1 R. MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries (New Haven, 1997), 3–5. 2 T. D. Barnes, Ammianus Marcellinus (Cornell, 1998), 79–94. 3 J. Geffcken, The Last Days of Graeco-Roman Paganism (English trans. S. MacCormack, Amsterdam, London, New York, 1978). 4 E. Sauer, The Archaeology of Religious Hatred in the Roman and Early Medieval World (Stroud, 2003). 5 Simon Price, Rituals and Power. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge, 1985), 1–22, 234–48; K. Hopkins, Conquerors and Slaves. Sociological Studies in Roman History (Cambridge, 1978), 197–242. 6 F. Kolb, Herrscherideologie in der Spätantike (Berlin, 2001). 7 A. Kaldellis, Procopius of Caesarea (Philadelphia, 2004), 128–42. 8 R. Kaster, Guardians of Language. The Grammarian and Society in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, 1988); Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford, 2011). 9 Alan Cameron, “Poetry and literary culture in late antiquity,” in S. Swain and M. Edwards (eds.), Approaching Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2004), 327–54.10 W. Liebeschuetz, “The use of pagan mythology in the Christian empire, with particular reference to the Dionysiaca of Nonnus,” in P. Allen and E. Jeffreys (eds.), The Sixth Century. End or Beginning? (Brisbane, 1996), 75–91.11 E. Watts, “Justinian, Malalas, and the end of Athenian philosophical teaching in AD 529,” JRS 94 (2004), 168–83; City and School in Late Antique Athens and Alexandria (Berkeley, 2006).12 R. MacMullen “Cultural changes and political changes in the 4th and 5th centuries,” Historia 52 (2003), 465–95.13 For pagan survivals in popular culture, see above all R. MacMullen, Christianity and Paganism in the Fourth to Eighth Centuries (New Haven, 1997).14 G. W. Bowersock, Hellenism in Late Antiquity (Ann Arbor, 1990).15 M. Meslin, La fête des kalendes de janvier dans l'empire romain (Brussels, 1970).16 C. Roueché, Performers and Partisans at Aphrodisias in the Roman and Late Roman Periods (London, 1993), 188–9, citing John Chrysostom, Homilia in Matthaeum 7.6.17 C. Roueché, Aphrodisias in Late Antiquity (London, 1989), 71–3.18 R. MacMullen, Paganism in the Roman Empire (New Haven, 1981); R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (London, 1985).19 A. H. M. Jones, LRE I, 732–63; W. Liebeschuetz, The Decline and Fall of the Roman City (Oxford, 2001), 169–202 on civic finances. See also S. Mitchell, ”The Cities of Asia Minor in the age of Constantine,” in S. Lieu and D. Montserrat, Constantine. History, Historiography and Legend (London, 1998), 52–74. The picture was not completely clear-cut. Some evidence can be found in the later fourth century for civic euergetism in the larger cities, notably Antioch.20 P. Brown, The Rise of Western Christendom (2nd edn. Oxford, 2003), 56.21 C. Lepelley, Les cités de l'Afrique romaine au bas-empire I. La permanence d'une civilisation municipale (Paris, 1979), 359–69.22 See C. Lepelley, Les cités de l'Afrique romaine I (Paris, 1979), 371–85.23 F. W. Trombley, Hellenic Religion and Christianization c. 370–529 (Leiden, 1993), 1–97.24 H. Chadwick, The Early Church (London, 1967), 154; M. R. Salzman, On Roman Time. The Codex-Calendar of 354 and the Rhythms of Urban Life in Late Antiquity (Berkeley, 1990).25 C. A. Faraone and D. Obbink (eds.), Magika Hiera. Ancient Greek Magic and Religion (Oxford, 1990); B. Ankarloo and S. Clark (eds.) Witchcraft and Magic in Europe. Ancient Greece and Rome (London and Pennsylvania, 1999), especially the surveys of Richard Gordon and Valerie Flint; D. Ogden, Magic, Witchcraft and Ghosts in the Greek and Roman Worlds. A Sourcebook (Oxford, 2002).26 P. Brown, “Sorcery, demons and the rise of Christianity: From late antiquity into the middle ages,” in Religion and Society in the Age of Saint Augustine (London, 1972), 119–46.27 A. A. Barb, “The survival of magic arts,” in A. Momigliano (ed.), The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century (Oxford, 