. FALKENSTEIN and W. VON SODEN, Sumerische und Akkadische Hymnen und Gebete, Stuttgart, 1953, pp. 114 – 19; J. KLEIN, The Royal Hymns of Shulgi, King of Ur, Philadelphia, 1981.

13. SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY and R. P. S. MOOREY, Ur of the Chaldees, pp. 163 – 74.

14. Ur-Nammu had married one of his sons with the daughter of Apil-kin, king of Mari (M. CIVIL, RA, LVI (1962), p. 213.

15. T. B. JONES and J. W. SNYDER, Sumerian Economic Texts from the Third Ur Dynasty, Minneapolis, 1961, pp. 280 – 310; J. P. GREGOIRE, Archives Administratives Sumériennes, Paris, 1970, pp. 61 – 2 and 201 – 2.

16. On this institution, cf. W. HALLO, ‘A Sumerian amphictyony’, JCS, XIV (1960), pp. 88 – 114.

17. P. MICHALOWSKI, ‘Foreign tribute to Sumer during the Ur III period‘, ZA, LXVIII (1978), pp. 34 – 49.

18. These texts have been and are still being published in a wide variety of periodicals. So far, there is no global study on the subject, but much information can be drawn from the books cited in note 15 above.

19. E. SOLLBERGER; ‘L'opposition au pays de Sumer et d'Akkad’ in A. FINET (ed.), La Voix de l'Opposition en Mésopotamie, Bruxelles, 1973, pp. 29 – 30.

20. H. LIMET, Le Travail du Métal au Pays de Sumer au Temps de la Troisième Dynastie d'Ur, Paris, 1960.

21. H. WAETZOLDT, Untersuchungen zur neusumerischen Textilindustrie, Roma, 1972.

22. On this controversial subject, see: M. A. POWELL, ‘Sumerian merchants and the problem of profits’, Iraq, XXXIX (1977), pp. 23 – 9; D. C. SNELL, ‘The activities of some merchants of Umma, ibid., pp. 45 – 50; H. LIMET, ‘Les schémas du commerce néosumér-ien’, ibid., pp. 51 – 8.

23. I. J. GELB, ‘Prisoners of war in early Mesopotamia’, JNES, XXII (1973), pp. 70 – 98.

24. I. J. GELB, ‘The ancient Mesopotamian ration system’, JNES, XXIV (1965), pp. 230 – 41.

25. M. CIVIL, ‘Shu-Sin's historical inscriptions: collection B’, JCS, XXI (1967), pp. 24 – 38; W. W. HALLO, in RAH, XXXVI (1978), p. 79.

26. A. UNGNAD, article ‘Datenlisten’ in RLA, II, p. 144; IRSA, p. 52. This in fact was a wall, 275 kilometres long, which linked the Euphrates to the Tigris somewhere north of modern Baghdad.

27. On the Amorites generally, see: K. M. KENYON; Amorites and Canaanites, London, 1963; G. BUCCELLATI, The Amorites of the Ur III period, Napoli, 1963; A. HALDAR, Who were the Amorites?, Leiden, 1971; M. LIVERANI, ‘The Amorites’ in D. J. WISEMAN (ed.), Peoples of Old Testament Times, Oxford, 1972, pp. 101 – 33.

28. E. CHIERA, Sumerian Epics and Myths, Chicago 1934, Nos 58 and 112.

29. E. CHIERA, Sumerian Texts of Varied Contents, Chicago, 1934, No. 3.

30. On the reign of Ibbi-Sin and the fall of Ur, see: T. JACOBSEN, ‘The reign of Ibbi-Suen’, JCS, VII (1953), pp. 36 – 44; E. SOLLBERGER, article ‘Ibbi-Sin’ in RLA, V, pp. 1 – 8; J. VAN DIJKE, ‘Ishbi-Erra, Kindattu, l'homme d'Elam et la chute de la ville d'Ur’, JCS, XXX (1978), pp. 189 – 207.

31. S. N. KRAMER, ‘Lamentation over the destruction of Ur’ ANET, pp. 455 – 63. There is also a lamentation over the destruction of Sumer and Ur (ibid., pp. 611–19) and fragmentary lamentations over the destruction of Nippur, Uruk and Eridu; cf. S. N. KRAMER, ‘The weeping goddess: Sumerian prototype of the Mater Dolorosa’, Biblical Archaeologist, 1983, pp. 69 – 80.

Chapter 11

1. On the socio-economic conditions of Mesopotamia in that period, see: A. L. OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia, Chicago, 1964, pp. 74 – 125, and C. J. GADD in CAH, II, 1, pp. 190 – 208. Numerous articles have been published on the subject.

2. W. F. LEEMANS, The Old Babylonian Merchant, Leiden, 1950; Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, Leiden, 1960.

3. F. R. KRAUS, ‘The role of temples from the third dynasty of Ur to the first Babylonian dynasty’, Cahiers d'Histoire Mondiale, I, 1954, p. 535.

4. Isin is Ishan Bahriyat, 25 kilometres south of Nippur. German excavations started in 1973 are still in progress. First final reports: B. HROUDA, Isin-Ishan Bahriyat, I and II, Münnchen, 1977, 1981. Larsa is Senkereh, 48 kilometres north of Nasriyah and not far from Uruk. French excavations in progress since 1968. Interim reports by J. C. MARGUERON, then J. L. HUOT in Sumer, XXVII (1971) ff. and Syria, XLVII (1970) ff. Also see: J. L. HuoT (ed.), Larsa et 'Oueili, Travaux de 1978 – 1981, Paris, 1983.

5. W. P. H. ROMER, Sumerische ‘Königshymnen’ der Isin-Zeit, Leiden, 1965. A list of these hymns has been published by W. W. HALLO in Bi. Or., XXIII (1966), pp. 239 – 47.

6. A. L. OPPENHEIM, ‘The seafaring merchants of Ur’, JAOS, LXXIV (1954), pp. 6 – 17.

7. S. N. KRAMER, ‘The Lipit-Ishtar Lawcode’ in ANET, pp. 159 – 61. E. SZLECHTER, ‘Le code de Lipit-Ishtar’, RA, LI (1957), pp. 57 – 82; 177 – 96, and RA, LII (1958), pp. 74 – 89.

8. On the substitute King, cf.: H. FRANKFORT, Kingship and the Gods, Chicago, 1955, pp. 262 – 5. J. BOTTERO, ‘Le substitut royal et son sort en Mésopotamie ancienne’, Akkadica, IX (1978), pp. 2 – 24.

9. A. K. GRAYSON, ABC, p. 155.

10. Marad is Wanna es-Sa'dun, 24 kilometres north of Diwaniya. On these small Amorite kingdoms, see: D. O. EDZARD, Die Zweite Zwischenzeit Babyloniens, Wiesbaden, 1957.

11. H. FRANKFORT, SETON LLOYD, TH. JACOBSEN, The Gimilsin Temple and the Palace of the Rulers at Tell Asmar, Chicago, 1940, pp. 116 – 200. Also see D. O. EDZARD, op. cit., pp. 71 – 4; 118 – 21; 162 – 7.

12. E. SZLECHTER, Les Lois d'Eshnunna, Paris, 1954; A. GOETZE, The Laws of Eshnunna, New Haven, 1956; ANET, pp. 161 – 3.

13. TAHA BAQIR, Tell Harmal, Baghdad, 1959. The texts from Tell Harmal have been published in Sumer, VI (1950) to XIV (1958) and in JCS, XIII (1959) to XXVII (1975).

14. Assur (Qal'at Sherqat) was excavated by a German expedition under W. ANDRAE between 1903 and 1914. Final reports were published in the WVDOG collection until the middle fifties. For a condensed account of the results, cf. W. ANDRAE, Das widererstandene Assur (2nd edition revised by B. HROUDA), München, 1977.

15. A. POEBEL, ‘The Assyrian King List from Khorsabad’, JNES, I (1942), pp. 247 – 306; 460 – 95. A similar list has been published by I. J. GELB in JNES, XIII (1954), pp. 209 – 30. On these lists, see: F. R. KRAUS, Könige, die in Zelton wohnten, Amsterdam, 1965, and H. LEWY in CAH, I, 2, pp. 743 – 52.

16. On the beginnings of the Assyrian kingdom, see D. OATES, Studies in the Ancient History of Northern Iraq, London, 1968, pp. 19 – 41.

17. The inscriptions of the early kings of Assyria have been published in ARI, I, pp. 4 – 18 and in RIMA, I, pp. 14 – 46.

18. On the palace, see: J. MARGUERON, ‘L'architecture de la fin du IIIe millénaire à Mari’ in Miscellanea Babylonica, Paris, 1985, pp. 211 – 22. On the history: J. M. DURAND, ‘La situation historique des shakkanakku: nouvelle approche’, MARI, 4, 1985, pp. 147 – 72.

19. D. CHARPIN, J. M. DURAND, ‘“Fils de Sim'al”: les origines tribales des rois de Mari’, RA, LXXX (1986), pp. 141 – 83.

20. G. DOSSIN, ‘L’inscription de fondation de Iahdun-Lim, roi de Mari, Syria, XXXII (1955), pp. 1 – 28.

21. D. CHARPIN, in Miscellanea Babylonica, pp. 60 – 61.

22. Tell Leilan, excavated by a team of Yale University since 1979, has yielded a super temple with spiral columns and a large building containing tablets and cylinder-seals. Latest interim report in AJA, XCXIV (1990), pp. 529 – 81. Also see. H. WEISS, ‘Tell Leilan and Shubat-Enlil’, MARI, 4, pp. 269 – 92.

23. M. T. LARSEN, in RA, XLVIII (1974), p. 16. This opinion is shared by D. CHARPIN and J. M. DURAND.

24. The 20,000 odd tablets (most, but not all letters) which form the royal archives of Mari are published in transliteration and translation as Archives Royales de Mari (ARMT), Paris, 1950 ff. In 1991, this series, not yet completed, had twenty-six volumes. Many other texts or studies are published separately in MARI (= Mari, Annales de Recherches Interdisciplinaires); Paris, created in 1982 (seven volumes published), and in other periodicals such as RA, Iraq, Syria, etc.

25. ARMT, I, 124. The three quotations that follow are taken from ARMT (volume and number), IV, 70; I, 61 and I, 69 respectively.

26. J. R. KUPPER, Les Nomades en Mésopotamie au temps des Rois de Mari, Paris, 1957.

27. Qatna, modern Mishrifeh, 18 kilometres north-east of Horns, was excavated by the French between 1924 and 1929: R. DU MESNIL DU BUISSON, Le Site Archéologique de Mishrifé-Qatna, Paris, 1935.

28. ARMT, V, 6.

29. ARMT, IV, 88.

30. Inscription of Samsi-Addu in ARI, I, p. 26.

31. BAHIJA KHALIL ISMAIL, ‘Eine Siegesstele des Konigs Dadusa von Esnunna’, in W. MEID and H. TRENKWALDER, Im Bannkreis des Alten Orients, Innsbruck, 1986, pp. 105 – 8.

32. ARMT, I, 93; IV, 5, 14.

33. ARMT, V, 56.

Chapter 12

1. For example the head of Hammurabi (?) at the Louvre Museum and the top of the stele with Hammurabi's ‘Code of Laws’ (A. PARROT, Sumer, 1981, figs. 282 and 280 respectively).

2. Illustrations corresponding to these examples can be found in A. PARROT, op. cit., pp. 257 – 98.

3. W. G. LAMBERT, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, Oxford, 1960, p. 10.

4. T. JACOBSEN, The Treasures of Darkness, New Haven, 1976, p. 147.

5. W. G. LAMBERT, op. cit. above.

6. On the reign in general, see: TH. DE LIAGRE BOHL, ‘King Hammurabi of Babylon in the setting of his time’, in Opera Minora, Leiden, 1953, pp. 339 – 63; H. SCHMÖKEL, Hammurabi von Babylon, Oldenbourg, 1958; H. KLENGEL, Hammurapi von Babylon und seine Zeit, Berlin, 1976; C. J. GADD in CAH, II, 1, pp. 176 – 220.

7. The date-formulae of Hammurabi are given in German translation by UNGNAD in RLA, II, pp. 178 – 82. English translation by A. L. OPPENHEIM in ANET, pp. 269 – 71. It has been suggested that in these first campaigns Hammurabi acted as ally, or even as vassal of Shamshi-Adad of Assyria (C. J. GADD, CAH, II, 1, p. 177).

8. D. CHARPIN, J. M. DURAND, ‘La prise du pouvoir par Zimri-Lim’ in MARI, 4, 1985, pp. 318 – 19.

9. On a recently published seal of Zimri-Lim, this king calls himself ‘son of Hadni-Addu’ (MARI, 4, pp. 336 – 8), This does not necessarily mean that his true father was not Iahdun-Lim, as Zimri-Lim might have been adopted by Hadni-Addu (otherwise unknown) when he was in exile.

10. B. LAFONT, ‘Les filles du roi de Mari, in J. M. DURAND (ed.), La Femme dans le Proche-Orient Antique, Paris, 1987, pp. 113 – 25.

11. A. T. CLAY, The Empire of the Amorites, New Haven, 1919, p. 97.

12. L. KING, The Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi, London, 1900 – 1902; F. THUREAU-DANGIN, ‘La correspondance de Hammurabi avec Shamash-hasir’, RA XXI (1924), pp. 1 – 58.

13. D. O. EDZARD, The Near East, New York, 1967, pp. 213 – 14; R. HARRIS, Ancient Sippar, Leiden, 1975, pp. 39 – 142; N. YOFFEE, The Economic Role of the Crown in the Old Babylonian Period, Malibu, Calif., 1977, p. 148; R. HARRIS, ‘On the process of secularization under Hammurabi’, JCS, XV (1961), pp. 117 – 20.

14. Code of Hammurabi, Prologue, I, 1 – 30. Marduk, in Sumerian AMAR-UTU, ‘bullock of the Sun-god’ seems to have been a solar deity of minor rank. Although the patron god of Babylon, the capital-city of the first great Babylonian kingdom, he did not figure at the head of the pantheon until the second half of the second millennium B. C. See: H. SCHMÖKEL, ‘Hammurabi und Marduk’, RA, LIII (1959), pp. 183 – 204.

