1 R. MacMullen, Corruption and the Decline of Rome (New Haven, 1988), 199–201. 2 A. Demandt, Die Spätantike. Römische Geschichte von Diocletian bis Justinian 284–565 n. Chr. (Berlin, 1989), 504 table g. 3 G. E. M. de Ste Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World from the Archaic Age to the Arab conquests (London, 1983), 509–18. 4 H. Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe AD 350–425 (Oxford, 1996), 15–44, deconstructs and demythologizes barbarian society. 5 L. F. Pitts, “Relations between Rome and the German ‘kings’ on the middle Danube in the first to fourth centuries AD,” JRS 79 (1989), 45–58. 6 R. M. Errington, Roman Imperial Policy (Chapel Hill, 2006), 43–75. 7 P. Heather and J. F. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool, 1991), 17–26. 8 N. McLynn, “The transformation of imperial church-going in the fourth century,” in S. Swain and M. Edwards (eds.), Approaching Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2004), 235–70 esp. 242–50. 9For this process of ethnogenesis, see H. Wolfram, History of the Goths (California, 1988), 117–71.10 H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (California, 1997), 163. The figure is questioned by W. Goffart.11 Philostorgius 2.5; P. Heather and J. F. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool, 1991), 133–53.12 W. Goffart, Barbarians and Romans AD 418–584. The Techniques of Accommodation (Princeton, 1989).13 S. J. B. Barnish, “Taxation, land and barbarian settlement in the western empire,” PBSR 54 (1986), 170–95; W. Liebeschuetz, “Cities, taxes and the accommodation of the barbarians: The theories of Durliat and Goffart,” in W. Pohl (ed.), Kingdoms of the Empire: The Integration of Barbarians in Late Antiquity (Leiden, 1997), 135–51.14 There is an excellent discussion in P. Sarris, Empires of Faith (Oxford, 2011), 62–8.15 E. A. Thompson, The Huns (Oxford, 1999), 56–7; J. F. Matthews, The Roman Empire of Ammianus Marcellinus (London, 1989), 332–42; C. Kelly, Attila the Hun. Barbarian terror and the fall of the Roman Empire (London, 2008), chapters 1–3 with further bibliography.16 E. A. Thompson, The Huns (Oxford, 1999), 36.17 Compare the contemporary situation in Darfur, southern Sudan, where the village populations have been driven from their homes over the Sudanese border into refugee camps by the mounted Janjaweed militia.18 E. A. Thompson, The Huns (Oxford, 1999), 105.19 E. A. Thompson, The Huns (Oxford, 1999), 46–68.20 See the narrative and analysis of P. Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire (Oxford, 2005), 281–99.21 C. Zuckerman, “L'Empire d'Orient et les Huns; notes sur Priscus,” Travaux et Mémoires 12 (1994), 159–82.22 Compare the speech on the topic “A man recalling the Scythians to their nomadic existence, since they are falling ill through living in cities,” which was improvised by the Cilician sophist Alexander in the second century, Philostratus, Lives of the Sophists 572; a similar point in Salvian, On the Governance of God 5.4ff.23 H. Wolfram, History of the Goths (California, 1988), 172–246; H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (California, 1997), 145–58; E. A. Thompson, Romans and Barbarians (Madison, 1982); P. Heather, “The emergence of the Visigothic kingdom,” in J. Drinkwater and H. Elton (eds.), Fifth-Century Gaul: A Crisis of Identity (Cambridge, 1992), 84–92.24 P. Heather, in CAH 14, 8–12.25 Jordanes, Get. XLI, 216; Greg. Tur., Hist. 2.7. Gregory of Tours attributes the success of the coalition mainly to the prayers of the bishop of Orleans. Jordanes' analysis may be retrospective and designed to flatter Gothic self-esteem.26 See Sidonius Apollinaris, Carm. 7 (Panegyric of Avitus), 295–356, 431–602.27 C. E. Stevens, Sidonius Apollinaris and his Age (Oxford, 1933); J. Harries, Sidonius Apollinaris and the Fall of Rome AD 407–85 (Oxford, 1994). W. B. Anderson, Sidonius. Poems and Letters (Loeb Classical Library, 2 vols., Cambridge Mass., 1936 and 1965) has a valuable introduction and useful notes.28 Theoderic's predecessor Athaulph had been assassinated while inspecting the royal stables.29 