Ancient History & Civilisation


  1 Aur. Victor, Caes. 38.3; Eutropius 9.18–20; SHA [Carus] 8.2–9.3; Festus, Brev. 24; Hieron. Chron. 225. The source was the so-called Kaisergeschichte, written around 337 or perhaps later. See T. D. Barnes, The Sources of the Historia Augusta (Brussels, 1978), 66–8.  2 F. Kolb, Herrscherideologie in der Spätantike (Berlin, 2001), 25–7.  3 For modern discussion see H. W. Bird, “Diocletian and the deaths of Carus, Numerian and Carinus,” Latomus 35 (1976), 127–32; F. Kolb, Diocletian und die Erste Tetrarchie (Berlin, 1987), 10–21.  4 B. M. Levick, “Pliny in Bithynia, and what followed,” Greece and Rome 26 (1979), 119–31.  5 The main narrative is Ammianus 25.5–10.  6 But Zosimus 3.36.1 has an alternative version, that Salutius was a candidate not at the death of Julian but of Jovian; T. D. Barnes, Ammianus Marcellinus (Cornell, 1998), 140 n. 48.  7 Ammianus 21.16.21; T. D. Barnes, Ammianus Marcellinus, 139.  8 E. Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire (rev. edn. J. B. Bury London, 1929), 3, 128.  9 R. Macmullen, “The Roman emperor's army costs,” Latomus 43 (1984), 571–80; H. Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe AD 350–425 (Oxford, 1996), 118–27; B. D. Shaw, “War and violence,” in G. W. Bowersock et al. (eds.), Late Antiquity (Cambridge Mass., 1999), 130–69 at 141.10 Anonymous, Peri Strategikes (On Generalship), 2. 18–21.11 H. Elton, Warfare in Roman Europe AD 350–425 (Oxford, 1996), 47–8.12 Anon. Val. 2.3.13 Pan. Lat. X (2), 11.4, with Barnes, Constantine (2011), 40–1.14 W. E. Kleinbauer, “Palaces,” in G. W. Bowersock et al. (eds.), Late Antiquity, 628–30.15 Victor, Caes. 39.4; Eutropius, Brev. 9.26; Ammianus 15.5.18. H. Stern, “Remarks on the adoratio under Diocletian,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 17 (1954), 184–9.16 F. Kolb, Herrscherideologie in der Spätantike (Berlin, 2001), 38–46.17 Pan. Lat. XI (3), 2.3; VII (6), 8.2; IX (5), 8.1.18 R. R. R. Smith, “The public image of Licinius I: Portrait sculpture and imperial ideology in the early fourth century,” JRS 87 (1997), 170–202. See H. P. L'Orange, Art Forms and Civic Life in the Later Roman Empire (Princeton, 1965).19 Julian, Caes. 315a–b; cf. F. Kolb, Herrscherideologie in der Spätantike, 32.20 F. Kolb, Herrscherideologie in der Spätantike, 158–62; M. S. Pond Rothman, “The panel of the emperors enthroned on the arch of Galerius,” Byzantine Studies 2 (1975), 19–40; “The thematic organization of the panel reliefs on the arch of Galerius,” AJA 81 (1977), 427–54.21 H. Brandt, Geschichte der römischen Kaiserzeit von Diokletian bis zum Ende der konstantinischen Dynastie (284–363) (Berlin, 1998), 64–8.22 W. Thiel, “Tetrakionia. Überlegungen zu einem Denkmaltypus tetrachischer Zeit im Osten des römischen Reiches,” Ant. Tard. 60 (2002), 299–326.23 S. Corcoran, The Empire of the Tetrarchs (rev. edn. Oxford, 2000).24 T. Honoré, Emperors and Lawyers (second edn. Oxford, 1994); S. Corcoran, “The publication of law in the era of the Tetrarchs – Diocletian, Galerius, Gregorius, Hermogenian,” in A. Demandt et al. (eds.), Diokletian und die Tetrarchie. Aspekte einer Zeitwende (Berlin and New York, 2004), 58–72.25 P. Garnsey and C. Humphress, The Evolution of the Late Antique World (Cambridge, 2001), 52–70.26 See Barnes, Constantine (2011), 51–6.27 R. Syme, “The ancestry of Constantine,” Bonner Historia Augusta Colloquium 