15. The Code of Hammurabi has been translated into several languages and copiously commented. The most recent English translations are in ANET, pp. 163 – 80 (TH. J. MEEK) and in G. R. DRIVER and G. C. MILES, Babylonian Laws, Oxford, 1955 – 6. Vol. I: Legal Commentary; vol. II: Translation and Philological Commentary.

16. G. R. DRIVER and G. C. MILES, Babylonian Laws, pp. 48 ff.; F. R. KRAUS, ‘Ein zentrales Problem des altmesopotamischen Rechtes: was ist der Codex Hammu-rabi?’, Genava, VIII (1960), pp. 283 – 96; J. J. FINKELSTEIN, ‘Ammisaduqa's edict and the Babylonian “Law Codes”’, JCS, XV (1961), pp. 91 – 104; D. J. WISEMAN, ‘The Laws of Hammurabi again’, JSS, VII (1962), pp. 161 – 72.

17. Part of the stele was erased in antiquity, resulting in the loss of five to seven columns of text and approximately thirty-five laws. Fragments of the Code on clay tablets help fill the gap.

18. E. A. SPEISER, ‘Mushkênum’, Orientalia, XXVII (1958), pp. 19 – 28. The mushkênum is already mentioned in the Laws of Eshnunna, §§ 12, 13, 24, 34, 50.

19. The Babylonian marriage was essentially a contract (CH, § 128). Before the ceremony, the future husband presented his father-in-law with a ‘bridal gift’ (terhatum), and the bride's father gave her a dowry (sheriqtum) of which she had perpetual possession.

20. Neither the Laws of Eshnunna nor the Sumerian Laws (Ur-Nammu, Lipit-Ishtar) mention the ilkum which might have been introduced by Hammurabi as a political measure. Note, however, that the absence of this institution in these Law Codes could be due to the fact that they are not so well preserved as the Code of Hammurabi.

21. Code of Hammurabi, Epilogue, xxiv, 30 – 59 (transl. TH. J. MEEK).

Chapter 13

1. H. W. F. SAGGS, Everyday Life in Babylonia and Assyria, London, 1965; S. DALLEY Mari and Karana, Two Old Babylonian Cities, London, 1984, pp. 50 – 111.

2. On Shimshara: J. LASSØE, The Shemshara Tablets, a Preliminary Report, Copenhagen, 1959; People of Ancient Assyria, London, 1963. Tell al-Rimah lies 60 kilometres west of Mosul. British excavations from 1964 to 1971. Preliminary reports in Iraq, XVII (1965) to XXIV (1972). Summary by D. os in J. CURTIS (ed.), Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London, 1983, pp. 86 – 98. The identification of this mound as ancient Karana is debated. Archives published by S. DALLEY, C. B. F. WALKER and J. D. HAWKINS: The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell al-Rimah, London, 1976.

3. Street chapels of PA.SAG, Ninshubur and unidentified minor gods at Ur: SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY, AJ, X (1930), pp. 368 – 72; Excavations at Ur, pp. 190 – 92; D. J. WISEMAN, ‘The goddess Lama at Ur’, Iraq, XXII (1960), pp. 166 – 71; SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY, SIR MAX MALLOWAN and T. C. MITCHELL (ed.), Ur Excavations: The Old Babylonian Period (UE VII), London, 1976.

4. Examples: temple of Hani and Nisaba at Tell Harmal, Sumer, II (1946), pp. 23 – 4; temple of Ishtar-Kititum at Ischâli, IOC, XX (1936), pp. 74 – 98.

5. The principal temples in that period are those of Ischâli, Assur, Tell Leilan, Tell al-Rimah and Larsa, and the temple of the goddess Ningal at Ur. General view in E. HEINRICH, Die Tempel und Heiligtümer im alten Mesopotamien, Berlin, 1982.

6. For details on temples and cults, apart from general books on Mesopotamian religion, see: Le Temple et le Culte, compte-rendu de la XXe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 1972.

7. R. S. ELLIS, Foundation Deposits in Ancient Mesopotamia, New Haven and London, 1967.

8. On the difficult subject of Mesopotamian music, as reconstructed from Hurrian tablets of ‘score’, see: D. WULSTAND, Music and Letters, LII (1971), pp. 365 – 82; A. KILMER, RA, LXVIII (1974), pp. 69 – 82; M. DUCHESNE-GUILLEMIN, ‘Déchiffrement de la musique babylonienne’, Academia dei Lincei, Roma, 1977, pp. 1–25.

9. The studies on Neo-Sumerian feasts published by H. SAUREN and H. LIMET in Actes de la 17ème Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Ham-sur-Heure, Belgium, 1970, pp. 11 – 29 and 59 – 74, would probably apply to the Old Babylonian period with minor changes.

10. F. THUREAU-DANGIN, Rituels Accadiens, Paris, 1907, p. 10 ff. (Cf. ANET, pp. 334 – 8.) This ritual dates, in fact, to the Hellenistic period, but it certainly reproduces a much older original.

11. The fundamental study on priests in the Old Babylonian period is that of J. RENGER, ‘Untersuchungen zum Priestertum der altbabylonischen Zeit’, ZA, XXIV (1967), pp. 110 – 98; XXV (1969), pp. 104 – 230.

12. See: R. HARRIS, article ‘Hierodulen’ in RLA, IV, pp. 151 – 5; J. BOTTERO, article Homosexualitat' in RLA, IV, pp. 459 – 68.

13. R. HARRIS, The naditu woman’. in Studies presented to A. L. Oppenheim, Chicago, 1964, pp. 106 – 35, and Ancient Sippar, Leiden, 1975, pp. 305 – 12.

14. The priests received part of the offerings and of the animals sacrificed in proportions fixed by royal decree. See, for instance, the stone-tablet of Nabû-apal-iddina, King of Babylon, in BBS, pp. 120 – 27.

15. A. PARROT, Mission Archéologique à Mari, III, Le Palais, 3 vol., Paris, 1958 – 9. J. MARGUERON, Recherches sur les Palais Mésopotamiens de l'Age du Bronze, Paris, 1982, pp. 209 – 380. Three other palaces are known for that period: Sin-kashid's palace at Uruk, the palace of the kings of Eshnunna at Tell Asmar and the palace at Tell al-Rimah. All three figures in Margueron, op. cit.

16. H. VINCENT, Revue Biblique (1939), p. 156.

17. G. DOSSIN, Syria, XVIII (1937), pp. 74 – 5.

18. A. PARROT, Le Palais, II; Sumer, fig. 254 – 9; B. PIERRE, ‘Décor peint à Mari et au Proche-Orient’, MARI, 3, Paris, 1984.

19. A. PARROT, Mari, une Ville Perdue, Paris, 1938, p. 161.

20. J. BOTTERO, article ‘Küche’ in RLA, VI, pp. 277 – 98. ‘La plus vieille cuisine du monde’, L'Histoire (Paris), XLIX (1982), pp. 72 – 82.

21. ARMT, I, 64; IV, 79.

22. Modern Tell Ashara, on the Euphrates, 72 kilometres north of Mari. American excavations are in progress. Preliminary reports in Syro-Mesopotamian Studies, Malibu, Calif., since 1977.

23. ARMT, III, 62.

24. G. DOSSIN, ‘Une révélation du dieu Dagan à Terqa’, RA, XLII (1948), pp. 125 – 34.

25. A town on the lower Khabur, probably Tell Fedain.

26. Examples taken from ARMT, II, 106; VI, 43; I, 89; II, 112 respectively.

27. This was the usual opening sentence for letters. The sender spoke to the scribe who was to read the letter to the addressee.

28. SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY, UE, VII, pp. 12 – 39; 95 – 165; Ur of the Chaldees, London, 1982, pp. 191 – 213.

29. C. J. GADD, ‘Two sketches from the life at Ur’, Iraq, XXV (1963), pp. 177 – 88.

30. For details, see: H. W. F. SAGGS, Everyday Life in Babylonia and Assyria; On house furniture and equipment: A. SALONEN, Die Möbel der alten Mesopotamien, Helsinki, 1963; Die Hausgeräte der alten Mesopotamien, Helsinki, 1965 – 6.

31. On Mesopotamian schools, pupils and teachers, see: C. J. GADD, Teachers and Students in the oldest Schools, London, 1956; A. W. SJOBERG, ‘Der Vater und sein missratener Sohn’, JCS, XXV (1973), pp. 105 – 19; ‘The Old Babylonian Eduba’ inSumero-logical Studies in Honor of Thorkild Jacobsen, Chicago, 1976, pp. 158 – 79.

31. AJ, XI (1931), pp. 364 – 6. Excavations at Ur, pp. 186 – 7.

32. A. L. OPPENHEIM, JAOS, 74 (1954), PP. 15, 17; W. F. LEEMANS, The Old Babylonian Merchant, Leiden, 1950, pp. 78 – 95; Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Period, Leiden, 1960, pp. 121 – 3 and 136 – 9.

Chapter 14

1. As can be expected, there is a vast literature on the Indo-Europeans. For a general view of the subject, see R. A. CROSS-AND, ‘Immigrants from the North’, CAH, I, 2, pp. 824 – 76; G. CARDONA, H. M. HOENIGSWALD and A. SENN (ed.), Indo-European and Indo-Europeans, Philadelphia, 1970, J. P. MALLORY, In Search of the Indo-Europeans, London, 1989.

2. V. G. CHILDE, The Dawn of European Civilization, London, 1957; P. BOSCH-GIMPERA, Les Indo-Européens: Problémes Archéologiques, Paris, 1961; M. GIMBUTAS, Bronze Age Cultures in Central and Eastern Europe, The Hague, 1965.

3. According to C. RENFREW, Before Civilization, Harmondsworth, 1976, the development of metallurgy in the Balkans was independent of Asiatic influences.

4. J. L. CASKEY, CAH, I, 2, pp. 786 – 8, and II, 1, pp. 135 – 40; cf. M. I. FINLEY, Early Greece: the Bronze and Archaic Ages, London, 1970.

5. See J. CHADWICK, The Decipherment of Linear B, Cambridge, 1959. See also: S. DOW and J. CHADWICK, CAH, I, 1, pp. 582 – 626.

6. On the Minoan civilization, cf. F. MATZ in CAH, I, 1, pp. 141 – 64 and 557 – 81. See also: S. HOOD, The Minoans: Crete in the Bronze Age, London, 1971, and N. PLATON, Crete, London, 1971.

7. SIR MORTIMER WHEELER, ‘The Indus civilization’, CAH (Supplementary Volume), 2nd ed., Cambridge, 1960; Civilization of the Indus Valley and Beyond, London, 1966.

8. G. F. DALES, ‘Civilizations and floods in the Indus Valley’, Expedition, VII (1965), pp. 10 – 19; J. P. AGRAWAL and S. KUSUM-GAR, Prehistoric Chronology and Radiocarbon Dating in India, London, 1974.

9. J. MELLAART, Çatal Hüyük: a Neolithic Town in Anatolia, London, 1967; The Neolithic of the Near East, London, 1975, pp. 98 – 111.

10. R. J. and L. S. BRAIDWOOD, Excavations in the Plain of Antioch, I, Chicago, 1960; M. J. MELLINK, ‘The prehistory of Syro-Cilicia’, Bi.Or., XIX (1962), pp. 219 – 26.

11. J. MELLAART, ‘Anatolia c. 4000 – 2300 B.C.’, CAH, I, 2, pp. 363 – 416.

12. P. GARELLI, Les Assyriens en Cappadoce, Paris, 1963; L. L. ORLIN, Assyrian Colonies in Cappadocia, The Hague/Paris, 1970; M. T. LARSEN, Old Assyrian Caravan Procedures, Istanbul, 1967; The Old Assyrian City-State and its Colonies, Copenhagen, 1976; K. R. VEEN-HOF, Aspects of Old Assyrian Trade and its Terminology, Leiden, 1977.

13. On the Hittites generally, see: O. R. GURNEY, The Hittites, London, 1980; J. G. MACQUEEN, The Hittites and their Contemporaries in Asia Minor, London, 1986.

14. On the Hurrians generally, see: I. J. GELB, Hurrians and Subarians, Chicago, 1944; F. IMPARATI, I Hurriti, Firenze, 1964; G. WILHELM, The Hurrians, Warminster, 1989. Also see the articles published in RHA, XXXVI (1978) and in Problémes Concernant les Hurrites, 2 vol., Paris, 1977 – 84.

15. Alalah is modern Tell Atchana, between Aleppo and Antioch. British excavations in 1936 – 9: SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY, Alalah, London, 1955; A Forgotten Kingdom, 2nd ed., Harmondsworth, 1959. Texts published by D. J. WISEMAN, The Alalah Tablets, London, 1953.

16. The ancient town of Gasur, re-baptized Nuzi by the Hurrians, is Yorgan Tepe, 13 kilometres south-west of Kirkuk. American excavations from 1925 to 1931: R. F. S. STARR, Nuzi: Report on the Excavations at Yorgan Tepe, near Kirkuk, Cambridge, Mass., 1937 – 9. Bibliography on texts from Nuzi in M. DIETRICH, O. LORETZ and W. MAYER; Nuzi Bibliography, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1972. Recent studies in M. A. MORRISON and D.I. OWEN (eds), Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians, Winona Lake, Ind., 1981.

17. A. J. TOBLER, Excavations at Tepe Gawra, II, Philadelphia, 1950; Tell Billa (Assyrian Shibbaniba), near Bashiqa (16 kilometres north-east of Mosul), was also excavated by the Americans from 1930 to 1933. Reports in BASOR, Nos. 40 to 60. The Hurrian level has yielded houses and pottery, but no texts.

18. On horses in the Near East, see. A. SALONEN, Hippologica Accadica, Helsinki, 1956; A. KAMMENHUBER, Hippologica Hethitica, Wiesbaden, 1961; J. A. H. POTRATZ, Die Pferdestrensen des alten Orients, Roma, 1966.

19. K. KENYON, Archaeology in the Holy Land, London, 1960; J. MELLART, Earliest Civilizations in the Near East, pp. 22 – 46 and 57 – 62; The Neolithic of the Near East, pp. 227 – 43. See also the chapters by J. MELLAART, M. E. L. MALLOWAN andR. DE VAUX in CAH, I, I, pp. 264 – 70, 282 – 4, 413 – 21, and CAH, I, 2, pp. 208 – 37.