1963), 100–25.28 R. MacMullen, Christianizing the Roman Empire AD 100–400 (New Haven, 1984), 27–8.29 D. Ogden, Magic, Witchcraft and Ghosts in the Greek and Roman Worlds. A Sourcebook (Oxford, 2002), 166–71.30 M. Frede, “Monotheism and pagan philosophy in later antiquity,” in P. Athanassiadi and M. Frede (eds.), Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1999), 41–67.31 S. Mitchell, “The cult of Theos Hypsistos,” in P. Athanassiadi and M. Frede (eds.), Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 1999), 81–148. The literature on pagan monotheism is expanding rapidly.32 P. Athanassiadi, “Apamea and the Chaldaean oracles: A holy city and a holy book,” in A. Smith, The Philosopher and Society in Late Antiquity (Swansea, 2005), 117–43.33 Stressed by K. Hopkins, “Christian number and its implications,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 6 (1998), 185–226, at 220.34 Epiphanius, Panarion, translated by P. Amidon.35 S. Mitchell, Anatolia II (Oxford, 1993), 96–108; P. Thonemann, “Amphilochius of Iconium and Lycaonian asceticism,” JRS 101 (2011), 185–205.36 T. Urbaincsyk, “The devil spoke Syriac to me,” in S. Mitchell and G. Greatrex, Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity (Wales and London, 2000), 253–65; T. Urbainczyk, Theodoret of Cyrrhus: The Bishop and the Holy Man (Michigan, 2002). For a fresh approach to the topic see Averil Cameron, “How to read heresiology,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 33 (2003) 471–92, and “The violence of orthodoxy,” in E. Irichinschi and H. M. Zellentin, Heresy and Identity in Late Antiquity (Stuttgart, 2008), 102–14.37 Ambrose, ep. 74; an edited version of the letter which also survives as ep. Extra coll. 1. See N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan, 298–309.38 Jodi Magness, “The date of the Sardis synagogue in light of the numismatic evidence,” American Journal of Archaeology 109 (2005), 443–475, argues that the conversion of the structure for use as a synagogue did not occur until the sixth century.39 For a full review of the Sardis evidence see W. Ameling, Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis II. Kleinasien (Tübingen, 2004), 209–97. The inscriptions are published by J. H. Kroll, Harvard Theological Review 94 (2001), 15ff.40 W. Ameling, Inscriptiones Judaicae Orientis II. Kleinasien (Tübingen, 2004), 71–112 no. 14 (Aphrodisias); A. Chaniotis, “The Jews of Aphrodisias: New evidence and old problems,” Studia Classica Israelica 21 (2002), 209.41 R. L. Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews. Rhetoric and Reality in the Late Fourth Century (Berkeley, 1983).42 J. Hahn, Gewalt und Religiöser Konflikt (Berlin, 2004), 139–45.43 W. Tabbernee, “Portals of the Montanist New Jerusalem: The discovery of Pepuza and Tymion,” Journal of Early Christian Studies 11.1 (2003), 87–93.44 S. Mitchell, Anatolia II, 98–9.45 Fergus Millar, “Repentant heretics in fifth-century Lydia: Identity and literacy,” Scripta Classica Israelica 23 (2004), 111–30.46 S. Mitchell, “An apostle to Ankara from the New Jerusalem,” Scripta Classica Israelica 2005, 207–23.47 Fergus Millar, “The Jews of the Graeco-Roman diaspora between paganism and Christianity AD 312–438,” in J. Lieu, J. North, and T. Rajak (eds.), The Jews among Pagans and Christians in the Roman Empire (London, 1992), 97–123.48 Fergus Millar, “Christian emperors, Christian church and the Jews of the Diaspora in the Greek East, CE 379–450,” Journal of Jewish Studies 55 (2004), 1–24.49 W. Tabbernee, Montanist Inscriptions and Testimonia. Epigraphic Sources Illustrating the History of Montanism (Macon, 1997), 17–47, 471–6.50 Translated in Gardner and Lien, Manichaean Texts from the Roman Empire 116–18. Diocletian's legislation is contained in a letter sent to the governor of Egypt.51 D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay (London, 2004), 302–14.52 I. Gardner and S. N. C. Lieu, Manichaean Texts from the Roman Empire (Cambridge, 