1971 (1974), 237–53.28 Eutropius, X.2.4–3.29 1937, 232; with T. D. Barnes, The New Empire of Diocletian and Constantine (Cambridge Mass., 1982), 232–3; the Bulgarian copy is 2007, 1224, discussed by A. Cooley and B. Salway, JRS 102 (2012), 226–7. For Maximinus, see S. Mitchell, “Maximinus and the Christians in AD 312: A new Latin inscription,” JRS 78 (1988), 105–24.30 CTh. 7.20.2. See J. F. Matthews, Laying Down the Law (New Haven, 2000), 37. There are difficulties in establishing both the date and the location of the event.31 ILS 621, 622, 620.32 W. Liebeschuetz, Continuity and Change in Roman Religion (Oxford, 1979).33 S. Corcoran, The Empire of the Tetrarchs (Oxford, 2000), 136.34 Lactantius, DMP 10.1–5; cf. Eusebius, HE Gesta apud Zenophilum, CSEL XXVI, 186–8 (Stevenson, New Eusebius, 273 no. 240).36 Lactantius, DMP 15.7; Eusebius, HE 8.13.13; VC Galerius: Lactantius, DMP 33.11–35.1; Eusebius, HE 8.16.1, 17.1–11; Constantine: Lactantius, DMP 24.9; Maxentius: Eusebius, HE Eusebius, HE 9.7.8–9.39 Barnes, Constantine (2011), 144–50, suggests that the pilgrimage of Constantine's mother Helena to the Holy Land in 326 may have been intended as atonement for the crimes committed.40 Zosimus 2.29; see F. Paschoud, “Zosime 2.29 et la conversion de Constantin,” Historia 20 (1971), 334–53.41 S. Corcoran, The Empire of the Tetrarchs, 320.42 Eusebius, VC 1.42; 2.45–6 (general); 3.25–40 and 4.40, 43 (Holy Sepulchre, Jerusalem); 3.41–45 (other churches in the Holy Land); 3.48 (Constantinople); 4.58–60 (Church of the Holy Apostles at Constantinople); 3.50 (Nicomedia); 3.51 (Mambre); for churches at Rome, see Barnes, Constantine (2011), 85–9.43 For a clear introduction to the scholarly battleground, see R. Flower, “Visions of Constantine,” JRS 102 (2012), 287–305, and the earlier review of Barnes by Averil Cameron, “Constantine Christianus”, JRS 73 (1983), 184–90. Cameron's views are now developed in CAH XII, 90–109. H. A Drake, Constantine and the Bishops: the politics of intolerance (Baltimore, 2000), argues for Constantine maintaining a balance between conflicting interest groups. For Constantine's legislation, see J. Dillon, The Justice of Constantine: Law, communication, and control (Michigan, 2012).44 K. W. Wilkinson, “Palladas and the age of Constantine,” JRS 99 (2009), 36–60; “Palladas and the foundation of Constantinople,” JRS 100 (2010), 179–94; Barnes, Constantine (2011), returns to the subject, equipped with the new evidence from Palladas.45 T. D. Barnes, Ammianus Marcellinus (Cornell, 1998), 166–86.46 Zosimus 3.9.4 is the only overt mention of Julian's paganism, and is represented as part of his oppositional stance to Constantius.47 Mamertinus, Pan. Lat. XI (3); excellent translation and commentary by S. Lieu, The Emperor Julian. Panegyric and Polemic (Liverpool, 1986); Libanius' Julianic orations with translations are all collected in A. F. Norman's Loeb edition of Libanius vol. 1 (1969).48 G. W. Bowersock, Julian the Apostate (London, 1978), 46–54. Others have argued that Julian's ambitions to elevate himself to Augustus were conceived well before 360.49 See now L. Van Hoof and P. Van Nuffelen, “Monarchy and mass communication: Antioch AD 362/3 revisited,” JRS 101 (2011), 166–84, who argue that the political breakdown lay in the Julian's failure to communicate with the people of Antioch effectively, and that no resolution was achieved before the emperor launched his campaign.50 Ammianus 28.2, 30.7; Symmachus, Rel. 2. See H. von Petrikovitz, “Fortifications in the north-west Roman Empire from the third to the fifth centuries AD,” JRS 61 (1971), 178–218 at 184ff. and 215ff.; J. F. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and the Imperial Court AD 364–425 (rev. edn. Oxford, 1990), 32–3.51 ILS 762 (before August 367), 774 (370), 775 (371).52 L. F. Pitts, “Rome and the German ‘kings’ on the middle Danube in the first to fourth centuries AD,” JRS 79 (1989), 45–58.53 See P. Heather and J. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool, 1991), 92, a chart showing coin finds from the time of Constantine and Constantius in the region (65% of bronze coin in hoards and 70% of single finds come from 320–60; the figures for silver coin are 70% and 55% respectively). This is clear evidence for the effect of the open frontier.54 Zosimus 4.19; Ammianus 30.10; J. F. Matthews, Western Aristocracies, 64. For the political circumstances, whose consequences were felt until the accession of Theodosius in 379, see R. M. Errington, “The accession of Theodosius I,” Klio 78 (1996), 438–53.55 Detailed analysis by J. F. Matthews, Western Aristocracies, 32–100; D. Potter, The Roman Empire at Bay (London, 2004), 533–51.56 Ammianus 26.10.3 (3,000 Goths), 27.4 and 5 (treaty); Zosimus 4.7.2 puts the figure at 10,000.57 Ammianus 27.5; Zosimus 4.10–11.58 Translation and commentary in P. Heather and J. F. Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century (Liverpool, 1991), 13–50.59 See Julian, Caesares 329a and Themistius, Or. 10, 205, 13ff. (trans. in Heather and Matthews, The Goths in the Fourth Century).60 See R. M. Errington, Roman Imperial Policy from Julian to Theodosius (Chapel Hill, 2006), 43–75.61 Ammianus 29.5; J. F. Matthews, “Mauretania in Ammianus and the Notitia”, in Goodburn and Bartholomew, Aspects of the Notitia Dignitatum (1986), 157–88.62 See R. C. Blockley, “The division of Armenia between the Romans and the Persians at the end of the fourth century AD,” Historia 36 (1987), 222–34; G. Greatrex, “The background and aftermath of the partition of Armenia in AD 387,” The Ancient History Bulletin 14.1–2 (2000), 35–48. Ammianus' account is supplemented by the narrative of Faustus FHG V 2, 201–310; N. G. Garsoian, The Epic Histories attributed to P'awstos Buzand (Cambridge Mass., 1989); N. Baynes, Byzantine Studies and Other Essays (London, 1955), 186–208.63 B. Dignas and E. Winter, Rome and Persia in Late Antiquity. Neighbours and rivals (Cambridge 2007), 173–88.64 G. and M. Greatrex, “The Hunnic invasion of the East of 395 and the fortress of Ziatha,” Byzantion 69 (1999), 65–75.65 P. Heather, “The Huns and the end of the Roman Empire in the West,” English Historical Review 110 (1995), 4–41.66 G. E. M. de Ste Croix, The Class Struggle in the Ancient Greek World (London, 1983), 509–18.67 R. M. Errington, “The accession of Theodosius I,” Klio 78 (1996), 438–53. See Pan. Lat. XII (2), 10.2–3 for the key point, that Theodosius was first summoned back to a military command, and subsequently called to be Augustus.68 P. Heather, Goths and Romans (Oxford, 1991), 154.69 R. M. Errington, “Theodosius and the Goths,” Chiron 26 (1996), 1–27, esp. 8–15; P. Heather, Goths and Romans, 157–92.70 These aspects were emphasized by the orators who justified imperial policy towards the