20. Syria: H. KLENGEL, Geschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausend v.u.Z, 3 vol., Berlin, 1965 – 70; Geschichte und Kultur Altsyriens, Wien-München, 1980. Palestine: R. DE VAUX, Histoire Ancienne d'Israël des Origines á l'Installation en Canaan, Paris, 1971. Egypt: A. H. GARDINER, Egypt of The Pharaohs, Oxford, 1961.

21. Ugarit (modern Ras Shamra) lies about 10 kilometres north of the Syrian port of Lattaqieh. French excavations since 1928. Preliminary reports in Syria, 1929 ff. and AAAS, 1951 ff. Short synthesis in Ras Shamra 1929 – 1979, Lyons, 1979. Also see: G. SAADE, Ougarit, Métropole Cananéenne, Beirut 1979.

22. W. A. WARD, ‘Egypt and the East Mediterranean in the early second millennium B.C.’, Orientalia, XXX (1961), pp. 22 – 45, 129 – 55.

23. W. F. ALBRIGHT, The Archaeology of Palestine, Harmondsworth, 1954, p. 80.

24. R. DE VAUX, op. cit., pp. 245 – 53, with discussion on the date of Abraham's entry into Palestine.

25. J. BOTTERO, Le Problèmes des Habiru à la 4ème Rencontre Assyri-ologique Internationale, Paris, 1954; M. GREENBERG, The Hab/piru, New Haven, 1955. See also: J. BOTTERO, ‘Habiru’, RLA, IV (1972), pp. 14 – 27.

Chapter 15

1. N. YOFEE, The Economic Role of the Crown in the Old Babylonian Period, Malibu, Calif., 1977, pp. 143 – 51; J. RENGER in E. LIPINSKI (ed.), State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East, I, Leuven, 1979, p. 252.

2. J. BOTTERO, ‘Désordre économique et annulation de dettes en Mésopotamie à l'époque paléo-babylonienne’, JESHO, IV (1961), pp. 113 – 64.

3. MCG. GIBSON, ‘Violation of fallow and engineered disaster in Mesopotamian civilization’ in T. E. DOWNING and MCG. GIBSON (ed.), Irrigation Impact on Society, Tucson, Ariz., 1974, pp. 7 – 19.

4. The main sources for the period are the royal inscriptions (IRSA, pp. 220 – 9), the year-names published by A. UNGNAD in RLA, II, pp. 182 – 92 and by B. E. MORGAN in Manchester Cuneiform Studies, II (1952), pp. 31 ff, 44 ff., and III (1953), pp. 56 ff., 72 ff. and 76 ff., and the Babylonian chronicle published by KING, Chronicles, II, pp. 15 – 24. On the period in general, cf. C. J. GADD in CAH, II, 1, pp. 220 – 4, and M. STOL, Studies in Old Babylonian History, Istanbul, 1976.

5. SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY and P. R. S. MOOREY, Ur of the Chaldees, London, 1982, p. 191; W. HINZ in CAH, II, 1, p. 266.

6. Little is known about this dynasty which, according to the Babylonian Royal Lists A and B (RLA, VI, pp. 91 – 100), had eleven kings and lasted 368 years (sic). Its capital-city, Urukug, has not yet been identified. The name of its first king can also be read Iliman.

7. Inscription of Esarhaddon, ARAB, II, § 576. Cf. ARI, I. p. 31.

8. A Kashtiliash whose name appears among the Semitic rulers of Hana is probably the same person as the second successor of Gandash who founded the Kassite dynasty outside Babylon during the reign of Samsu-iluna.

9. F. R. KRAUS, Ein Edikt des Königs Ammi-saduqa von Babylon, Leiden, 1958. Cf. J. J. FINKELSTEIN, ‘The edict of Ammisaduqa, a new text’, RA, LXIII (1969), pp. 45 – 64 and 189 – 90.

10. F. CORNELIUS, ‘Die Annalen Hattushilish I', Orientalia, XXVIII (1959) pp. 292 – 6; F. IMPARATI. and C. SAPORETTI, ‘L’autobiogra-fia di Hattushili I', Studi Classici e Orientali, XIV (1965), pp. 40 – 85.

11. Inscription of Telepinus (c. 1500 B.C.). Cf. F. HROZNY, ‘Eine Inschrift des Konigs Telepinus’, Bo.Stu, III (1919), pp. 202 – 4.

12. So far, the only synthetic studies on the Kassites are those of T. H. CARTER, Studies in Kassite History and Archaeology, Bryn Mawr, 1962 (dissertation) and of E. CASSIN in Fischer Weltgeschichte, III, Frankfurt, 1966, pp. 12 – 70. To be completed by J. A. BRINKMAN, The monarchy in the time of the Kassite dynasty' in P. GARELLI (ed.), Le Palais et la Royauté, Paris, 1974, pp. 395 – 408, and by the article ‘Kassiten’ in RLA, V, pp. 464 – 73.

13. K. BALKAN, Kassitenstudien, I, Die Sprache der Kassiten, New Haven, 1954.

14. Published by F. E. PEISER and H. WINCKLER in KB, I (1889), pp. 194 – 203. See now: A. GRAYSON, ABC, pp. 157 – 70.

15. The inscription was published by F. DELITZCH, Die Sprache der Kossäer, Leipzig, 1904. Agum states that he brought the statues ‘from the country of Hani’. Is this a scribal error for Hatti, or did the Hittites leave the statues in the country of Hańa (the region of Terqa) on their way home? On this problem see: K. JARITZ; ‘Quellen zur Geschichte der Kashshu dynasty‘, Mitteilun-gen des Instituts für Orientforschung, VI (1958), pp. 205 – 7.

16. Synchr. History, I, 1 – 17.

17. J. JORDAN, UVB, I (1930), p. 30; AAO, pp. 63 – 4, pl. 70a.

18. TAHA BAQIR, ‘Excavations at ‘Aqar Quf’, Iraq, Supplement 1944 – 5, and Iraq, VIII (1946), pp. 73 – 92.

19. See Chapter 15, note 18.

20. Most Kassite Kudurrus have been published by L. KING in Babylonian Boundary Stones, London, 1912.

21. U. SEIDL, ‘Die babylonischen Kudurru-Reliefs’, BM, IV (1968), pp. 7 – 220.

22. On these seals, see T. BERAN, ‘Die Babylonische Glyptik der Kassitenzeit‘, AfO, XVIII (1958), pp. 255 – 87, and A. LIMET, ‘Les Légendes des Sceaux Kassites’, Bruxelles, 1971. Also see D. COLLON, First Impressions, London, 1987, pp. 58 – 61.

Chapter 16

1. Details and bibliography on the events briefly described in this chapter can be found in CAH, II, particularly chapters 8, 10, 15, 17 – 20, 21 (a), 24, 25, 29, 31 and 32. Shorter accounts are available in all general histories of the ancient Near East, e.g. W. HALLO and K. SIMPSON, The Ancient Near East, a History, New York, 1971.

2. ARAB, I, § 47 – 59; ARI, I, pp. 32 – 41; Synchronistic History I, 5' – 7' (ABC, PP. 158 – 9).

3.American (1940) and German (1955 – 6) excavations at Tell Fekheriyeh, near Ras-el-‘Ain, on the Khabur, have failed to confirm the traditional identification of this site with Washukkanni. For an interesting attempt at finding that city, using neutron-activation analysis of clay from royal Mitannian letters, cf. A. DOBEL, W. J. VAN LIERE and A. A. MAHMUD, AfO, XXV (1974 – 7), pp. 259 – 64.

4. S. SMITH, The Statue of Idrimi, London, 1949. Cf. ANET, pp. 557 – 8; CAH, II, I, pp. 433 – 6. In this inscription, Idrimi recounts how he lost and recovered his throne.

5. R. S. F. STARR, Nuzi II, Cambridge (Mass.), 1937, pl. 118; H. KLENGEL, ‘Mitanni: Probleme seiner Expansion und politische Struktur’, RHA, XXXVI (1978), pp. 94 – 5.

6. Treaty between Mattiwaza and Suppiluliumas, Rev. 8 – 10. (E. WEIDNER, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien, Bo.Stu, VIII (1923), p. 39.

7. EA, 29.

8. EA, 17, 29.

9. CAH, II, 1, p. 679; O. R. GURNEY, The Hittites, London, 1980, p. 27.

10. These tablets (abbreviated EA) were found at el-Amarna (ancient Akhetaton in Egypt), the ephemeral capital-city under Amenophis IV, but they are now dispersed in various museums. They were first gathered and published by J. A. KNUDTZON, Die El-Amarna Tafeln, Leipzig, 1915: English translation: S. A. MERCER, The Tell el-Amarna Tablets, Toronto, 1939. Latest French translation: W. L. MORAN, Les Lettres d'Amarna, Paris, 1987. Apart from one letter in Hurrian and two in Hittite, they are all written in Akkadian with a few glosses in Cananaean.

11. For a general survey of the period, cf. E. CAVAIGNAC, Subbiluliuma et son Temps, Paris, 1932; K. A. KITCHEN, Suppiluliuma and the Amarna Pharaohs, Liverpool, 1962 and A. GOETZE, CAH, II, 2, pp. 1 – 20, 117 – 29 and 252 – 73.

12. EA, 7, lines 69 – 72.

13. EA, 7, lines 53 – 4.

14. EA, 14.

15. Treaty between Suppiluliumas and Mattiwaza, Rev. 50 [Bo.Stu, VIII (1923), p. 17].

16. EA, 15 – 16.

17. Synchr. Hist., I, 8 – 17. Also the so-called ‘Chronicle P‘, I, 9 – 14. (ABC, pp 159 and 172).

18. ‘Chronicle P‘, III, 10 – 19. (ABC pp. 174 – 5).

19. Cf. M. C. ASTOUR, ‘The partition of the confederacy of Mukish-Nuhashshe-Nii by Shuppiluliuma’, Orientalia, XXXVIII (1969), pp. 381 – 414.

20. Identified with Tell Kazel, north of Tripoli [M. DUNAND and N. SALIBY, AAS, VII (1957), pp. 3 – 16].

21. Qadesh is Tell Nebi Mend, in the Orontes river valley, 25 kilometres south of Horns. So far, this site has been the object of only limited excavations: M. PEZARD, Mission Archéologique à Tell Nebi Mend, Paris, 1931. On the battle of Qadesh, see: CAH, II, 2, pp. 226 – 8 and 253 – 4, with bibliography p. 952.

22. ANET, pp. 199 – 203.

23. J. FRIEDRICH, Der Alte Orient, XXIV, 3 (1925), p. 26. Cf. J. M. MUNN-RANKIN, CAH, II, 2, pp. 274 – 9.

24. ARAB, 1, § 73; ARI, I, p. 58.

25. Synchr. Hist., I, 24 – 31 (War between Adad-nirâri and Nazi-Maruttash). Cf. ABC, pp. 160 – 61.

26. ARAB, I, § 116; ARI, I, p. 82.

27. This magnificent site has been excavated by a French mission in Iran in the 1950 – 60 period. Cf. R. GHIRSHMAN et al., Tchoga-Zanbil (Dur Untash), Paris, 1966 – 70.

28. W. G. LAMBERT, ‘Three unpublished fragments of the Tukulti-Ninurta epic’, AfO, XVIII (1957 – 8), pp. 38 – 51 (gives a complete translation). Cf. E. WEIDNER, ‘Assyrischen Epen über die Kassiten-Kämpfe’, AfO, XX (1963 – 4), pp. 113 – 16. Inscriptions of Tukulti-Ninurta in ARI, I, pp. 101 – 134.

29. ARAB, I, § 145; ARI, I, pp. 119, 126.

30. Chronicle P, IV, 8 – 9 (cf. ARAB, I, § 141). Cf. ABC, p. 176.

31. Ibid., IV, 9 – 13. Kâr-Tukulti-Ninurta (modern Tukul Akir), two kilometres north of Assur, on the left bank of the Tigris, was excavated by the Germans in 1913 – 14: W. BACHMANN, MDOG, 53, pp. 41 – 57; W. ANDRAE, Das widererstandene Assur, pp. 121 – 5.

32. On the fall of the Kassite dynasty, see: D. J. WISEMAN, CAH, II, 2, p. 446 and R. LABAT, ibid., pp. 486 – 7. Contrary to K. JARITZ, op. cit., pp. 224 – 5, the Elamite king Shilhak-Inshushinak did not take part in these events, though he later campaigned in northern Iraq.

Chapter 17

1. R. D. BARNETT, ‘The Sea-Peoples’, CAH, II, 2, pp. 359 – 78. N. K. SANDARS, The Sea-Peoples, Warriors of the Ancient Mediterranean, 1250 – 1150 B.C, London, 1978; R. A. MACALISTER, The Philistines, their History and Civilization, Chicago, 1965.

2. Later, the Parsua moved to the south-western part of Iran, occupied a district in the Bakhtiari mountains close to Elam and gave it their name: Parsu(m) ash, Persia, Fars. (See. R. GHIRSHMAN, Iran, Harmondsworth, 1954, pp. 91 and 119.)

3. W. F. ALBRIGHT, From the Stone Age to Christianity, 2nd ed., New York, 1957, pp. 13 and 255. See also: O. EISSFELD, CAH, II, 2, pp. 307 – 30. This author favours a date of c. 1400 B.C. for the entry into Egypt.

4. I Kings i-ix; II Chronicles i – ix. O. EISSFELD, ‘The Hebrew Kingdom’, CAH, II, 2, pp. 537 – 605.

5. Cf. A. SCHAEFER, Ugaritica I, Paris, 1939, pp. 43 – 6; J. NOUGAYROL, ‘Guerre et paix à Ugarit’, Iraq, XXV (1963), pp. 120 – 21. M. C. ASTOUR, ‘New evidence for the last days of Ugarit’, AJA, LXIX (1965), pp. 253 – 8.

6. I Kings v. 1 – 12; vii. 13 ff.; ix. 11 – 14; II Chronicles ii. 3 – 16; iv. 11 – 18.

7. On the civilization of the Phoenicians, see: D. HARDEN, The Phoenicians, London, 1962; S. MOSCATI, The World of the Phoenicians, London, 1973; A. PARROT, M. H. CHEHAB, S. MOSCATI, Les Phéniciens, Paris, 1975.

8. On the alphabet, cf. G. R. DRIVER, Semitic Writing, Oxford, 1948; D. DIRINGER The Alphabet, London, 1948; J. G. FEVRIER, Histoire de l'Ecriture, Paris, 1948; I. J. GELB, A Study of Writing, London, 1952.