Sidonius, ep. 5.5.3; cf. Cassiodorus, Var. 2.41.4 (Theoderic the Amal sends a cithara player to the Frankish king).30 Sidonius, ep. 220.127.116.11 Sidonius, ep. 7.6.4–10 on the retreat of the Catholic Church in the face of Euric's aggressive stance.32 Isidore of Seville, Historia Gothorum 35 (MGH, Chron. Min. II, 281).33 See J. Harries, “Legal culture and identity in fifth-century Gaul,” in S. Mitchell and G. Greatrex (eds.), Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity (Wales and London, 2000), 45–57 at 55.34 Sidonius, ep. 4.22. Surely this would have been a history to exalt the status and lineage of the Goths, like the work which Cassiodorus later wrote for Theoderic's Ostrogoths. Sidonius turned down the invitation.35 Sidonius, ep. 8.9.6, declining to add to the short commissioned poem in praise of Euric which this letter also contains.36 Ennodius, Life of Epiphanius, 89f., p. 95.37 Sidonius, ep. 8.9.5; a fifty-nine line hendecasyllable poem.38 H. Wolfram, History of the Goths (California, 1988), 195–7. See the excellent essay of P. Heather, “Literacy and power in the migration period,” in A. Bowman and G. Woolf (eds.), Literacy and Power in the Ancient World (Cambridge, 1994), 177–97.39 CTh. 3.14.1 with J. F. Matthews, “Roman law and barbarian identity in the late Roman West,” in S. Mitchell and G. Greatrex, Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity (Wales and London, 2000), 31–44 at 37.40 H. Wolfram, History of the Goths (California, 1988), 200–2.41 H. Wolfram, History of the Goths, 190–3.42 P. Amory, “Names, ethnic identity and community in fifth and sixth century Burgundy,” Viator 25 (1994), 1–30; I. Wood, “Ethnicity and the ethnogenesis of the Burgundians,” in H. Wolfram and W. Pohl, Typen der Ethnogenese unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bayern (Vienna, 1990), 53–69; H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (California, 1997), 248–59.43 Socrates 7.30; Chron. Gall. a 435, 600.44 Chron. Gall. a 443, 600.45 H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples, 248–59.46 D. Boysson, “Romano-Burgundian society in the age of Gundobad,” Nottingham Medieval Studies 32 (1988), 91–118.47 Note Inscriptiones Latinae Christianae Veteres I no. 44, the grave of a protector domesticus (a Roman military title), who was son of a man of the royal family of the Burgundians, buried in a Catholic cemetery at Cologne.48 Mark Handley, “Inscribing time and identity in the kingdom of Burgundy,” in S. Mitchell and G. Greatrex, Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity (Wales and London, 2000), 83–102.49 For the religious situation among the Burgundians see Avitus, ep. 8, 23, 29, 31, discussed by D. Shanzer and I. Wood, Avitus of Vienne: Letters and Selected Prose (Liverpool, 2002), 221–32.50 T. M. Charles-Edwards, CAH 14, 284–7. See P. Amory, “The meaning and purpose of ethnic terminology in Burgundian laws,” Early Medieval Europe 2 (1993), 1–28.51 H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its German Peoples (California, 1997), 48–9.52 T. Anderson Jr., “Roman military colonies in Gaul, Salian ethnogenesis and the forgotten meaning of Pactus Legis Salicae 59.5,” Early Medieval Europe 4 (1995), 129–44.53 Ammianus 30.3.7 and 31.10.6; H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its German Peoples, 66.54 E. James, The Franks (Oxford, 1988); I. Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms 450–751 (London, 1994); John Moorhead, The Roman Empire Divided 400–700 (London, 2001), 66–94.55 S. Lebecq, “The two faces of king Childeric: history, archaeology, historiography,” in T. F. X. Noble (ed.), From Roman Provinces to Medieval Kingdoms. Rewriting histories (Abingdon, 2006), 327–44; John Moorhead, The Roman Empire Divided (London, 2001), 73–5. Compare I. Wood, CAH 14, 423, for the retention of pre-Christian beliefs about the dead, even by Catholic bishops.56 The conversion of Clovis has been a major discussion point, of obvious interest to the history of modern Christian France as well as in its Frankish context. Recently M. Spencer, “Dating the baptism of Clovis,” Early Medieval