2004), 145–50.53 Richard Lim, “The nomen Manichaeorum and its uses in late antiquity,” in E. Irichinschi and H. M. Zellentin, Heresy and Identity in Late Antiquity (Stuttgart, 2008), 143–67.54 Fergus Millar, “The imperial cult and the persecutions,” in W. den Boer (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans l'empire romain (Fondation Hardt Entretiens 19, Geneva, 1973), 145–65 (repr. in Rome, the Greek World and the East, Volume 2. Government, Society, and Culture in the Roman Empire [Chapel Hill, 2004], 298–312).55 A. R. Birley, “Voluntary martyrs in the early Christian Church. Heroes or heretics?” Cristianesimo nella Storia 27. 1 (2006), 99–127.56 R. Stark, The Sociology of Early Christianity (Princeton, 1997), K. Hopkins, Journal of Early Christianity 6 (1998), 185–226.57 R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (London, 1985), 460–8; L. Robert (ed. G. W. Bowersock and C. P. Jones), Le martyre de Pionios, prêtre de Smyrne (Washington, 1994).58 J. B. Rives, “The decree of Decius and the religion of the empire,” JRS 89 (1999), 135–54.59 D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay (London, 2004), 314, and discussion at n. 51; W. Eck, “Das Eindringen des Christentums in den Senatorenstand bis zu Konstantin dem Grosse,” Chiron 1 (1971), 381–406; T. D. Barnes, “Statistics and the conversion of the Roman aristocracy,” JRS 85 (1995), 134–48.60 Eusebius, HE 7.30, 19–21; F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World (Cornell, 1977).61 T. D. Barnes, “Christians and Pagans under Constantius,” in L'Église et l'Empire au IVe Siècle (1989), 301–38 at 308.62 W. Liebeschuetz, Continuity and Change in Roman Religion (Oxford, 1972).63 For details of the persecutions, see S. Mitchell, “Maximinus and the Christians: A new Latin inscription from Pisidia,” JRS 78 (1988), 105–24.64 T. D. Barnes, Constantine (Oxford, 2011), 62–6.65 See T. D. Barnes, Constantine (Oxford, 2011), 93–7, for a vigorous discussion of modern views.66 P. Weiss, “The vision of Constantine,” Journal of Roman Archaeology 16 (2003), 237–59. See pp. 278–83.67 See Eusebius, VC 1. 51–3; but Licinius' speech in VC 2.5 is surely an invention.68 The date and location of the Oration to the Saints have been much discussed. I have followed the conclusion of T. D. Barnes, “Constantine's speech to the assembly of the saints: Place and date of delivery,” JTS 52 (2001), 26–36. See also R. Lane Fox, Pagans and Christians (London, 1985), arguing for Antioch in the same year. See now T. D. Barnes, Constantine (Oxford, 2011), 113–20.69 For example, Optatus, Tract, app. 5 has Constantine saying of the Donatists that “It is as clear as day that their madness is of such a kind that we find them abhorrent even to the heavenly dispensation: so great a madness persists in them when, with incredible arrogance, they persuade themselves of things that it is not right to say or hear, repudiating the equitable judgement that had been given by the will of heaven.” Compare Eusebius, VC 2.66 (Constantine's letter to Arius and Alexander).70 S. Bradbury, “Constantine and the problem of anti-pagan legislation in the fourth century,” Classical Philology 89 (1994), 120–39.71 R. Van Dam, The Roman Revolution of Constantine (Cambridge, 2007), 23–35 and 363–7, with T. D. Barnes, Constantine (Oxford, 2011), 20–3, for the date, arguing that the decision would have been issued by Constans in Milan.72 Discussion in P. Heather and D. Moncur, Politics, Philosophy, and Empire in the Fourth Century. Select Orations of Themistius (Liverpool, 2001), 48–57.73 G. W. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (London, 1978), 78–93 for a sharp characterization of Julian's hard-line views.74 J. Vanderspoel, Themistius and the Imperial Court. Oratory, Civic Duty, and Paideiea from Constatius to Theodosius (Michigan, 1995); R. M. Errington, “Themistius and his emperors,” Chiron 30 (2000), 861–904.75 Themistius, Or. 5, 67b–70c. See the translation and commentary of P. Heather and D. Moncur, Themistius, Select Orations. Politics, Philosophy, and Empire in the Fourth Century (Liverpool, 2001), 137–96.76 See P. Heather and D. Moncur, Themistius, Select Orations, 1–42, esp. 29–38.77 For the potential intellectual coherence between polytheism and monotheism in Themistius and his contemporaries, see I. Sandwell, “Pagan conceptions of monotheism in the fourth century: the example of Libanius and Themistius,” in S. Mitchell and P. Van Nuffelen (eds.), Monotheism between Pagans and Christians in Late Antiquity (Leuven, 2010), 101–26.78 N. Mclynn, Ambrose of Milan (Berkeley, 1994), 47–157, discusses relations between Gratian and Ambrose at length, emphasizing that Ambrose's influence may have been less formidable than is widely assumed; see also Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford, 2011), 34–5.79 R. M. Errington, Roman Imperial Policy (Chapel Hill, 2006), 217–18.80Selected sources for the Council of Constantinople in J. Stevenson, Creeds, Councils and Controversies (London, 1989), 111–19; the political situation is elucidated by R. M. Errington, “Church and state in the first years of Theodosius I,” Chiron 27 (1997), 21–72; more briefly in Roman Imperial Policy (Chapel Hill, 2006), 221–30; N. McLynn, “Two Romes, beacons of the whole world. Canonizing Constantinople,” in Lucy Grig and Gavin Kelly (eds.), Two Romes: Rome and Constantinople in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2012), 345–63, offers a revisionist interpretation and argues that Constantinople did not emerge as dominant in the hierarchy of the Eastern Church before the Council of Chalcedon. For Nectarius, see T. Kaçar, “The election of Nectarius of Tarsus: imperial ideology, patronage and philia,” Studia Patristica vols. 45–9 (Leuven, 2010), 307–13,81 P. Brown, “Aspects of the Christianization of the Roman aristocracy,” JRS 51 (1961), 1–11 (reprinted in his Religion and Society in the Age of Saint Augustine [London, 1972], 161–82); M. R. Salzmann, The Making of a Christian Aristocracy. Social and Religious Change in the Western Roman Empire (Harvard, 2002). See now Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford, 2011), 33–51.82 N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan, 298–315, for a revisionist interpretation.83 F. Kolb, “ ‘Der Bussakt von Mailand.’ Zum Verhältnis von Staat und Kirche in der Spätantike,” in H. Boockmann et al., Geschichte und Gegenwart: Festschrift für K. D. Erdmann (Neumünster, 1980), 41–74; G. W. Bowersock, “From emperor to bishop: The self-conscious transformation of political power in the 4th century AD,” Classical Philology 81 (1986), 299; P. Brown, Power and Persuasion in Late Antiquity (1992), 109–13; N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan, 315–30.84 N. McLynn, Ambrose of Milan, 331–2 for discussion. The measure would surely have been construed as hostile to the interests of pagan members of the Roman senatorial class.85 F. Paschoud, Zosime II.2, 474–500 for the sources and discussion.86 Alan Cameron, The Last Pagans of Rome (Oxford, 2011), 93–131.87 G. Fowden, “Bishops and temples in the eastern empire,” Journal of Theological Studies 29 (1978), 53–78; J. Vaes, “Christliche Wiederverwendung antiker Bauten. Ein Forschungsbericht,” Ancient Society 15–17 (1984–6), 305–443; S. Mitchell, Anatolia II (Oxford, 1993), 67.88 P. Garnsey and C. Humphress, The Evolution of the Late Antique World (Cambridge, 2001), 132–69, esp. 152.89 For the patchy evidence for pagan survivals see the excellent surveys of Michael Whitby, “John of Ephesus and the pagans: pagan survivals in the sixth century,” in M. Salamon, Paganism in the Later Roman Empire and Byzantium (Krakow, 1991), 111–31, and K. Harl, “Sacrifice and pagan belief in fifth- and sixth-century Byzantium,” Past and Present 128 (1990), 7–27.90 Recent discussion by E. Watts, “Justinian, Malalas and the end of Athenian philosophical teaching,” JRS 94 (2004), 168–82, at 177–82.