9. C. H. GORDON, Ugaritic Literature, Roma, 1949; G. R. DRIVER, Canaanite Myths and Legends, Edinburgh, 1956; ANET, pp. 130 – 55.

10. On the Neo-Hittites generally see: O. GURNEY, The Hittites, London, 1980, pp. 41 – 7; J. D. HAWKINS, article ‘Hatti, the first millennium B.C.’ in RLA, IV, pp. 152 – 9. On writing and grammar, E. LAROCHE, Les Hiéroglyphes Hittites, Paris, 1960. For a list of hieroglyphic inscriptions, see E. LAROCHE, ‘Liste des documents hiéroglyphiques‘, RHA, XXVII (1969), pp. 110 – 31.

11. SETON LLOYD, Early Anatolia, Harmondsworth, 1956, pp. 177 – 82. Good summary in the articles by I. J. GELB and M. J. MELLINK in Bi.Or., VII (1950), pp. 129 – 50.

12. J. D. HAWKINS, ‘Assyrians and Hittites’, Iraq, XXXVI (1974), pp. 67 – 83.

13. On the Aramaeans in general, cf. S. SCHIFFER, Die Aramaer, Leipzig, 1911; E. G. KRAELING, Aram and Israel, New York, 1918; R. T. O'CALLAGHAN, Aram Naharaim, Rome, 1948, pp. 93 – 130; A. DUPONT-SOMMER, Les Aramëens, Paris, 1949;A. MALAMAT ‘The Aramaeans’, in D. J. WISEMAN (ed.), Peoples of Old Testament Times, London, 1973, pp. 134 – 55.

14. Deuteronomy xxvi. 5.

15. ARAB, I, § 166.

16. S. MOSCATI, ‘The Aramaean Ahlamû’, JSS, IV (1959), pp. 303 – 7.

17. M. FREIHERR VON OPPENHEIM, Der Tell Halaf, Leipzig, 1931, pp. 71 – 198, and Tell Halaf II, Die Bauwerke, Berlin, 1950; A. MOORTGAT Tell Halaf, III, Die Bildwerke, Berlin, 1955; B. HROUDA, Tell Halaf IV, Die Kleinfunde aus historischer Zeit,Berlin, 1962.

18. P. GARELLI, ‘Importance et rôle des Araméens dans l'administration de l'empire assyrien’ in H. J. NISSEN and J. RENGER (ed.), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn, Berlin, 1982, II, pp. 437 – 47; H. TADMOR, ‘The aramaization of Assyria: aspects of western impact’, ibid., pp. 449 – 70.

19. On this and following periods, see: J. A. BRINKMAN, A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia (1158 – 722), Rome, 1968.

20. On this curious text of ‘lamentation’, see H. TADMOR, ‘Historical implications of the correct rendering of Akkadian dâku’, JNES, XVII (1958), pp. 138 – 9. Cf. CAH, II, 2, p. 501.

21. L. KING, BBS, No. VI, pp. 29 – 36.

22. W. G. LAMBERT, ‘The reign of Nebuchadnezzar I: a turning point in the history of ancient Mesopotamian religion’ in W. S. MCCULLOUGH (ed.), The Seed of Wisdom, Toronto, 1964, pp. 3 – 13.

23. ARAB, I, § 257 (Inscription of Tiglathpileser I).

24. ARAB, I, § 300 – 303; ANET, pp. 274 – 5.

25. ARAB, I, § 309. Cf. E. WEIDNER, ‘Die Feldzüge and Bauten Tiglatpilesers I, AfO, XVIII (1958), pp. 342 – 60.

26. Stone tablet of Nabû-apal-iddina (885 – 852 B.C.), Col. I, 4 – 5. (L. KING, BBS, p. 121.)

27. L. W. KING, Chronicles, II, pp. 143 – 79. Cf. in particular, the ‘Religious chronicle’ (ABC, pp. 133 – 8); some parts of the ‘Dynastic chronicle’ (ABC, pp. 139 – 44) and a fragment of Assyrian chronicle (ABC, p. 189).

28. P. GÖSSMANN, Das Erra-Epos, Würzburg, 1955; L. CAGNI, L'epopea di Erra, Rome, 1969. Cf. R. BORGER and W. G. LAMBERT, Orientalia, XXVII (1958) pp. 137 – 49.

29. ‘Religious chronicle’, III, 4 – 15 (ABC, pp. 137 – 8).

30. M. DIETRICH, Die Aramäer Südbabyloniens in der Sargonidenzeit (700 – 648), Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1970. Cf. F. MALBRAN in Journal Asiatique, Paris, 1972, pp. 15 – 38.

Chapter 18

1. Exactly since Ninurta apal-ekur (1192 – 1180 B.C.).

2. The main sources for the political history of the so-called Neo-Assyrian period are (1) the Assyrian royal inscriptions translated by D. LUCKENBILL, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (ARAB), 2 vol., Chicago, 1926–7, and, partly, by A. K. GRAYSON, Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (ARI), 2 vol., Wiesbaden, 1972 – 6; (2) the Babylonian royal inscription to be found in J. A. BRINKMAN, A Political History of Post-Kassite Babylonia (PKB), Roma, 1967: (3) the Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles translated by A. K. GRAYSON, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles (ABC), Locust Valley (New York), 1975; (4) the royal correspondence from Nineveh published by R. F. HARPER, Assyrian and Babylonian Letters belonging to the Kuyunjik Collection of the British Museum (ABL), 14 vol., London/Chicago, 1892 – 1914, and translated by LEROY WATERMAN, Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire (RCAE), 4 vol., Ann Arbor, Mich., 1930 – 36; (5) the royal correspondence from Nimrud published and translated by D. J. WISEMAN, H. W. SAGGS, J. V. KINNIER WILSON and B. PARKER in Iraq, XII (1950) to XXVIII (1966); the remarkable series State Archives of Assyria (SAA), K. DELLER et al. (ed.), 5 volumes published, Helsinki, 1987 ff.; the Old Testament, notably II Kings, II Chronicles, Prophets. For a general view of the Assyrians and Assyria, see: H. W. F. SAGGS, The Might that was Assyria, London, 1984.

3. Inscriptions of Adad-nirâri II in ARAB, I, §§ 355 – 99 and ARI, II, § 394 – 460.

4. ARAB, I, § 360; ARI, II, §§ 420, 422; Synchr. History, III, 1 – 6 (ABC, p. 166). Cf. PKB, pp. 177 – 80.

5. Synchr. History, III, 9 – 21 (ABC p. 166). Cf. PKB, pp. 180 – 82.

6. ARAB, I, § 402 – 34; ARI, II, § 464 – 88. Also see: W. SCHRAMM, ‘Die Annalen des assyrischen Konigs Tukulti-Ninurta II’, Bi. Or., XXVII (1970), pp. 147 – 60.

7. On this subject see W. G LAMBERT, ‘The reigns of Assurnasirpal II and Shalmaneser III, an interpretation’, Iraq, XXXVI (1974), pp. 103 – 6; H. TADMOR, ‘Assyria and the West: the ninth century and its aftermath’ in H. GOEDICKE and J. J. ROBERTS(ed.), Unity and Diversity, Baltimore, 1975, pp. 36 – 48; A. K. GRAYSON, ‘Studies in Neo-Assyrian history: the ninth century B.C.’, XXXIII (1976), pp. 134 – 45; M. LIVERANI, The ideology of the Assyrian empire’ in M. T. LARSEN (ed.), Power and Propaganda, Copenhagen, 1979, pp. 297 – 317; J. READE, Ideology and propaganda in Assyrian Arts', ibid., pp. 329 – 43.

8. D. G. HOGARTH, The Ancient Near East, London, 1950, p. 25.

9. It was only in the Middle-Assyrian period (XIII – XIth centuries) that Ashur became a dominant war god. In an Assyrian version of the Epic of Creation (enuma elish), he replaces Marduk at the second rank of the Mesopotamian pantheon.

10. F. M. FALES; ‘The enemy in the Neo-Assyrian inscriptions: the “moral judgement”’, in H. J. NISSEN and J. RENGER (ed.), Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn, Berlin, 1982, II, pp. 425 – 35.

11. ARAB, I, § 466, 501 – 2; ARI, II, §§ 574, 641. The talent (biltu) was about 33 kilos and the gur, about 70 litres.

12. See A. T. OLMSTEAD, History of Assyria, New York, 1923, pp. 530 – 32.

13. J. N. POSTGATE, Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire, Rome, 1974, pp. 201 – 2.

14. AAO, pl. 82; A. PARROT, Assur, Paris, 1961, pls. 22 – 3.

15. Inscriptions of Ashurnasirpal in ARAB, I, §§ 436 – 552, ARI, II §§ 529 – 869. Also: E. MICHEL, ‘Die Texte Assur-nasir-aplis II’, Die Welt der Orient II (1954), pp. 313 – 21, 404 – 7.

16. ARAB, I, § 443. ARI, II, § 587.

17. ANET, p. 276; ARAB, I, §§ 479, 518; ARI, II, § 586.

18. Tushhan is Kurkh, twenty miles south of Diarbakr. Kar-Ashurnasirpal and Nibarti-Ashur, facing each other on either side of the Euphrates, are probably Zalabiyah and Halabiyah, between Raqqa and Deir-ez-Zor.

19. ARAB, I, §§ 443, 445, 472; ARI, II, §§ 547, 549, 579.

20. For a reappraisal of Assyrian ‘cruelty’, see H. W. F. SAGGS, ‘Assyrian prisoners of war and the right to live’, AfO, Beiheft 19 (1982), pp. 85 – 93. Also see the remarks of A. T. OLMSTEAD, ‘The calculated frightfulness of Ashur-nasir-apal‘, JAOS, XXXVIII (1918), pp. 209 – 63.

21. ARAB, I, § 489; ARI, II, § 653.

22. A. H. LAYARD, Nineveh and its Remains, London, 1849; Nineveh and Babylon, London, 1882.

23. British excavations from 1949 to 1963. Preliminary reports in Iraq, XII (1950) to XXV (1963). Final report: M. E. L. MALLOWAN, Nimrud and its Remains, 2 vol., London, 1966. Summaries in M. E. L. MALLOWAN, Twenty-five Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London, 1956, pp. 45 – 78, and in J. CURTIS (ed.), Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London, 1982, pp. 99 – 112. Polish excavations from 1972 to 1982. Summarized by R. SOBOLEwSKI in ZA, LXXI (1982), pp. 248 – 73. Iraqi restorations and excavations since 1970.

24. D. J. WISEMAN, ‘A new stele of Assur-nasir-pal’, Iraq, XIV (1952), pp. 23 – 39.

25. AAO, pl. 93.

26. D. OATES ‘Fort Shalmaneser. An interim report‘, Iraq, XXI (1959), pp. 98 – 129; ‘The excavations at Nimrud‘, 1960, Iraq, XXIII (1961), pp. 1 – 14, J. LAESSØE, ‘A statue of Shalmaneser III, from Nimrud‘, Iraq, XXI (1959), pp. 147 – 57.

27. H. RASSAM, Asshur and the Land of Nimrod, New York, 1897; D. OATES, ‘Balawat (Imgur-Enlil’), Iraq, XXXVI (1974), pp. 173 – 8; J. CURTIS, ‘Balawat‘, in Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, pp. 113 – 19. On the gates: L. W. KING, Bronze Reliefs from the Gates of Shalmaneser, London, 1915. Cf. AAO, pl. 91, 92; A. PARROT, Assur, pl. 121 – 9.

28. To the inscriptions published in ARAB, I, §§ 553 – 612, add now; G. G. CAMERON, ‘The annals of Shalmaneser III, a new text’, Sumer, VI (1950), pp. 6 – 26; FUAD SAFAR, ‘A further text of Shalmaneser III, Sumer, VII (1951), pp. 3 – 21; J. LAESSØE, ‘Building inscriptions from Fort Shalmaneser’, Iraq, XXI (1959), pp. 38 – 41. Poetic version of the campaign in Urartu: W. G. LAMBERT, ‘The Sultantepe tablets, VIII, Shalmaneser in Ararat’, Anatolian Studies, XI (1961), pp. 143 – 58. J. V. KINNIER WILSON, ‘The Kurba‘il statue of Shalmaneser III’, Iraq, XXIV (1962), pp. 90 – 115.

29. French excavations 1929 – 31: F. THUREAU-DANGIN and M. DUNAND, Til-Barsib, Paris, 1936.

30. ARAB, I, § 611; ANET, p. 279. Note that this is the first historical mention of the Arabs.

31. ARAB, I, § 681. Cf. II Kings viii. 7 – 15.

32. BBS, pp. 120 – 27.

33. ARAB, I, § 624. Synchr. Hist. III, 22 – 35 (ABC, p. 167).

34 A throne-base found at Nimrud shows Shalmaneser shaking hands with Marduk-zakir-shumi. Cf. D. OATES, Iraq, XXV (1963), pp. 20 – 21, and P. HULIN, ibid., pp. 48 – 69.

Chapter 19

1. Inscriptions of Shamshi-Adad V in ARAB, I, §§ 713 – 29 and in JNES, XXXII (1973), pp. 40 – 46. On the chronology of the reign, see A. K. GRAYSON in Bi.Or, XXXIII (1976), pp. 141 – 3.

2. ARAB I, § 731. The presence of this stele among those of the Assyrian kings, and the dedication, by the governor of Kalhu, of a statue for the life of Adad-nirâri and that of Sammuramat (ARAB, I, § 745) suggest that Sammuramat had a considerable power, even though it has not been proven that she exerted the regency (S. PAGE, Orientalia, XXXVIII (1969), pp. 457 – 8).

3. Among recent studies on Semiramis, see: H. LEWY, ‘Nitokris Naqui'a’, JNES, XI (1952), pp. 264 – 86; W. EILERS, Semiramis: Entstehung und Nachhall einer altorientalische Sage, Wien, 1971; G. ROUX, ‘Semiramis, la reine mystérieuse de l'Orient’,L'Histoire, LXVIII (1984), pp. 20 – 32; G. PETTINATO, Semiramide, Milano, 1985.

4. DIODORUS SICULUS, Bibl. Hist., II, 4 – 20.

5. HERODOTUS, Hist., I, 184; BEROSSUS, Babyloniaca, in Sources for the Ancient Near East. Malibu, Calif., 1978, p. 164.

6. Inscriptions of Adad-nirâri III in ARAB, I, §§ 732 – 43. For other inscriptions, see H. TADMOR, ‘The historical inscriptions of Adad-nirâri III’, Iraq, XXXV (1973), pp. 141 – 50.