Europe 3 (1994), 97–116, argues for Gregory's dating in 496. Danuta Shanzer, “Dating the baptism of Clovis,” Early Medieval Europe 7 (1998), 29–57, argues on the contemporary evidence of Avitus, ep.46, for conversion to Catholicism in 508, not from paganism but from a form of Arianism.57 M. McCormick, Eternal Victory. Triumphal Rulership in Late Antiquity, Byzantium, and the Early Medieval West (Cambridge, 1986), 335–42.58 Greg. Tur., Hist. 2.38. I. Wood, “Gregory of Tours and Clovis,” Revue Belge de Philologie 63 (1985), 249–72; “Clovis,” in G. W. Bowersock et al. (eds.), Late Antiquity (Cambridge Mass., 1999), 382–3.59 For another view of the Franks, from Constantinople, see the works of Agathias, analyzed by Averil Cameron, “Agathias on the early Merovingians,” Annali della scuola normale superiore di Pisa 37 (1968), 95–140.60 Greg. Tur., Hist. 4.22.61 M. McCormick, Eternal Victory, 332.62 See R. Collins, CAH 14, 116–21; for the political strength of the Merovingian kings, and in particular their capacity to levy taxation, see C. Wickham, Framing the Early Middle Ages (Oxford, 2005), 102–15.63 See P. Brown, The Cult of the Saints. Its Rise and Function in Latin Christianity (Chicago, 1981); R. van Dam, Saints and their Miracles in Late Antique Gaul (Princeton, 1993).64 English translation of Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, by Lewis Thorpe, with introduction (Harmondsworth, 1974).65 H. Wolfram, The Roman Empire and its Germanic Peoples (California, 1997), 199–203; for Flavii see G. Keenan, ZPE 11 (1973), 33–63; 13 (1974), 283–304; 53 (1983), 245–50.66 Collectio Avellana (CSEL 35), 113, 4; Anon. Val. part 2, 12, 64.67 Cassiodorus, Var. 1.2.68 See S. Barnish, Cassiodorus, Variae (trans. Liverpool, 1992), xii n. 7. See G. Vidén, The Roman Chancery Tradition. Studies in the Language of the Codex Theodosianus and Cassiodorus' Variae (Gothenburg, 1984).69 The context is clarified by a letter of Theoderic to one of his apparitores, and to the Roman Senate of 507, Cassiodorus, Var. 2.21 and 32.70 See J. Harries, “The Roman imperial quaestor from Constantine to Theodosius II,” JRS 78 (1988), 148–72.71 P. Heather, “The historical culture of Ostrogothic Italy,” Atti del XIII congresso internazionale di studi sull'Alto Medioevo (Spoleto, 1993), 317–53.72 A. Momigliano, “Cassiodorus and the Italian culture of his time,” PBA 41 (1955), 207–45; S. J. Barnish, “The genesis and compilation of Cassiodorus' Gothic history,” Latomus 43 (1984), 336–61; P. Heather, Goths and Romans (Oxford, 1991), 34–67.73 P. Heather, “Cassiodorus and the rise of the Amals: Genealogy and the Goths under Hun domination,” JRS 79 (1989), 103–28. See further Heather, “The historical culture of Ostrogothic Italy,” Atti del XIII congresso internazionale di studi sull'Alto Medioevo (Spoleto, 1993), 317–53.74 Photius, Bibl. cod. 79 (Blockley, Candidus fr. 1); for discussions of Isaurian identity in the sixth century, see H. Elton, “The nature of the sixth century Isaurians,” in S. Mitchell and G. Greatrex, Ethnicity and Culture in Late Antiquity (Wales and London, 2000), 293–307, and Philip Wood, “The invention of history in the later Roman world. The conversion of Isauria in the Life of Conon,” Anatolian Studies 59 (2009), 129–38.75 H. Wolfram, History of the Goths (California, 1988), 247–332, provides a full survey.76 See P. Heather, “Theoderic king of the Goths,” 156, fig. 2, based on V. Bierbrauer, Die Ostgotischen Grab- und Schatzfunde in Italien (Spoleto, 1975).77 See for example Cassiodorus, Var. 1.18, 2.20, 3.13, 7.3, 8.28 (from Barnish's selected translations).78 For all this see P. Heather, “Theoderic king of the Goths,” Early Medieval Europe 4 (1995), 145–73.79 P. Amory, People and Identity in Ostrogothic Italy 489–554 (Cambridge, 1997) argues that criteria for ethnic identity were elusive and flexible, and that the distinctions between Goths and Romans, presented in Cassiodorus' Variae, are too clear-cut. But the differences between Goths and Romans are maintained in Procopius, and are also broadly established in the archaeology.80 Cassiodorus, Var. 3.1, 2, 3, 4.