Goths, Themistius, Or. 8, 10 and 16, 211a–b; Ammianus 31.4.8; Pacatus (Pan. Lat. [II], 32.3–4).71 F. M. Ausbüttel, “Die Deditio der Westgoten von 382 und ihre historische Bedeutung,” Athenaeum 66 (1988), 604ff.; followed by Errington, Chiron 26 (1996), 22.72 A. Demandt, Die Spätantike (Berlin, 1989), 127.73 Sulpicius Severus, Martin 20.3; Dialogues 2.6.2; and Orosius 7.34.9 suggest that the soldiers took the initiative; against, Zosimus See discussion by F. Paschoud, Zosime II2 (Paris, 1971–89), 436–8.75 J. F. Matthews, Western Aristocracies and the Imperial Court AD 364–425 (rev. edn. Oxford, 1990), 223–52; R. M. Errington, Roman Imperial Policy (Chapel Hill, 2006), 111–41, esp. 134–41.76 Philostorgius 11.1, 132, 5–13 (Bidez Winckelmann); Zosimus 4.53.77 B. Croke, “Arbogast and the death of Valentinian II,” Historia 25 (1976), 235–44; Paschoud, Zosime II2 (Paris, 1971–89), 455–8.78 A. Demandt, Die Spätantike (Berlin, 1989), 135–6. The sources for the battle are collected, translated and discussed by Paschoud, Zosime II2 (Paris, 1971–89), 474–500.79 Ambrose, De obitu Theodosii (On the Death of Theodosius), 5; A. Cameron, “Theodosius the Great and the regency of Stilicho,” HSCP 73 (1969), 247–80.80 So T. S. Burns, Barbarians within the Gates of Rome. A Study of Roman Military Policy and the Barbarians c. 375–425 AD (Indiana, 1984), 148–82.81 W. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops (Oxford, 1990), 48–85 for detailed analysis.82 Claudian, In Eutrop. II, 214–18; de bello Gothico 496–7, 535–9.83 Sozomen 8.25.4 = 9.4.4. For Alaric in Epirus, acting on behalf of Stilicho, see Zosimus 5.29.1, 5, 7; 48.2. See Paschoud, Zosime III1 (Paris, 2003), 191–204, for critical analysis of Zosimus' very confused account, which up to 5.25 probably derived from Eunapius. 5.26.1 is Zosimus' own transition and 5.26.2ff. derived from Olympiodorus.84 Orosius 7.37.16; Olympiodorus fr. 9.85 ILS 798, 799, 1278 (Stilicho's name being erased from the last two).86 Zosimus 6.3.1; Jerome, ep. 123, 15.87 Zosimus 6.6.2–3; Sozomen Zosimus 6.7.5, 9.2–3, 12.2.89 W. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 96–100. The main source for Eutropius' activities during these years are the vigorous denunciations of Claudian, In Eutropium I and II. For the Huns in Asia Minor, see p. 101 n. 89 and p. 213.90 For the date see W. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 106; Alan Cameron, J. Long, and L. Sherry, Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius (Berkeley, 1993), 107–9.91 H. Brandt, in F. Chausson and É. Wolff (eds.), Consuetudinis Amor. Fragments d'histoire romaine offerts à J.-P. Callu (Rome 2003), 57–70, argues that the speech was delivered in Arcadius' presence, and is an exceptional example of parrhesia, the free-speaking of a ruler's philosophical advisor.92 The detailed interpretation of the speech is fraught with difficulties. See T. D. Barnes, “Synesius in Constantinople,” Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 27 (1986), 93–112; P. Heather, “The anti-Scythian tirade of Synesius' de regno,” Phoenix 42 (1988), 152–72; W. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 105–7; Alan Cameron et al., Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius (Berkeley, 1993), 103–42.93 W. Liebeschuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 111–25.

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