7. A. R. MILLARD and H. TADMOR, ‘Adad-nirâri III in Syria’, XXXV (1973), pp. 57 – 64.

8. F. THUREAU-DANGIN, ‘Linscription des lions de Til-Barsib’, RA, XXVII (1930), pp. 1 – 21.

9. The reigns of these three kings are mostly known from the lists of eponyms (ARAB, II, § 1198).

10. ‘Eclectic chronicle, lines. 7 – 15 (ABC, pp. 182 – 3); PKB, pp. 223, 225 – 6.

11. Intermittent British excavations since 1960. Preliminary reports by SETON WILLIAMS et al., in Iraq, XXIII (1961), XXIX (1967) and XL (1978).

12. According to D. STRONACH (Iraq, XXXVI, 1974, pp. 239 – 48), the Persians migrated across the Iranian plateau and reached the north-eastern fringe of Elam soon after 700 B. C.

13. If we judge from the valuable objects found during the American excavations at Hasanlu, south of Lake Urmiah, from 1959 to 1977. For bibliography see: ‘Bibliography of the Hasanlu Project’ in L. D. LEVINE and D. W. YOUNG (ed.), Mountains and Lowlands, Malibu, Calif., 1977.

14. Among the recent books devoted to Urartu, see: C. BURNEY and D. H. LANG, The Peoples of the Hills: Ancient Ararat and Caucasus, London, 1971; B. PIOTROVSKII, Ourartou, Geneva, 1970. Origins and development: M. SALVINI, Nairi e Ur(u) atri, Roma, 1967. Inscriptions: F. KONIG, Handbuch der Chaldischen Inschriften, AfO, Beiheft 8, 1955. On art: B. PIOTROVSKII, Urartu, the Kingdom of Van and its Art, London, 1967.

15. On these titles and the organization of the peripheral Assyrian provinces, see: R. A. HENSHAW, ‘The office of shaknu in Neo-Assyrian times’, JAOS, LXXXVII (1967), pp. 717 – 25; LXXXVIII (1968), pp. 461 – 83. J. N. POSTGATE, ‘The place of theshaknu in Assyrian government’, Anatolian Studies, XXX (1980), pp. 69 – 76. J. PEČIRKOVA, ‘The administrative organization of the Neo-Assyrian empire’, Archiv Orientalni, XLV (1977), pp. 211 – 28.

16. F. MALBRAN-LABAT, L'Armée et l'Organisation Militaire de l'Assyrie, Geneva/Paris, 1982, pp. 59 – 61.

17. ARAB, I, §§ 770, 772, 795, 806.

18. On this question, see the thorough study of B. ODED, Mass Deportation and Deportees in the Neo-Assyrian Empire, Wiesbaden, 1979.

19. Inscriptions of Tiglathpileser III in ARAB, I, §§ 761 – 822. To these must be added the fragments discovered at Nimrud and published by D. J. WISEMAN in Iraq, XIII (1951); XVIII (1956) and XXVI (1964). Also see: L. D. LEVINE, Two Assyrian Stelae from Iran, Toronto, 1972, and N. POSTGATE, ‘The inscription of Tiglath-Pileser III at Mila Mergi’, Sumer, XXIX (1973), pp. 47 – 59.

20. ARAB, I, § 772; II Kings xv. 19 – 20.

21. French excavations in 1928: F. THUREAU-DANGIN et al., Arslan Tash, Paris, 1931. Cf. G. TURNER, Iraq, XXX (1968), pp. 62 – 8. Tiglathpileser III had his own palace at Nimrud.

22. R. GHIRSHMAN, Iran, Harmondsworth, 1954, p. 94.

23. Nimrud letter published by H. W. SAGGS in Iraq, XVII (1955), p. 128. Cf. M. COGAN, ‘Tyre and Tiglat-Phalazar III’, JCS, XXV (1973), pp. 96 – 9.

24. II Chronicles xxviii, 5 – 8; II kings xv, 29 – 30; xvi, 5 – 9; Cf. ANET, pp. 283 – 4.

25. The royal inscription in ARAB, I, §§ 829 – 30 is, in reality, an inscription of Esarhaddon. On the meagre sources for this reign, see PKB, p. 244.

26. Inscriptions of Sargon in ARAB, II, §§ 1 – 230. The reference edition is that of A. G. LIE, The Inscriptions of Sargon II of Assyria, I, The Annals, Paris, 1929. Add: c. J. GADD, ‘Inscribed prisms of Sargon from Nimrud’, Iraq, XVI (1954), pp. 172 – 202. The correspondence of Sargon has now been published by S. PARPOLA and G. B. LANFRANCHI in SAA, I (1987) and V (1990). On the chronology of the reign, see: H. TADMOR, ‘The campaigns of Sargon II of Assur’, JCS, XII (1958), pp. 22 – 40, 77 – 100.

27. Babyl. Chronicle I, 33 – 7. C. J. GADD, ‘Inscribed barrel cylinder of Marduk-apal-iddina II’, Iraq, XV (1983), PP. 123 – 34

28. ARAB, II, § 5; ANET, p. 285; R. BORGER, ‘Das Ende des aegyptischen Feldern Sib'e = Sô’, JNES, XIX (1960), pp. 49 – 53.

29. ARAB, II, §§ 30, 62; ANET, p. 286. Cf. H. TADMOR ibid., pp. 83 – 4.

30. RCAE, esp. Nos. 101, 123, 145, 148, 251, 380, 381, 424, 444, 515. Nimrud letters: H. W. SAGGS, Iraq, XX (1958), pp. 182 – 212.

31. F. THUREAU-DANGIN, Une Relation de la Huitiéme Campagne de Sargon, Paris, 1912. ARAB, II, §§ 139 – 89. On the so-called ‘Letters to the Gods’, see A. L. OPPENHEIM, ‘The city of Assur in 714 B.C.’, JCS, XIX (1960), pp. 133 – 47.

32. F. THUREAU-DANGIN, op. cit., p. 7.

33. French excavations in 1843 – 4 and 1852 – 4: P. E. BOTTA and E. FLANDIN, Les Monuments de Ninive, Paris, 1849 – 50; V. PLACE, Ninive et l'Assyrie, Paris, 1867 – 70. American excavations in 1930 – 5; G. LOUD, Khorsabad, Chicago, 1936 – 8.

34. ARAB, II, § 89.

35. J. A. BRINKMAN; Prelude to Empire, Philadelphia, 1984, p. 54, n. 254.

Chapter 20

1. D. D. LUCKENBILL, The Annals of Sennacherib (OIP, II), Chicago, 1924; ARAB, II, §§ 231 – 496; A. HEIDEL, ‘The octagonal prism of Sennacherib in the Iraq Museum’ Sumer, IX (1953), pp. 117 – 88; A. K. GRAYSON, ‘The Walters Art Gallery Sennacherib inscription’, AfO, XX (1963), pp. 83 – 96; J. READE, ‘Sources for Sennacherib: the prisms’, JCS, XXVII (1975), pp. 189 – 96.

2. U. CUZZOLI, I Cimmeri, Roma. 1968; A. KAMMENHUBER, article ‘Kimmerier’ in RLA, V, pp. 594 – 98.

3. RCAE, Nos 146, 197. The kingdom of Urartu survived until 590, when it was conquered by the Medes. Inscriptions of Argishti II and Rusas II, a contemporary of Ashurbanipal, have been found.

4. BEROSSUS, Babyloniaca III, 2. Cf. J. ELAYI and A. CAVAIGNAC, Oriens Antiquus, XVIII (1979), p. 70.

5. Text of this campaign in ARAB, II, §§ 233 ff. and in ANET, pp. 287–8. The capitulation of Lakish is represented on a relief from Nineveh: AAO, pl. 101.

6. II Kings xviii. 13 – xix. 34; II Chronicles xxxii. 1 – 22; Isaiah xxxvi. 1-xxxvii. 38. W. VON SODEN, ‘Sanherib vor Jerusalem, 701 B.C.’, in Festschrift Erich Stier, Munster, 1972, pp. 43 – 51.

7. II Kings xix. 35; HERODOTUS, II, 141; BEROSSUS in JOSEPHUS, Jewish Antiquities, X, i, 4 – 5.

8. See the studies by J. A. BRINKMAN, ‘Sennacherib's Babylonian problem: an interpretation’, JCS, XXV (1973), pp. 89 – 99; L. D. LEVINE, ‘Sennacherib's southern front: 704 – 869 B.C.’, JCS, XXXIV (1982), pp. 28 – 58.

9. ARAB, II, § 242.

10. ARAB, II, §§ 246 – 7, 318 – 22, 350, 353.

11. Tell ‘Umar, on the Tigris, south of Baghdad.

12. S. PARPOLA, ‘A letter from Shamash-shum-ukin to Esarhad-on’, Iraq, XXXIV (1972), pp. 21 – 34.

13. Assyrian version of the battle in ARAB, II, §§ 253 – 4. The ‘Babylonian Chronicle' (ABC, p. 80) talks of an ‘Assyrian retreat’. Hallulê is probably to be located near the lower Diyala river.

14. ARAB, II, §§ 339 – 41. The ‘Babylonian Chronicle' (ABC, pp. 80 – 81) simply says: ‘On the first day of the month of kislimu the city was taken. Mushezib-Marduk was captured and taken to Assyria’.

15. II Kings xxx. 36 – 7; ‘Babylonian Chronicle’ (ABC, p. 81); ARAB, II, § 795. See: E. G. KRAELING, ‘The death of Sennacherib’, JAOS, LIII (1933), pp. 335 – 46; S. PARPOLA, ‘The murder of Sennacherib' in B. ALSTER (ed.), Death in Mesopotamia, Copenhagen, 1980, pp. 171 – 82.

16. Nebi Yunus is built up and has hardly been touched by archaeologists. Kuyunjik has been the object of several campaigns of excavations since the pioneer work of LAYARD in 1847. For a general description of the site, cf. R. CAMPBELL THOMPSON, A Century of Exploration at Nineveh, London, 1929; T. MADHLOOM and A. M. MEHDI, Nineveh, Baghdad, 1976.

17. ARAB, II, § 366.

18. T. JACOBSEN and SETON LLOYD, Sennacherib's Aqueduct at Jerwan, Chicago, 1935; J. READE, ‘Studies in Assyrian geography I, Sennacherib and the waters of Nineveh’, RA, LXXII (1978), pp. 47 – 72 and 157 – 180.

19. W. BACHMANN, Felsreliefs in Assyrian, Leipzig, 1927; L. W. KING, ‘Some unpublished rock inscriptions of Sennacherib on the Judi-Dâgh’, PSBA, XXXV (1913), pp. 66 – 94.

20. Most of Esarhaddon's inscriptions are to be found in R. BORGER, Die Inscriften Asarhaddons, König von Assyrien, Graz, 1956. Other inscriptions have since been published, including Sumer, XII (1956), pp. 9 – 38; AfO, XVIII (1957 – 8), pp. 314 – 18;Iraq, XXIII (1961), pp. 176 – 8; XXIV (1962), pp. 116 – 17; XXVI (1964), pp. 122 – 3; JCS, XVII (1963), pp. 119 – 31.

21. ARAB, II, §§ 501 – 5; ANET, pp. 288 – 90.

22. ARAB, II, § 639 – 87. Cf. J. NOUGAYROL, AfO, XVIII (1957 – 8). On the role played by the queen Naqi'a/Nakûtu in this reconstruction, see: H. LEWY, ‘Nitokris-Naqîa’, JNES, XI (1952), pp. 264 – 86.

23. ‘Babylonian Chronicle’, II, 39 – 50; IV, 1 – 2, 9 – 10 (ABC, pp. 82 – 3); ‘Esarhaddon's Chronicle’, 10 – 11 – 35 – 37 (ABC, pp. 126 – 7).

24. On this treaty, see now: S. PARPOLA, K. WATANABE, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths (SAA, II), Helsinki, 1988, pp. 24 – 7.

25. On the Scythians generally, see: T. TALBOT RICE, The Scythians, London, 1957; B. D. GRAPOW, Die Skythen, Berlin, 1978; A. M. KHAZANOV, ‘The dawn of Scythian history’, Iranica Antiqua, XVII (1982), pp. 49 – 63.

26. A. SPALINGER, ‘Esarhaddon in Egypt’, Orientalia, XLIII (1974), pp. 295 – 306. On Egypt in that period, see: K. A. KITCHEN, The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt, Warminster, 1973.

27. A. K. IRVIN, ‘The Arabs and Ethiopians’ in D. J. WISEMAN (ed.), People of Old Testament Times, Oxford, 1973, p. 291. Texts in ARAB, II, §§ 518 – 36, 551; ANET, pp. 191 – 2.

28. ANET, p. 293. In reality, bloody battles were fought at Memphis, and the kings of the Delta remained on their throne. Statues of Taharqa and of the Egyptian goddess Anuqet have been discovered at Nineveh (Nebi Yunus). Cf. v. VIKENTIEV, Sumer, XI (1955), pp. 111 – 14; XII (1956), PP. 76 – 9.

29. D. J. WISEMAN, ‘The vassal-treaties of Esarhaddon’, Iraq, XXX, (1958), pp. 1 – 99. Cf. ANET, pp. 534 – 41. Also see SAA II, pp. 28 – 58.

30. The so-called ‘Zakûtu treaty’, SAA, II, pp. 62 – 4.

31. ARAB, II, 762 – 1129; M. STRECK, Assurbanipal, 3 vols., Leipzig, 1916. T. BAUER, Das Inschriftwerk Assurbanipals, Leipzig, 1933; A. C. PIEPKORN, Historical Prism Inscriptions of Ashurbanipal, Chicago, 1933. Other texts or fragments: W. G. LAMBERT, AfO, XVIII (1957 – 8), pp. 382 – 98; D. J. WISEMAN, Iraq, XXVI (1964), pp. 118 – 24; E. KNUDSEN, Iraq, XXIX (1967), pp. 49 – 69; A. MILLARD, Iraq, XXX (1968), pp. 98 – 114; R. BORGER, AfO, XXIII (1970), P. 90.

32. J. H. BREASTED, Ancient Records of Egypt, Chicago, 1906 – 7, IV, pp. 919 ff. Also see: A. SPALINGER, ‘Assurbanipal and Egypt: a source study’, JAOS, XCIV (1974), pp. 316 – 28.

33. ANET, pp. 294 – 5 (cf. ARAB, II, § 772).

34. Ashurbanipal (ARAB, II, §§ 784 – 5, 849, 909 – 10) says that Gyges sent him a messenger with a letter stating that he had seen the god Ashur in a dream, who had told him to ‘seize the feet of the King of Assyria and evoke his name to fight the enemy’.

35. ARAB, II, § 855.

36. HERODOTUS, II, 152.

37. AAO, pl. 114; D. FRANKEL, Ashurbanipal and the Head of Teumman, London, 1977.

38. RCAE, No. 301.

39. See the text published by KNUDSEN in Iraq, XXIX (1967), pp. 55 – 6, where mention is made of cannibalism.

40. This is the famous ‘suicide’ of Sardanapallus’, as told by DIO-DORUS SICULUS 11, 27, who confused Ashurbanipal (Sarda-napallus) with his brother. The text published by M. COGAN and H. TADMOR in Orientalia, L (1981), pp. 229 – 40 confirms that Shamash-shum-ukin died in a fire, but does not speak of suicide.

41. The belief that Kandalanu was the name taken by Ashurbanipal as King of Babylon is rejected by most scholars. Cf. J. A. BRINKMAN, Prelude to Empire, Philadelphia, 1984, pp. 105 – 6; H. W. F. SAGGS, The Might that was Assyria, pp. 114, 117.

42. Texts in ARAB, II, §§ 817 – 30, 868 – 70, 878 – 80, 940 – 43, 946 – 50, and in ANET, pp. 297 – 301. Detailed study by WEIPPERT, ‘Die Kampfe des assyrischen Königs Assurbanipal gegen die Araber’, Die Welt des Orients, VII (1973 – 4, pp. 38 – 85.

43. ANET, p. 299.

44. Good summary in W. HINZ, The Lost World of Elam, New York, 1971.

45. ARAB, II, §§ 810 – 11.

46. According to II Chronicles xxxiii. 11, the Assyrians took Manasseh, King of Judah, and ‘carried him to Babylon’. This event is not mentioned in the (incomplete) Assyrian records.

47. Nahum, 7, 15, 19.

Chapter 21

1. J. N. POSTGATE ‘The economic structure of the Assyrian empire’, in T. LARSEN (Ed.), Power and Propaganda, Copenhagen, 1979, pp. 193 – 221 (esp. pp. 194 – 217).

2. LORD BYRON, ‘The Assyrian came down like the wolf on the fold’, The Destruction of Sennacherib, canto I, line 1.

3. On this subject in general, cf. R. LABAT, Le Caractére Religieux de la Royauté Assyro-Babylonienne, Paris, 1939, and H. FRANKFORT, Kingship and the Gods, Chicago, 1948.

4. This site has been briefly excavated by Layard in 1850 and Rawlinson in 1852. Cf J. E. CURTISS and A. K. GRAYSON, Iraq, XLIV (1982), pp. 87 – 94.

5. ARAB, II, § 986.

6. A. HALLER, Die Graber und Grüfte von Assur, Berlin, 1954, pp. 170 – 80. J. McGINNIS, ‘A Neo-Assyrian text describing a royal funeral’, SAA Bulletin, I, 1, 1987, pp. 1 – 11.

7. These tombs have not yet been studied and published scientifically. To our knowledge, at the time of writing the only information available comes from newspapers and magazines.

8. H. FRANKFORT, op. cit., p. 259; Also see R. LABAT, p. cit., pp. 82 – 7; J. RENGER, article ‘Inthronization’ in RLA, V, pp. 128 – 36.

9. R. FRANKENA, Tâkultu, Leiden, 1954 (in Dutch with summary in English). J. LAEssØE, Studies on the Assyrian Ritual and Series bit rimki, Copenhagen, 1955; R. BORGER, ‘Das dritte “Haus” der Serie bit rimki’, JCS, XXI (1967), pp. 1 – 17.

10. H. FRANKFORT, op. cit., p. 259.

11. RCAE, No. 437 (R. LABAT, op. cit., p. 359; H. FRANKFORT, cit., p. 264).

12. R. CAMPBELL THOMPSON, The Reports of the Magicians and Astrolo-gers of Nineveh and Babylon, London, 1900, remains fundamental. Among studies on Mesopotamian divination and magical practices, the most penetrating is that of J. BOTTERO, ‘Symptômes, signes, ériture‘, in J. P. VERNANT et al. (eds.), Divination et Rationalité, Paris, 1974.

13. RCAE, No. 1237.

14. RCAE, No. 137.

15. J. V. KINNIER WILSON, The Nimrud Wine List, London, 1972. See also: E. KLAUBER, Assyrisches Beamtentum, Leipzig, 1910, and P. GARELLI, ‘Remarques sur l'administration de l'empire assyrien’, RA, LXVII (1974), pp. 1129 – 40. Also see Chapter 19, note 15.

16. C. PREUSSER, Die Wohnaüser in Assur, Berlin, 1955, pp. 15 – 60. G. LOUD and CH. B. ALTMAN, Khorsabad, II, Chicago, 1938.

17. J. N. POSTGATE, Neo-Assyrian Grants and Decrees, Rome, 1969.

18. C. J. JOHNS, An Assyrian Doomsday Book, Leipzig, 1901; J. N. POSTGATE, op. cit. G. VAN DRIEL, ‘Land and people in Assyria’, Bi.Or., XXVII (1970), pp. 168 – 75; F. M. FALES, Censimenti e Castati di Epoca Neo-Assyria, Roma, 1973.

19. Sargon forced Egypt to open trade relations with Assyria (c. J. GADD, Iraq, XVI, 1954, p. 179) and Esarhaddon encouraged the Babylonians to engage in commerce with ‘all countries’ (R. BORGER, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons, pp. 25 ff.).

20. A. L. OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia, pp. 93 – 4, and ‘Essay on overland trade in the first millennium B.C.’, JCS, XXI (1967), pp. 236 – 54.

21. G. VAN DRIEL, ‘Land and people in Assyria: some remarks’, Bi.Or., XXVII (1970), pp. 168 – 75; P. GARELLI, ‘Problèmes de stratification sociale dans l'empire assyrien’, in Gesellschaftsklassen im alten Zweistromland, München, 1972, pp. 73 – 9.

22. To the fundamental and still valid study of W. MANITIUS, ‘Das stehende Herr der Assyrerkönige und seine Organization’, ZA (ancient series), XXIV (1910), pp. 97 – 148 and 185 – 224, must now be added that of F. MALBRAN-LABAT, L'Armée et l'Organisation Militaire de l'Assyrie, Geneva/Paris, 1982. Also see: Y. YADIN, The Art of Warfare in Biblical Lands, London, 1963.

23. J. N. POSTGATE, Taxation and Conscription in the Assyrian Empire, Rome, 1974, pp. 218 – 26.

24. H. W. SAGGS, ‘Assyrian warfare in the Sargonid period’, Iraq, XXV (1963), pp. 145 – 54 (esp. pp. 146 – 7).

25. A. L. OPPENHEIM, ‘The eyes of the Lord’, JAOS, LXXXVIII (1968); F. MALBRAN-LABAT, Op. cit., pp. 13 – 29; 41 – 57.

26. J. E. READE, ‘The Neo-Assyrian court and army: evidence from the sculptures’, Iraq, XXXIV (1972), pp. 87 – 112.

27. Pieces of equipment and weapons were found in ‘Fort Shalmaneser’ at Nimrud: D. STRONACH, ‘Metal objects from the 1957 excavations at Nimrud’, Iraq, XX (1958), pp. 169 – 81.

28. Among the numerous publications devoted to Assyrian reliefs, see: C. J. GADD, The Stones of Assyria, London, 1936, and Assyrian Sculptures in the British Museum, from Shalmanezer III to Sennacherib, London, 1938; E. WEIDNER, Die Reliefs der assyrischen Könige, Berlin, 1939; R. D. BARNET and M. FALKNER, The Sculptures of Assur-nasir-apli, Tiglathpileser III, Esarhaddon from the Central and South-West Palaces at Nimrud, London, 1962; R. D. BARNETT and N. FORMAN, Assyrian Palace Reliefs in the British Museum, London, 1970; R. D. BARNETT, Sculptures from the North Palace of Ashurbani-pal at Nineveh, London, 1976. See also: AAO, pis. 77, 83 – 114. Excellent photographs in A. PARROT, Nineveh and Babylon, London, 1961, and E. STROMMENGER, The Art of Mesopotamia, London, 1964.

29. A. WALTER, Kultrelief aus dem Brunnen des Assur Tempels zu Assur, Leipzig, 1931; AAO, pl. 72.

30. A. WALTER, Farbige Keramik aus Assur, Berlin, 1923; G. LOUD and CH. B. ALTMAN, Khorsabad, II, Chicago, 1938, pl. 89.

31. A. PARROT, Assur, fig. 109 – 111; 343 – 5.

32. See, in particular, the splendid embroidered coat of Ashurnasiral in AAO, p. 104; fig. 41.

33. M. E. L. MALLOWAN, The Nimrud Ivories, London. 1978. Cf. R. D. BARNETT, A Catalogue of the Nimrud Ivories in the British Museum; London, 1975; M. E. L. MALLOWAN et al., Ivories from Nimrud, 4 vol., London, 1966 – 74 ff. On the difficult problem of the origin of ivory and of the styles of ivory objects, see: R. D. BARNETT, Iraq, XXV (1963), pp. 81 – 5; I. J. WINTER, Iraq, LXI (1981), pp. 1 – 22; D. COLLON, Iraq, XXXIX (1977), pp. 219 – 22.

Chapter 22

1. SETON LLOYD, Foundations in the Dust, London, 1980, p. 126.

2. C. BEZOLD, Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets… in the British Museum, London, 1889 – 99, with supplements by L. W. KING in 1914 and by W. G. LAMBERT and W. G. MILLARD in 1968.

3. RCAE, IV, p. 213, No. 6 (transl. E. CHIERA, They Wrote on Clay, Chicago, 1938, p. 174). Cf. also RCAE, Nos. 18, 255, 688.

4. Among other royal libraries is that of Tiglathpileser I. Cf. E. WEIDNER ‘Die Bibliothek Tiglathpilesers I’, AfO, XVI (1952), p. 197 ff.

5. These texts have been published by O. R. GURNEY, W. G. LAMBERT and J. J. FINKELSTEIN in Anatolian Studies, II (1952) to XXII (1972). On the last named piece, see: J. S. COOPER, ‘Structure, humour and satire in the Poor Man of Nippur, JCS, XXVII (1975), pp. 163 – 74. Also: J. BOTTERO in Les Pouvoirs Locaux en Mésopotamie, Bruxelles, 1980, pp. 24 – 8.

6. s. PARPOLA, ‘Assyrian library records’, JNES, XLII (1983, pp. 1 – 29); D. J. WISEMAN, ‘Assyrian writing-boards’, Iraq, XXVII (1955), pp. 3 – 13.

7. On Mesopotamian sciences in general: O. NEUGEBAUER, The Exact Sciences in Antiquity, Providence, Rhode Island, 1957; R. LABAT, ‘La Mésopotamie’ in La Science Antique et Médiévale, Histoire Générale des Sciences, I, Paris, 1957, pp. 73 – 138. In spite of its date, B. MEISSNER, Babylonien und Assyrien, II, Heidelberg, 1925, is still extremely useful.

8. On schools, see Chapter 13, note 31.

9. On these lists, see A. L. OPPENHEIM, Ancient Mesopotamia, Chicago, 1964, pp. 180, 248, 371.

10. B. LANDSBERGER, Die Fauna des alten Mesopotamien, Leipzig, 1934; R. C. THOMPSON, A Dictionary of Assyrian Chemistry and Geology, Oxford, 1936; A Dictionary of Assyrian Botany, London, 1949; M. LEVEY, Chemistry and Chemical Technology in Ancient Mesopotamia, Amsterdam, 1959.

11. W. HOROWITZ, ‘The Babylonian map of the world’, Iraq, L (1988), pp. 147 – 65.

12. A. L. OPPENHEIM et al., Glass and Glassmaking in Ancient Mesopotamia, Corning, N.Y., 1970.

13. This point has recently been emphasized by J. C. MARGUERON, Les Mésopotamiens, Paris, 1991, Vol. II, pp. 179 – 81.

14. Good summary on mathematics by R. CARATINI in R. LABAT, op. cit., pp. 103 – 37 (with bibliography). See also: O. NEUGE-BAUER, ‘Ancient mathematics and astronomy’, in C. SINGER et al. (eds.), A History of Technology, I, Oxford, 1954, pp. 785 – 804; E. M. BRUINS, ‘Interpretation of cuneiform mathematics’, Physis, IV (1962), pp. 277 – 340. More recently: G. IFRAH, Histoire Uni-verselle des Chiffres, Paris, 1981; J. FRIBERG, ‘Methods and traditions of Babylonian mathematics’, Historia Mathematica, VIII (1981), pp. 277 – 318; Id., ‘Index of publications on Sumero-Akkadian mathematics and related topics’, AfO Beiheft, XIX (1982), pp. 225 – 32; R. BRADLEY, ‘Mathematics in ancient Mesopotamia’, Ur (Baghdad), 1981/3, pp. 28 – 31.

15. R. LABAT, Op. cit., p. 112.

16. TAHA BAQIR, Sumer, VII (1951), p. 30.

17. R. LABAT, Op. cit., p. 113.

18. H. GOETSCH, ‘Die Algebra der Babylonier’, Archive for History of Exact Sciences, Berlin and New York, 1968, pp. 79 – 153.

19. O. NEUGEBAUER, Astronomical Cuneiform Texts, 3 vol., London, 1955; ‘Ancient mathematics and astronomy’, in C. SINGER et al., A History of Technology, Oxford, 54; A History of Ancient Mathematics and Astronomy, New York, 1975. Good summaries in R. LABAT, op. cit., note 7, pp. 123 – 37 and in H. W. F. SAGGS, The Greatness that was Babylon, London, 1962, pp. 453 – 9.

20. S. LANGDON and J. K. FOTHERINGHAM, The Venus Tablets of Ammizaduga, London, 1928, and J. D. WEIR, The Venus Tablets of Ammizaduga, Istanbul, 1972; E. REINER, Same title, Malibu, Calif., 1975.

21. R. A. PARKER and W. H. DUBBERSTEIN, Babylonian Chronology, Providence, Rhode Island, 1956, pp. 1 – 3.

22. A. T. OLMSTEAD, History of the Persian Empire, Chicago, 1948, p. 206.

23. A. T. OLMSTEAD, op. cit., p. 457.

24. G. SARTON, ‘Chaldaean astronomy in the last three centuries B.C.’, JAOS, LXXV (1955), pp. 166 – 73 (citation p. 170).

25. Most medical texts have been published by F. KÖCHER, Die babylonisch-assyrische Medizin in Texten und Untersuchungen, 6 vol., Berlin, 1963 – 80. General studies in G. CONTENAU, La Médecine en Assyrie et en Babylonie, Paris, 1938; H. E. SIGERIST, A History of Medicine, I, Oxford, 1951, pp. 377 – 497; A. L. OPPENHEIM, ‘Mesopotamian medicine’, Bulletin of the History of Medicine, XXXVI (1962), pp. 97 – 108.

26. E. K. RITTER, ‘Magical expert ( = ašipu) and physician ( = asû): notes on two complementary professions in Babylonian medicine’, Assyriological Studies, Chicago, XVI (1965), pp. 299 – 321.

27. R. LABAT, Traité Akkadien de Diagnostics et Pronostics Médicaux, Leiden, 1951.

28. R. LABAT, Traité, op. cit., p. 3.

29. R. LABAT, Traité, p. 81.

30. R. LABAT, Traité, p. 173.

31. F. KUCHLER, Beiträge zur Kentniss der Assyrisch-Babylonischen Medizin, Leipzig, 1904, p. 60.

32. J. V. KINNIER WILSON. ‘An introduction to Babylonian psychiatry’, Festschrif Benno Landsberger, Chicago, 1965, pp. 289 – 98; Id., ‘Mental diseases in ancient Mesopotamia’, in Diseases in Antiquity, Springfield, III, 1967, pp. 723 – 33.

33. L. LEGRAIN, ‘Nippur old drug store’, University Museum Bulletin, VIII (1940), pp. 25 – 7; M. CIVIL, ‘Prescriptions médicales sumériennes’, RA, LIV (1960), pp. 57 – 72; S. N. KRAMER, The Sumerians, Chicago, 1963, pp. 93 – 8; P. HERRERO, La Thérapeutique Mésopotamienne, Paris, 1984.

34. R. C. THOMPSON, ‘Assyrian prescriptions for disease of the urine’, Babyloniaca, XIV (1934), p. 124.

35. R. C. THOMPSON, ‘Assyrian prescriptions for diseases of the chest and lungs’, RA, XXXI (1934), p. 23.

36. RCAE, No. 108.

37. A. FINET, ‘Les Médecins au royaume de Mari’, Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves, Bruxelles, XV (1954 – 7), pp. 123 – 44

Chapter 23

1. The principal sources for the political history of this period are: 1. The six Babylonian chronicles assembled by A. K. GRAYSON in ABC, pp. 87 – 111; 2. A few letters published by E. EBELING, Neubabylonische Briefe, München, 1949; 3. The Old Testament, notably II Kings, II Chronicles and the Prophets; 4. Some classical authors (Herodotus, Diodorus Siculus, Josephus, Berossus); 5. The royal inscriptions published by S. LANGDON, Die Neubabylonischen Königsinschriften (NBK), Leipzig, 1912; their bibliography has been updated by P. R. BERGER under the same title in AOAT, IV, Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1973.

2. HERODOTUS, I, 102 ff. Cf. DIODORUS SICULUS, II, 26, I-4.

3. R. BORGER, ‘Der Aufstieg des neubabylonischen Reiches’, JCS, XIX (1965), pp. 59 – 78; J. OATES, ‘Assyrian chronology, 631 – 612 B.C.’, Iraq, XXVII (1965), pp. 135 – 59; W. VON SODEN, ‘Aššuretillilani, Sinsariškun, Sinšum(u) liser, und die Ereignisse im Assyrerreich nach 635 v.Chr.’, ZA, LVIII (1967), pp. 241 – 55; J. READE, ‘The accession of Sinsharishkun’, JCS, XXVIII (1970), pp. 1– 9.

4. See the reservations expressed by J. A. BRINKMAN, Prelude to Empire, Philadelphia, 1964, p. 110, note 551, on the ethnic origin of Nabopolassar.

5. This very important chronicle was first published by C. J. GADD, The Fall of Nineveh, London, 1923, then, with additions, by D. J. WISEMAN, Chronicles of Chaldaean Kings, London, 1956 and lately by A. K. GRAYSON in ABC, pp. 90 – 96. Cf. ANET, pp. 303 – 5.

6. II Kings xxiii. 4, 15 – 19; II Chronicles xxxiv. 6.

7. D. J. WISEMAN, Chronicles, p. 57; ABC, p. 93.

8. Discussion by c. J. GADD, The Fall of Nineveh, pp. 10 – 11.

9. D. J. WISEMAN, Chronicles, pp. 59 – 61; ABC, p. 94.

10. Kalhu (Nimrud) is not mentioned in the chronicle. It seems that it was taken in 614 and destroyed in 610 B.C. (D. OATES, Iraq, XXIII (1961), pp. 9 – 10).

11. The term Umman-manda, first used in the second millennium B.C. to designate Indo-European warriors on chariots (F. CORNELIUS, ‘ERIN-manda’, Iraq, XXV, 1963, pp. 167 – 70, then loosely used for the Cimmerians and/or the Scythians, here seems to apply to the Medes (D. J. WISEMAN, Chronicles, p. 16).

12. NBK, p. 61; A. T. OLMSTEAD, History of Assyria, p. 640.

13. Joyful reactions in Judah: Zephaniah ii. 13 ff.; Nahum ii. ff., Ezekiel xxxi. 3 ff.; xxxii. 22 ff.

14. II Kings xxiii. 29; II Chronicles xxxv. 20; Jeremiah xiv. 2; HERODOTUS, II, 159.

15. D. J. WISEMAN, Chronicles, pp. 59 – 61; ABC, p. 99.

16. The most recent general studies on this king and his reign are: A. BOYD and T. S. R. BOASE, Nebuchadnezzar, London, 1972; D. J. WISEMAN, Nebuchadrezzar and Babylon, Oxford, 1985.

17. ‘Chronicle of the early years of Nebuchadnezzar II’, lines 6 – 7 and 9 – 10, ABC, p. 101.

18. II Kings xxiv.17; Jeremiah xxxvii. 1; JOSEPHUS, Antiq. Jud., X, 6; D. J. WISEMAN, Chronicles, pp. 32 – 5, 73.

19. Cf. A. GARDINER, Egypt of the Pharaohs, pp. 260 – 61.

20. II Kings, xxv. 6 – 7 (cf. II Chronicles xxxvi. 13 – 20; Jeremiah xxxiv. 1 – 18).

21. Five years later, however, Jerusalem revolted and other Jews were deported (Jeremiah lii. 30). It has been estimated that 15,000 men with their families were deported in 587 B.C and that the three deportations involved in all some 50,000 people.

22. D. J. WISEMAN, Chronicles, pp. 30, 94 – 5.

23. From an inscription of Nebuchadrezzar in Wadi-Brissa, Lebanon: NBK, p. 175; ANET, p. 307.

24. HERODOTUS, I, 74.

25. BEROSSUS, III, 108 – 10. Also see the Nabonidus stele in ANET, pp. 308 – 11. On Neriglissar, see: R. H. SACK, ‘Nergal-šarra-usur, King of Babylon, as seen in the cuneiform, Greek, Latin and Hebrew sources’, ZA, LXVIII (1978), pp. 129 – 49.

26. D. J. WISEMAN, Chronicles, pp. 37 – 42, 75 – 7.

27. General studies on Nabonidus's reign: R. H. SACK, ‘Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus in folklore and history’, Mesopotamia, XVII (1982), pp. 67 – 131; P. A. BEAULIEU, The Reign of Nabonidus king of Babylon 556 – 539 B.C., New Haven/London, 1989.

28. Nabonidus had written a biography of his mother after her death, in two stelae. Texts in ANET, pp. 311 – 12 and 560 – 62.

29. S. SMITH, ‘The verse account of Nabonidus’, Babylonian Historical Texts, London, 1924, pp. 83–97. Cf. ANET, pp. 312 – 15.

30. Daniel, IV, 28 – 33. Cf. R. MEYER, Das Gebete des Nabonid, Berlin, 1962; W. DOMMERHAUSEN, Nabonidus im Buche Daniel, Mainz, 1964.

31. SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY and P. R. S. MOOREY, Ur of the Chaldees, London, 1982, pp. 251 – 3; J. OATES, Babylon, 1979, pp. 160 – 62.

32. HERODOTUS, I, 127 – 30; STRABO, XV, 3, 8; DIODORUS SICULUS, II, 34, 6.

33. NBK, p. 221. Cf. A. L. OPPENHEIM, The Interpretation of Dreams in the Ancient Near East, Philadelphia, 1956, p. 250, no. 12.

34. Nabonidus Chronicle, II, 1 – 4 (ABC, p. 106; ANET, pp. 305 – 7).

35. Nabonidus Chronicle II, 5 – 25.

36. C. J. GADD, ‘The Harran inscription of Nabonidus’, Anatolian Studies, VII (1958), pp. 35 – 92.

37. See notably: W. RÖLLIG, ‘Nabonid und Tema’, Compte rendu de la XIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 1964, pp. 21 – 32; W. G. LAMBERT, ‘Nabonidus in Arabia’, Proceedings of the Vth Seminar for Arabian Studies, London, 1972, pp. 53 – 64; P. A. BEAULIEU, op. cit., note 27, pp. 178 – 85.

38. Nabonidus Chronicle, III, 12 – 19 (ABC, pp. 109 – 10; ANET, p. 306).

39. JOSEPHUS, Contra Apionnem, I, 21; EUSEBIUS, Praep. Evang. IX, 41.

40. F. H. WEISSBACH, Die Keilinschriften der Achaemeniden, Leipzig, 1911, pp. 2 ff.; ANET, pp. 315 – 16.

Chapter 24

1. Jeremiah, li., 7; HERODOTUS, I, 178. The Hebraic and Greek or Latin sources on Babylon have been assembled by W. H. LANE, Babylonian Problems, London, 1923, and the cuneiform sources by E. UNGER, Babylon, die heilige Stadt nach der Beschreibung der Babylonier, Berlin, 1970.

2. Each important part of the site has been published separately in the series: Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft (WVDOG), Berlin. Overall review of the results by R. KOLDEWY, Das viedererstehende Babylon, Leipzig, 1925 reprinted in Zurich in 1981. Also see: J. WELLARD, Babylon, New York, 1974, and J. OATES, Babylon, London, 1979, pp. 144 – 59.

3. F. WETZEL, Die Stadtmauern von Babylon (WVDOG, 48), Leipzig, 1930.

4. R. KOLDEWEY, Das Ischtar-Tor in Babylon (WVDOG, 32), Leipzig, 1918; J. OATES, Babylon, pp. 153 – 6, fig. 105 – 9; A. PARROT, Nineveh and Babylon, London, 1961; fig. 220 – 22.

5. R. KOLDEWEY and F. WETZEL, Die Königsburgen von Babylon, II (WVDOG, 55), Leipzig, 1932.

6. O. REUTHER, Merkes, die Innenstadt von Babylon (WVDOG, 47), Leipzig, 1926.

7. R. KOLDEWEY and F. WETZEL, Die Königsburgen von Babylon, I (WVDOG, 54), Leipzig, 1931.

8. DIODORUS SICULUS, II, 10; STRABO, XVI, i, 5; QUINTUS CUR-TIUS, Hist Alex., V, i, 31 – 5; BEROSSUS in JOSEPHUS, Antiq. Jud., X, 226 – 7; Contra Apionnem, I, 19.

9. J. OATES, Babylon, p. 151. Lists of rations for the Jews exiled in Babylon have been found among these tablets (Cf. ANET, p. 308). On the ‘Hanging Gardens’, see: W. NAGEL,’ ‘Wo lagen die “Hängenden Gärten” in Babylon’, MDOG, CX, (1978), pp. 19 –28.

10. F. WETZEL, E. WEIBACH, Das Hauptheiligtum des Marduk in Babylon: Esagila und Etemenanki (WVDOG, 59), Leipzig, 1938. On ziqqurats see the publications referred to in chapter 10, note 5.

11. HERODOTUS, I, 182 – 3.

12. NBK, pp. 125 – 7.

13. HERODOTUS, I, 183.

14. The New Year Festival can be reconstructed from various texts, the most important being the akîtu-ritual dating to the Seleucid period published by F. THUREAU-DANGIN, Rituels Accadiens, Paris, 1921, pp. 127 – 54 (ANET, pp. 331 – 4). Descriptions and studies in: A. PALLIS, The Babylonian Akîtu Festival, Copenhagen, 1926; R. LABAT, Le Caractère Religieux, pp. 166 – 76; H. FRANKFORT, Kingship and the Gods, pp. 313 – 33. Important article by A. FALKEN-STEIN, akiti-Fest und akiti-Festhaus, inFestschrift Johannes Friedrich, Heidelberg, 1959, pp. 147 – 82. Outside Babylon, New Year Festivals were celebrated in Assur, Nineveh, Erbil, Harran, Dilbat and Uruk, but at different dates.

15. Partially excavated by the Germans in 1902 [R. KOLDEWEY, Die Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa (WVDOG, 15), Leipzig, 1911, pp. 50 – 59]. Important remains of the ziqqurat and of the temple.

16. ANET, p. 334.

17. For the significance of th gesture and its relationship with the legitimacy of the king, see A. K. GRAYSON, ‘Chronicles and the akîtu festival’, in A. FINET (ed.), Actes de la XVIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Ham-sur-Heure (Belgium), 1970, pp. 160 – 70.

18. The bît akîtu of Assur, described by Sennacherib (ARAB, II, §§ 434 – 51c) has been excavated (RLA, I, p. 188; AM, I, pp. 228-30). Excavations at Uruk (UVB, 1956, pp. 35 – 42) have yielded the plan of its bît akîtu. According to A. FALKENSTEIN op. cit., there were three akîtu-temples in Babylon during the Neo-Babylonian period.

19. W. G. LAMBERT, ‘The great battle of the Mesopotamian religious year: the conflict in the akitu house’, Iraq, XXV (1963), pp. 189 – 90.

20. The main study on this subject is that of D. COQUERILLAT, Palmeraies et Cultures de l'Eanna d'Uruk (559 – 520), Berlin, 1968. See also: H. F. LUTZ, Neo-Babylonian Administrative Documents from Erech, Berkeley, 1927; R. P. DOUGHERTY,Archives from Erech, New Haven, 1927 – 33. On the temple administration, H. W. F. SAGGS, ‘Two administrative officials at Erech in the sixth century B.C.’, Sumer, XV (1959), pp. 29 – 38, and The Greatness That Was Babylon, op. cit., pp. 261 – 8; P. GARELLI in Le Proche-Orient Asiatique, II, pp. 159 – 64 and 287 – 90.

21. R. P. DOUGHERTY, The shirkûtu of Babylonian Deities, New Haven, 1923.

22. O. KRUCKMANN, Neubabylonische Rechts- und Verwaltungstexte, Leipzig, 1933; H. H. FIGULLA, Business Document of the New Babylonian period (UET, IV), London, 1949; M. SAN NICOLO and H. PET-SCHOW, Babylonische Rechtsurkunden aus dem 6. Jahrhundert vor Chr., München, 1960.

23. A. T. OLMSTEAD, History of Assyria, pp. 256 – 7.

24. B. MEISSNER, Warenpreise in Babylonia, Berlin, 1936; W. H. DUBBER-TEIN, ‘Comparative prices in later Babylonia‘, AJSL, LVI (1930), pp. 20 – 43. 1 qa was worth 10 gar, or 675 square feet. For a radically different opinion, cf. P. GARELLI, op.cit., pp. 285 – 7.

25. G. CHILDE, What Happened in History, Harmondsworth, 1942, p. 193.

26. A. UNGNAD, ‘Das Haus Egibi‘, AfO, XIV (1941 – 4), pp. 57 – 64; R. BOGAERT, Les Origines Antiques de la Banque de Dépôt, Leiden, 1966, pp. 105 – 18.

Chapter 25

1. On these dates and their historical implications, see R. A. PARKER and W. H. DUBBERSTEIN, Babylonian Chronology 626 B.C.–A.D. 75, Providence, Rhode Island., 1956.

2. For a discussion of the events leading to the ‘usurpation’ of Darius, see A. T. OLMSTEAD, History of the Persian Empire, Chicago, 1948, pp. 107 – 13.

3. F. H. WEISSBACH, Die Keilinschriften der Achaemeniden, Leiden, 1911; F. W. KONIG, Relief und inschrift des Koenigs Daraios I. am Felsen von Bagistan, Leiden, 1938. Cf. G. G. CAMERON, ‘The Old Persian text of the Bisitun inscription’, JCS, V (1951), pp. 47 – 54.

4. Behistun, § 50.

5. On these two revolts: TH. DE LIAGRE BÖHL, ‘Die babylonischen Pratendenten zur Anfangzeit des Darius (Dareios), I’, Bi. Or., XXVI (1968), pp. 150 – 53.

6. R. A. PARKER and W. H. DUBBERSTEIN, op. cit., p. 17; HERODOTUS, I, 183; STRABO, XVI, i, 5; ARRIAN, Anabasis, VII, xvii, 2; DIODORUS, II, ix, 4 ff.; CTESIAS, Persica, Epit. 52 – 3; F. M. TH. DE LIAGRE BOHL, ‘Die Babylonischen Pratendenten zur Zeit Xerxes‘, Bi. Or., XIX (1962), pp. 110 – 14.

7. SIR LEONARD WOOLLEY and P. R. S. MOOREY, Ur of the Chaldees, London, 1982, p. 259; UVB, XII – XIII (1956), p. 17; pp. 28 – 31; F. WETZEL, E. SCHMIDT and A. MALLWIST; Das Babylon der Spätzeit, (WVDOG, 62), Berlin, 1957, pp. 25 – 7.

8. A. T. CLAY, Legal and Commercial Transactions dated in the Assyrian, Neo-Babylonian and Persian Periods, Philadelphia, 1908; A. TREMAYNE Records from Erech, Time of Cyrus and Cambyses, New Haven, 1925.

9. This was a letter of introduction, written in Aramaic, given to a tradesman who returned from Babylonia to Egypt via Assyria: D. OATES, Studies in the Ancient History of Northern Iraq, London, 1968, pp. 59 – 60.

10. XENOPHON, Anabasis, II, 4 to III, 5; D. OATES, op. cit., pp. 60 – 61; G. GOOSENS, ‘L'Assyrie après l'empire‘, Compte rendu de la IIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Leiden, 1854, p. 93.

11. A. T. OLMSTEAD, op. cit., p. 293; M. W. STOLPER, Management and Politics in Later Achaemenid Babylonia, 2 vol., Ann Arbor, 1974.

12. HERODOTUS, I, 192; A. T. OLMSTEAD, op. cit., p. 293.

13. A. T. OLMSTEAD, op. cit., pp. 299 – 301.

14. G. CARDASCIA, Les Archives des Murashû, Paris, 1951.

15. R. ZADOK, ‘Iranians and individuals bearing Iranian names in Achaemenian Babylonia‘, Israel Oriental Studies, VII (1977), pp. 89 – 138.

16. Often called, wrongly, the battle of Arbela (Erbil). The battle took place in the plain of Keramlais, 23 kilometres east of Nineveh. Cf. SIR AUREL STEIN, Geographical Journal, C (1942), p. 155.

17. ARRIAN, Anabasis, III, xvi, 4; VII, xvii, 2; STRABO, XVI, i, 5.

18. ‘Chronicle concerning the Diadochi‘, ABC, pp. 115 – 19.

19. A. J. SACHS and D. J. WISEMAN, ‘A Babylonian King List of the hellenistic period‘, Iraq, XVI (1954), pp. 202 – 11.

20. Discussion in M. ROSTOVTZEFF, The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, Oxford, 1941, I, pp. 499 – 504.

21. The term ‘Mesopotamia’ is taken here in its broader sense. During the Seleucid period, the country was divided into three satrapies: Mesopotamia in the north, Babylonia in the south and Parapotamia along the Euphrates.

22. American excavations in 1927 – 32 and 1936 – 7. Italian, then Italian Iraqi excavations from 1964 to 1974, resumed in 1985. Preliminary results in Mesopotamia, I (1966) to VIII (1973 – 4), then XXI (1986). Summary of results by A. INVERNIZZI, ‘Ten years research in the al-Mada’ in area: Seleucia and Ctesiphon‘, Sumer, XXXII (1976), pp. 167 – 75.

23. French excavations 1922 – 3; American excavations, 1928 – 39. Several Preliminary and Final Reports published. For a general account of the excavations, M. ROSTOVTZFF, Dura-Europus and its Art, Oxford, 1938.

24. A. T. CLAY Legal Documents from Erech dated in the Seleucid Era, New Haven, 1913; O. KRÜCKMAN, Babylonische Rechts- und Verwal-tungsurkunden aus der Zeit Alexanders und die Diadochen, Weimar, 1931. Also see: G. K. SARKISIAN in VDI, I (1955), pp. 136 – 70 and Forschungen und Berichte, XVI (1975), pp. 15 – 76.

25. Nimrud: D. and J. OATES, ‘Nimrud, 1957: the Hellenistic Settlement’, Iraq, XX (1958), pp. 114 – 57. Seleucid graves at Mari: A. PARROT, Syria, XVI (1935), pp. 10 – 11; XXIX (1952), pp. 1867; XXXII (1955), pp. 189 – 90. Remains of a Greco-Oriental temple at Arslan-Tash, F. THUREAU-DANGIN, Arslan-Tash, Paris, 1931.

26. ANET, p. 317.

27. F. WETZEL et al., op. cit., pp. 3 – 21. The theatre has recently been re-excavated and restored by the Iraqi Directorate of Antiquities. Cf. Iraq, XXXIV (1972), pp. 139 – 40.

28. PLINY, Naturalis historia, VI, 122; PAUSANIAS, Descriptio Graeciae, I, xvi, 3.

29. R. NORTH, ‘Status of the Warka Excavation’, Orientalia, XXVI (1957), pp. 206 – 7, 228 – 33, 327 – 41 (with bibliography).

30. M. RUTTEN, Contrats de l'Epoque séleucide conservés au Musée du Louvre, Paris, 1935. On temple organization and functions, see: G. J. P. McEWAN, Priest and Temple in Hellenistic Babylonia, Wiesbaden, 1981.

31. W. RÖLLIG, ‘Griechische Eigennamen in den Texten der Babylonische Spätzeit‘, Orientalia, XXIX (1960), pp. 376 – 91; A. KUHRT, ‘Assyrian and Babylonian traditions in classical authors: a critical synthesis‘, in H. J. NISSEN and J. RENGER (ed.),Mesopotamien und seine Nachbarn, Berlin, 1982, II, pp. 538 – 41.

32. Latest English translation: S. M. BURSTEIN, The Babyloniaca of Berossus, in Sources for the Ancient Near East, I, 5, Malibu, Calif., 1978.

33. N. C. DEBEVOISE, A Political History of Parthia, Chicago, 1938.

34. German excavations, 1903 – 14 (W. ANDRAE, Hatra): Iraqi excavations since 1951. Preliminary reports in Sumer, VIII (1952) ff. For a general description of the site, see: D. HOLMES-FREDERICQ Hatra et ses Sculptures Parthes, Leiden, 1963, and W. I. AL-SALIHI, Hatra (Historical Monuments of Iraq, 2), Baghdad, 1973.

35. H. LENZEN, Die Partherstadt Assur (WVDOG, 57), Leipzig, 1933.

36. R. NORTH Orientalia, XXXVI (1957), pp. 241 – 3; UVB, XIV (1958), pp. 18 – 20; XVI (1960), pp. 13 – 21; BaM, VI (1960), pp. 104 – 14.

37. JOSEPHUS, Antiq. Jud., XVIII, 310 – 79.

38. J. N. STRASSMAIER, ‘Arsakideninschriften‘, ZA, III (1888), pp. 129 – 42. TH. J. PINCHES and H. SAYCE, PSBA (1902), pp. 108 ff.; TH. J. PINCHES, The Old Testament in the Light of the Historical Records of Assyria and Babylonia, London, 1902, pp. 481 – 6; J. KOHLER and A. UNGNAD, 100 ausgewahlte Rechtsurkunden der Spätzeit des babylonischen Schrifttums, Leipzig, 1909; A. J. SACHS and J. SCHAUM-BERGER, Late Babylonian Astronomical and Related Texts, Providence, Rhode Island, 1955.

39. A. J. SACHS and J. SCHAUMBERGER, op. cit., No. 1201 (mentioned but not published).

40. DION CASSIUS, LXXI, 2; AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS, XXIII, vi, 34; ZONARAS, XI, 22, XII, 2. L. DILLEMANN, ‘Ammien Marcellin et les pays de l'Euphrate et du Tigre‘, Syria, XXXVIII (1961), pp. 86 – 158.

41. V. CHAPOT, La Frontière de l'Euphrate, Paris, 1907; A. POIDEBARD, La Trace de Rome dans le Desert de Syrie, Paris, 1934; D. OATES, Studies in the Ancient History of Northern Iraq, Oxford, 1968, pp. 67-117; Id., ‘Ain Sinu‘, in J. CURTIS (ed.), Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, London, 1982, pp. 120 – 22.

42. Ctesiphon was studied by German, then German and American archaeologists in 1931 – 2 and, more recently, by the Italians working in Seleucia (see note 22 above). On the Kish palace: S. LANGDON, ‘Excavations at Kish and Barghutiat’, Iraq, I (1934), pp. 113 – 22; P. R. S. MOOREY, Kish Excavations 1923 – 1933, Oxford, 1978, p. 180 ff.

43. H. LENZEN, ‘Ein Goldkranz aus Warka‘, Sumer, XIII (1957), pp. 205 – 6. On this tomb, the date of which has not been determined with certainty, cf. UVB, XV (1959), pp. 27 – 34; XVI (1960), pp. 23 – 9.

44. G. LE STRANGE, The Lands of the Eastern Caliphate, 3rd ed., London, 1966, pp. 26 – 9.

Epilogue

I. W. W. TARN, La Civilisation Hellénistique, Paris, 1936, pp. 219 – 37.

2. A list of these words will be found in H. W. F. SAGGS, The Greatness that was Babylon, London, 1962, pp. 493 – 5. This book also contains other examples of our Mesopotamian heritage.

3. J. BOTTERO, ‘L‘Assyriologie et notre histoire‘, Dialogues d'Histoire Ancienne, VII, Paris, 1981, p. 95.

4. Numerous studies have been devoted to the relations between the Greek and Oriental civilizations. They include: R. M. HAY-WOOD, Ancient Greece and the Near East, London, 1965; M. L. WEST, Early Greek Philosophy and the Orient, London, 1971; H. A. HOFFNER (ed.), Orient and Occident, (AOAT, 22), Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1973; D. KAGAN, Problems in Ancient History, I, The Ancient Near East and Greece, New York, 1975.

5. E. PORADA, ‘The cylinder seals found at Thebes in Beotia‘, AfO, XXVIII (1981 – 2), pp. 1 – 70; J. A. BRINKMAN, ‘The Western Asiatic seals found at Thebes in Greece’, ibid., pp. 73 – 7.

6. C. H. GORDON, Before the Bible, London, 1962, pp. 9, 132.

7. J. FILLIOZAT, ‘Pronostic médicaux akkadiens, grecs et indiens’, Journal Asiatique, CCXL (1952), pp. 299 – 321; M. SANDRAIL, Les Sources akkadiennes de la Pensée et de la Méthode hippocratiques, Toulouse, 1953.

8. C. H. GORDON, op. cit., pp. 49 – 97, 218 – 77. R. GRAVES, The Greek Myths, Harmondsworth, 1957, II, p. 89.

9. See, for instance, R. D. BARNETT, ‘Ancient Oriental influences on archaic Greece‘, in The Aegean and the Near East, Studies presented to H. Goldman, New York, 1956, pp. 212 – 38; R. A. JAIRAZBHOY, Oriental Influences in Western Art, London, 1965.

10. M. ROSTOVTZEFF, The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World, Oxford, 1941, I, p. 84.

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